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Upward social comparison and self-concept:
Inspiration and inferiority among art students
in an advanced programme
Kathryn Burleson, Colin Wayne Leach* and David M. Harrington
University of California, Santa Cruz, USA
We examined the role of social comparison in changes in the artistic self-concept of
adolescents attending an advanced arts programme. Unfavourable comparisons that
promoted a sense of inferiority and favourable comparisons that promoted inspiration
were measured just prior to, in the first week of, and at the end of the 6 week
programme. Consistent with the ‘big fish little pond effect’, inferiority comparisons
made during the programme were associated with negative changes in self-concept.
Consistent with the social comparison literature, however, inspiration comparisons
made during the programme were associated with positive changes in self-concept.
Rather than suggesting that exposure to highly talented peers is necessarily
unfavourable, results suggest that the interpretation of the comparisons made in situ
determines the favourability of such exposure.
Moving into a setting populated by highly successful others can challenge even the
strongest self-concept. Indeed, it can be hard for people to move from being a ‘big fish in
a little pond’ to being a ‘little fish in a big pond’ (Davis, 1966). For example, research by
Marsh and colleagues has shown that when highly successful students leave their
regular academic settings and enter advanced programs their academic self-concept
tends to get worse (e.g. Marsh, Chessor, Craven, & Roche, 1995; Marsh, Kong, & Hau,
2000). Although it is well documented, this big fish little pond effect is somewhat
paradoxical because promotion to an advanced programme is usually designed to
benefit, rather than harm, students’ self-concepts.
The paradox of the big fish little pond effect has been explained in terms of social
comparison (for a review see Marsh et al., 2000). For example, highly successful
students in regular academic settings should have little trouble favourably comparing
themselves to the abundance of relatively less successful students. When promoted to
an advanced programme, however, these previously successful students should be less
able to make favourable comparisons to their new, highly talented, peers. In
fact, students who saw themselves as superior by comparison to their regular peers may
* Correspondence should be addressed to Dr Colin Wayne Leach, Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa
Cruz, California 95064, USA (e-mail: cwleach@ucsc.edu).
The
British
Psychological
Society
109
British Journal of Social Psychology (2005), 44, 109–123
q2005 The British Psychological Society
www.bpsjournals.co.uk
DOI:10.1348/014466604X23509
come to see themselves as average or even below average in comparison to their highly
talented peers. Thus, moving to a setting with a higher average skill level is expected to
produce more ‘upward’ social comparisons that lead students to perceive themselves as
inferior to their highly talented peers (see also Pettigrew, 1967). Marsh and colleagues
have shown that the negative effects of the unflattering upward social comparisons that
accompany movement to an advanced programme outweigh the positive feelings that
may result from earning a place in a highly talented group or prestigious programme
(e.g. Marsh, Koller, & Baumert, 2001).
Although the big fish little pond effect has been documented in a variety of settings
and with a variety of methods (e.g. Bachman & O’Malley, 1986; Marsh et al., 2001; Marsh
& Parker, 1984), the social comparison explanation of this phenomenon has rarely been
examined. Although it seems reasonable to argue that students who join an advanced
programme are made to feel inferior by the (more numerous) unflattering upward
comparisons they are likely to face, little research has examined the social comparisons
students actually report making in such settings. Thus, in this paper we examine how
social comparisons to successful peers relate to changes in self-concept during the course
of an advanced programme that presents numerous opportunities for upward
comparisons.
The role of social comparison in self-concept
Inferiority: An unfavourable upward social comparison
At my last piano lesson here, I came 5 minutes early and saw the person whose lesson is
before me playing. I noticed how much more technically advanced his music was. At [this
programme] I feel inferior to many of my fellow students because I have not had as much or
as intensive training in my art (A female participant studying piano, emphasis added).
There is little doubt that moving into a setting populated by highly successful others can
harm peoples’ self-concepts when they perceive little chance of improving themselves
(Collins, 1996). For example, the piano student quoted above perceived herself as worse
than her highly skilled peer and expressed a bitter pain of relative inferiority (Heider,
1958; Smith, 2000). Leach et al. (2003) have found that people who tend to see
themselves as inferior to their successful peers report lower perceived control over their
achievement and lower optimism about their future chances of improvement. Given this
pattern, a sense of comparative inferiority can be quite debilitating. Indeed, a good deal of
experimental research has shown that feeling inferior to a successful peer can lead to
negative changes in self-concept (e.g. Aspinwall & Taylor, 1993; Smith et al., 1996; Ybema
& Buunk, 1995). For example, in one study, Lockwood and Kunda (1997) showed that
college students about to graduate suffered lower academic self-concept after exposure
to a highly successful peer. As their academic career was about to end, these students had
no chance to improve their academic skills and thus could only feel inferior in comparison
to a more successful peer. However, when people believe they have a chance to improve
they may experience upward comparison more favourably.
Inspiration: A favourable upward social comparison
My roommate Steve can draw characters much better than I. He draws all the time from
many different sources. It inspires me to draw a lot more. Kind of helps me pay more
attention in my figure drawing classes and just makes me want to draw more (Male visual art
student, emphasis added).
Kathryn Burleson et al.110
By focusing on the way in which moving into an advanced setting can harm students’
self concepts, the big fish little pond effect assumes that students can only make
unfavourable social comparisons to highly talented peers. Although social comparison
research has also tended to focus on unfavourable comparisons to better off others,
more favourable social comparisons have been examined (for reviews see Collins,
1996; Wood, 1989). Indeed, for some time, psychologists have argued that people
who have a strong desire to improve may be inspired by highly successful others
with whom they identify (e.g. Festinger, 1954; Lewin, 1936).
Consistent with the student quoted above, people appear best able to see highly
successful others as inspirational if they see themselves as similar to them (Collins,
1996). For example, Aspinwall and Taylor (1993) found that college students
experienced greater optimism about their future success when they seemed to
personally identify with the success of a high performing peer. Seeing oneself as
similar to a successful peer seems to promote inspiration because it implies that one
can improve (e.g. Aspinwall & Taylor, 1993; Lockwood & Kunda, 1997). This is
likely why those who tend to be inspired by the success of others also tend to be
higher in perceived control and be more optimistic about their chances of future
success (e.g. Butler, 2000; Leach et al., 2003). In a similar fashion, experimental
research has shown that exposure to highly successful others can lead to positive
changes in self-concept when improvement seems possible (e.g. Blanton, Buunk,
Gibbons, & Kuyper, 1999; Gibbons, Blanton, Gerrard, Buunk, & Eggleston, 2000;
Lockwood & Kunda, 1997, 1999; Taylor & Lobel, 1989; Ybema & Buunk, 1995).
Overview
To examine the unfavourable social comparisons presumed important to the big fish
little pond effect, we assessed the degree to which students reported making
unfavourable inferiority social comparisons just before the beginning of an advanced
programme, during the first week, and at its end. In line with a broader perspective on
social comparison, we also assessed the degree to which students reported making
more favourable inspiration upward social comparisons at these same three points in
time. Assessing these two different types of social comparison allows an examination of
their association with changes in artistic self-concept over time. If the comparison
process presumed to be operating in the big fish little pond effect is present, inferiority
social comparisons should be associated with negative changes in artistic self-concept.
This would provide important support for the role of comparison-based inferiority in the
big fish little pond effect. If, however, inspiration social comparisons are associated with
positive changes in self-concept, this would offer an important qualification to the big
fish little pond effect.
Method
The setting
This study was conducted at a summer school for high school artists in the western US.
It is a month-long residential programme that instructs highly talented students in
animation, creative writing, dance, film and video, music, theatre arts and visual arts.
Each summer, after a statewide, portfolio-based search, approximately 500 students are
invited to attend. The curriculum is designed to be challenging and the environment is
Upward social comparison and self-concept 111
intense. For most students, it is the first time they have attended such an arts school.
Thus, students may be especially aware of their developing self-concept as artists,
especially given that adolescence is an important time for self-concept development
(Eisert & Kahle, 1982). Thus, the programme may make these students especially likely
to compare themselves to their peers and may make these comparisons especially
consequential (for a review, see Ruble & Frey, 1991).
Design
This study was conducted during a 6 week period in the summer of 2001 and is part of
an ongoing longitudinal effort. Two weeks before the start of the programme all 513
students planning to attend the programme were sent a pre-programme questionnaire
and invited to participate in the study. Those who wanted to participate brought
completed questionnaires with them on registration day. During the first week of
classes, these participants were also asked to complete a diary-type measure assessing
their social comparisons. Finally, a post-programme questionnaire was distributed and
collected during the last days of the programme. At each of the three time points,
students could choose to discontinue their participation without penalty.
Participants
The 141 students who completed the pre- and post-programme questionnaires self-
identified as either African – American (N¼6), Native American (N¼1), Pacific
Islander (N¼1) Hispanic, Latino, or Mexican American (N¼18), European American
or White (N¼74), Asian American, (N¼8), or multi-ethnic (N¼17). Sixteen declined
to state their ethnicity. Participants were from various fields of art: visual arts (N¼45),
creative writing (N¼16), theatre (N¼27), music (N¼14), dance (N¼22),
animation (N¼11), and film and video (N¼6). Participants ranged between the
ages of 13–18 with 26% male and 74% female.
Measures
The individual items from each of the measures described below were intermixed in an
omnibus questionnaire containing numerous items not relevant here.
Upward social comparison
To assess use of inferiority and inspiration upward social comparisons we used Leach
et al.’s (2003) Social Comparison Style Questionnaire. Responses to the inferiority and
inspiration measures were given on 7-point bipolar scales anchored by strongly disagree
(23) and strongly agree (þ3). These values were converted to a 1 –7 scale for analysis.
When combined, the five inspiration items formed a reliable scale (pre-programme
a¼:82; post-programme a¼:83). The six items of the inferiority measure also formed a
reliable scale (pre-programme a¼:83; post-programme a¼:83).
Pre-Programme. The pre-programme measure of upward social comparison assessed
a general tendency to compare in inspiring and inferior ways. For example, one
inspiration item stated, ‘Learning that another is better than me tells me how I might
also improve in the future in [field of art].’ Another inspiration item stated, ‘People more
successful than me excite or challenge me to do better [field of art].’ One inferiority item
stated, ‘Learning that another person is better than I am makes me feel inadequate in
Kathryn Burleson et al.112
[field of art]’, whereas another stated, ‘When another is superior to me, it reminds me of
how basically dissatisfied I am with myself in [field of art].’ As participants’ tendency to
feel inferior or inspired was assessed before they had any experience with the advanced
programme examined here, it is most likely rooted in their experience of the art domain
in their regular school. As such, the pre-programme measure allows us to examine the
degree to which pre-existing upward comparison tendencies play a role in the upward
comparisons made, and the self-concept developed, in the context of a new setting
populated by highly successful peers. As this new setting offers numerous opportunities
for upward comparisons, participants’ pre-existing upward comparison may play less of
a role than the comparisons they adopt in situ (Ruble & Frey, 1991).
Post-Programme. The post-programme social comparison measures asked partici-
pants to report how much they engaged in inspiration or inferiority during the course of
the programme. Items assessing the degree to which participants made upward social
comparisons that inspired them, or made them feel inferior in their field of art, were
modified by adding the name of the advanced programme. For example, an inspiration
item stated, ‘Learning that another [theatre artist at (programme name)] is better than
me tells me how I might also improve my own acting in the future.’ Thus, it was a
retrospective measure of their upward social comparison tendencies during the course
of this particular programme. In this way, we can assess the degree to which change in
self-concept during the course of the programme is associated with the upward social
comparisons participants reported making during the programme.
Diary measure
To assess use of inferiority and inspiration upward comparisons just after the start of the
programme we administered a one-off diary measure in a lunch period during the first
week of classes. Sixty-six of the students who agreed to participate in this phase of the
study also completed a post-programme questionnaire. Thirty-seven students
participated in all three phases of the study.
To measure Week 1 social comparisons, we adapted Wheeler and Miyake’s (1992)
Rochester Social Comparison Record (see also Locke & Nekich, 2000). We introduced
the measure by asking students to recall the most recent time they compared
themselves to another student in the programme. After describing the person and the
context of the comparison in an open-ended format, participants responded to several
close-ended items. Participants used 7-point bipolar scales to describe how they
experienced their recent social comparison (which were converted to a 1– 7 scale for
analysis). One item was anchored by seeing oneself as superior (þ3) or inferior (23).
Seeing themselves as inferior is a clear indicator of the degree to which participants
made an inferiority upward comparison. Another item was anchored by feeling either
confident (þ3) or insecure (23). Given the difference between favourable and
unfavourable upward comparison, we reasoned that inspiration comparisons should
inspire greater confidence than inferiority comparisons (see Locke, 2003). Because
Locke and Nekich (2000) found that university students reported feeling less confident
after unflattering upward comparisons, students should feel more confident after
favourable upward comparisons. A third item was anchored by feeling either similar
(þ3) or different (23) to the comparison other. In a recent diary study, Locke (2003)
found a comparable measure of similarity to predict increased confidence and self-
evaluation after comparison with peers seen as possessing desirable characteristics. In
the context of an advanced programme populated by peers who possess the desirable
Upward social comparison and self-concept 113
characteristic of being highly successful, perceived similarity to them should have
positive effects on self-concept (for a review, see Collins, 1996).
Artistic self-concept
Given the unusual nature of the advanced arts programme we examined, and our
emphasis on the role of social comparison, we designed our own measures of two
related aspects of artistic self-concept: identification as an artist, and professional
aspirations. All of the questions were tailored to a specific field of art, and thus each
student was given the version appropriate for their field (see Appendix for
complete list).
Identification as an artist.To identify oneself as an artist is to make clear one’s
investment of self in the domain (for a general discussion, see Harter, 1999). Based on
the literature on self-concept (for a review, see Harter, 1999), we reasoned that
identification as an artist might manifest itself in three related ways (for a general
discussion, see Amabile, 2001). First, to identify as an artist is to consider art a central
and important part of one’s self-concept (see Campbell, 1990; Harter, 1999).
Therefore, we generated several items to assess this. For example, one item read, ‘I
consider my [acting] to be a central part of who I am.’ Second, as is the case with self-
concept in other achievement-oriented domains (Harter, 1985), identification as an
artist seems to require a certain degree of perceived competence or ability in art.
Thus, we assessed student’s perceived skill and talent in art with questions like, ‘I
think I have exceptional talent for [acting].’ Third, identification with an achievement-
oriented domain also tends to be related to positive motivation and emotion about the
domain (Amabile, 2001). We therefore designed items to assess student’s motivation
for, and enjoyment of, art as well as their pride and confidence in art.
Participants responded to nine items that assessed these three aspects of identification
as an artist. Responses were given on a 7-point bipolar scale, anchored by disagree (23)
and agree (þ3). These values were translated to a 1 – 7 scale for analyses. When
combined these items formed a reliable scale (pre-programme a¼:85; post-programme
a¼:88).
Professional aspirations.We chose to measure professional aspirations because
exploring ideas about one’s future profession tends to be important to adolescents
(Kracke, 2002). As one participant put it, ‘If it wasn’t for [the programme], I would
probably still have no idea what I want to do in my future!’ Future career aspirations
have also been shown to be responsive to social comparisons, as those students who
can be inspired by highly successful others are most likely to see bright futures ahead
(e.g. Lockwood & Kunda, 1997). Thus, we measured professional aspiration in art pre-
and post-programme. Five items assessed the extent to which students wanted to
become a professional artist, believed they would enjoy being a professional artist, and
would be capable of becoming a professional artist. Responses were given on a 6-point
Likert-type scale ranging from disagree (1) to agree (6). When combined, these items
formed a reliable scale pre-programme (a¼:83) and post-programme (a¼:85).
Exploratory factor analysis
It can be seen in Table 1 that the two artistic self-concept measures were moderately
correlated to each other, both pre- and post-programme. Given this intercorrelation, we
Kathryn Burleson et al.114
submitted all items to an exploratory factor analysis to assess the distinctiveness of the
two measures. We specified a two factor solution in a Principal-axis Factor Analysis with
Oblimin rotation (D¼0). The two factors accounted for 49% of the total variance in the
items. The items designed to measure identification as an artist loaded most highly on
the first factor (.40 to .83), whereas the items designed to measure professional
aspirations loaded most highly on the second factor (.59 to .79). The two factors were
moderately correlated, r¼:48. These results suggest that our two measures of artistic
self-concept are fairly distinct constructs. Therefore, we use them as separate outcome
measures in the analyses below.
Self-esteem
Numerous studies show individual differences in self-esteem to predict the favourability
of peoples’ experience of upward social comparison (for reviews, see Harter, 1999;
Wheeler, 2000). It is also possible that individual differences in self-esteem might be
independently associated with changes in self-concept during an advanced programme,
with those higher in self-esteem likely to experience positive changes in self-concept.
Table 1. Scale means and inter-correlations
123456789
1. Pre-self-esteem .25* .01 .32* 2.39* .22* .14 .20* 2.29*
M5.35
SD 0.97
2. Pre-identification as artist .52* .35* 2.29* .69* .45* .22* 2.08
M6.01
SD 0.77
3. Pre-professional aspirations .34* 2.24* .46* .62* .11 .04
M4.63
SD 1.06
4. Pre-inspiring social comparison 2.36* .34* .27* .36* 2.10
M5.47
SD 1.20
5. Pre-inferiority social comparison 2.21* 2.15 2.06 .40*
M3.30
SD 1.36
6. Post-identification as artist .55* .37* 216
M6.10
SD 0.83
7. Post-professional aspirations .23* 2.12
M4.57
SD 1.19
8. Post-inspiring social comparison 2.01
M5.54
SD 1.05
9. Post-inferiority social comparison
M3.12
SD 1.33
*p,:05.
Note. Pre ¼pre-programme, Post ¼post-programme, Minimum N¼116.
Upward social comparison and self-concept 115
Given the possibility that individual differences in self-esteem provide an alternative
account of changes in upward comparison and self-concept, we included self-esteem as
a control variable. Self-esteem was assessed in the pre-programme questionnaire with
the Rosenberg (1979) Self-esteem scale (a¼:86). Participants responded using a
7-point scale anchored by strongly disagree (1) and strongly agree (7).
Results and discussion
Descriptive findings
Table 1 reports descriptive statistics and inter-correlations for all of the measures assessed
pre- and post-programme. The first thing to note is that participants repor ted strong use of
inspiring upward social comparisons, and fairly weak usage of inferiority social
comparisons. This is typical for these two scales and may partially result from the fact that
inferiority social comparisons are less socially desirable (see Leach et al., 2003).
Importantly,participants reported upward social comparisons pre-programme were only
modestly correlated with their social comparisons at the end of the programme, with
values below .40. This suggests that students’ upward social comparisons during the
programme were fairly independent of the their tendency to engage in inferiority and
inspiration before the programme. Thus, students’ upward social comparisons during the
programme should be associated with a corresponding change in their artistic self-
concept.
As shown in Table 1, the two indicators of artistic self-concept did not fall during the
programme. Thus, there is no evidence of an overall big fish little pond effect, whereby
highly successful students’ self-concepts suffer when moved to an advanced setting
populated with other highly successful students. In fact, students tended to report quite
positive artistic self-concept, as both scales had means above the mid-point. Of course,
the absence of lowered self-concept at the aggregate level does not tell us whether those
students who tended to engage in one or the other type of upward comparison
experienced an increase or decrease in their artistic self-concept. This is examined below.
How students changed during the programme
To examine the degree to which change in students’ upward social comparisons during
the programme was associated with change in their artistic self-concept we performed
(OLS), multiple regression analyses on each of the outcome measures. In a hierarchical
approach, we entered participants’ gender, self-esteem, pre-programme artistic self-
concept, and pre-programme upward social comparisons as blocked predictors. This
analysis treats gender and self-esteem as control variables.
1
Table 2 shows the results for the parallel regression analyses, reporting parameter
estimates for each predictor, and explained variance for each successive block of
predictors. There is a consistent pattern of results across both measures. After
accounting for the effects of gender, pre-programme self-esteem, and pre-programme
artistic self-concept, pre-programme upward social comparison did not tend to predict
change in self-concept. Thus, pre-existing upward social comparison tendencies – that
1
We examined several other predictive models to rule out these alternatives. In a model that treated participants’ particular
field of art as a control variable, it had no statistically reliable effects (all p.:10), and did not moderate the results reported in
the text. In addition, a separate analysis examining self-esteem as a moderator ofinferiority or inspiration upward comparisons
produced no statistically reliable effects.
Kathryn Burleson et al.116
were not based in participants’ experience of the advanced programme – played little
role in how their self-concepts changed during the programme (cf. Leach et al., 2003).
Participants’ engagement in inferiority and inspiration upward comparison before the
programme bore little relation to their experience of the novel context presented by the
programme. This is further supported by the finding that the upward comparison
tendencies reported pre-programme were only modestly related to post-programme
upward comparisons. This suggests that it is the upward comparisons made in this
particular programme that are associated with change in self-concept during the
programme.
The last block of predictors in each of the models shows that change in upward
social comparison during the programme was reliably associated with change in artistic
self-concept during the programme. Thus, increased inferiority upward comparison
during the programme was associated with greater negative change in participants’
identification as an artist. As the big fish little pond effect predicts tending to see oneself
as inferior in a programme full of highly talented peers was associated with lower self-
concept. Importantly, however, positive change in participants’ identification as an
artist was also present and associated with upward social comparison in the form of
inspiration. This latter result is not anticipated by the big fish little pond effect.
The results for the professional aspiration measure of artistic self-concept mostly
mirror those for identification as an artist. More specifically, positive change in students’
professional aspirations was associated with increased inspiration social comparisons,
whereas negative change in aspirations was associated with increased inferiority social
comparisons. Thus, changes in the upward social comparisons students reported
making during the course of this advanced programme were associated with changes in
two different measures of artistic self-concept. Although students entered and exited the
programme with extremely positive self-concepts, the change that did occur was
associated with changes in students’ upward social comparisons.
Table 2. Hierarchical regressions predicting post-programme artistic self-concept
Predictor BSEbDR
2
Identification as an artist (post-programme)
Gender (females ¼1) .08 .13 .00 .00
Self-esteem 2.07 .06 2.01 .05*
Pre-identification as an Artist .68* .08 .63 .42*
Pre-inspiring comparison .03 .06 .05
Pre-inferior comparison .03 .05 .05 .01
Post-inspiring comparison .18* .06 .22
Post-inferior comparison 2.08 þ.05 2.13 .05*
Professional aspirations (post-programme)
Gender (females ¼1) 2.13 .20 2.05 .04*
Self-esteem .14 .10 .13 .03 þ
Pre-professional aspiration .71* .09 .63 .34*
Pre-inspiring comparison 2.01 .09 2.01
Pre-inferior comparison .11 .08 .12 .01
Post-inspiring comparison .17 þ.09 .15
Post-inferior comparison 2.14 þ.07 2.15 .04*
þp,:10, *p,:05.
Note. Minimum N¼116.
Upward social comparison and self-concept 117
Despite the fact that our longitudinal design allowed us to examine the association
between changes in upward social comparisons and changes in artistic self-concept,
the results did not suggest a particular causal direction. This is largely due to the fact
that pre-programme upward social comparison tendencies did not predict change in
artistic self-concept during the course of the programme. Therefore, it is unclear if
upward social comparisons actually led to changes in self-concept, as is predicted by
the big fish little pond effect. For this reason, we examined the degree to which the
social comparisons reported during the first week of the programme predicted a
subsamples’ self-concept at the end of the programme. If the upward social
comparisons participants made during the programme led to changes in self-concept,
then the inferiority and inspiration reported during the first week of their intensive
exposure to upward comparisons should predict their change in self-concept during
the programme.
Social comparisons during the first week of the programme
The correlations between the diary measures of social comparison during the first
week of the programme and pre- and post-programme artistic self-concept and
upward comparison are shown in Table 3. It should be noted that students reported
much less favourable upward comparisons during the first week of the programme
than might be expected given their high level of inspiration and low level of
inferiority just prior to the programme. Thus, students reported perceiving
themselves as slightly more inferior than superior (M¼3:89, SD ¼1:24) and slightly
less similar than different (M¼3:66, SD ¼1:59) to their most recent comparison
peer. They also reported feeling only slightly more confident than insecure about
their most recent social comparison (M¼4:12, SD ¼1:63). This is consistent with
the notion in the big fish little pond effect that people who are placed in advanced
programs full of high achievers are confronted with more numerous unflattering
comparisons than they are likely to have faced in more typical settings. Participants
reported facing more inferiority relative to, and less in common with, their highly
successful peers. This underscores the importance of the social comparisons they
made in situ, compared to the more general tendencies they reported before entering
the advanced programme.
Table 3. Inter-correlations with diary social comparisons
(Week 1) diary social comparisons
Inferior Similar Confident
Pre-identification as artist 2.32 þ2.06 .13
Pre-professional aspirations 2.10 .30 .05
Pre-inspiring social comparison 2.12 .15 .00
Pre-inferiority social comparison .08 2.01 2.24
Post-identification as artist 2.36* .25 þ.31*
Post-professional aspirations 2.29* .40* .41*
Post-inspiring social comparison 2.30 þ.28 þ.15
Post-inferiority social comparison .32* .08 2.50*
þp,:10, *p,:05.
Note. Pre ¼pre-programme, N¼37, Post ¼post-programme, N¼66.
Kathryn Burleson et al.118
Cross-lagged correlations
Of significance, is what the pattern of cross-lagged correlations suggest about the causal
relation between social comparison and self-concept (see Campbell & Kenny, 1999).
Taken together, the pre-programme measures appear to have had little effect on the
comparisons participants reported making in the first week of their exposure to new
upward (and other) comparisons. Thus, pre-programme artistic self-concept tended not
to correlate with diary upward social comparison during the first week of the
programme (see Table 3). In addition, pre-programme comparison tendencies were not
correlated to Week 1 social comparisons. Thus, the comparisons participants reported
in the first week of their advanced programme populated by highly successful peers
appear to be specific to this context.
Support for the notion that it is upward comparison during the advanced
programme that triggers subsequent change in self-concept is offered by the fact that
the diary reports of upward comparison in the first week of the programme were
correlated to the upward comparisons reported at the end of the programme. Thus,
seeing oneself as inferior to a peer in Week 1 of the programme predicted making more
inferiority and less inspiration upward comparisons by the programme’s end. In
contrast, seeing oneself as similar to a peer in Week 1 predicted making more
inspiration upward comparisons at the end. Although we expected feeling confident
about Week 1 comparison to predict inspiration at the end of the programme it only
predicted less inferiority. It therefore seems that similarity is a better measure of Week 1
inspiration.
Multiple regression
To examine the degree to which the Week 1 diary measures of upward social
comparison predicted change in artistic self-concept during the programme we
performed two parallel hierarchical (OLS) multiple regression analyses. In a first block,
we entered participants’ relevant pre-programme self-concept. This allowed us to
examine the degree to which the Week 1 diary measures of upward social comparison
predicted the change in self-concept that occurred during the programme. Unlike the
above regressions, gender and self-esteem were excluded here because neither
predicted self-concept change in preliminary analyses, and their inclusion reduced
already limited statistical power. Excluding self-esteem was also beneficial because
preliminary analyses suggested bias in the regression estimates as a result of multi-
collinearity with pre-programme identification as an artist (self-esteem:
tolerance ¼.628). Including self-esteem as a control variable slightly reduced the size
and reliability of the effects reported below (but all p,:10).
As shown in Table 4, Week 1 similarity comparisons predicted positive change in
artistic self-concept. Thus, those students who reported comparison-based inspiration
during the first week of classes showed positive change in their identification as an artist
and professional aspirations during this advanced programme. In contrast, reports of
inferiority upward comparison during Week 1 predicted negative change in self-concept
(although only the change in professional aspirations was reliable). This corroborates
our previous finding that change in inspiration and inferiority upward comparisons
were associated with change in self-concept. It also adds to these results by showing
more clearly that social comparison early in the programme predicts self-concept
change during the course of the programme.
Upward social comparison and self-concept 119
Of course, our interpretation of our results partly rests on an assumption that people
can report the comparisons they make or tend to make with some degree of accuracy.
Although such self-reports are likely to be constrained by concern for social desirability,
incomplete memory, and other biases, they should capture people’s subjective
representation of their actual experience with social comparison (see Wood, 1996).
Although we have no way of assessing the accuracy of participants’ self-reports, the fact
that we found a fairly consistent pattern of results across three points in time with two
different measures of comparison and two measures of self-concept suggests that we
captured systematic variation. Research that attempts to validate self-reported social
comparison with more objective assessment or others’ observation may be an important
future direction.
Conclusions
A great deal of research on students’ movement into advanced settings has focused on
how negative change in self-concept can result from intense exposure to highly talented
peers (for a review, see Marsh et al., 2000). Although it is reasonable to conceptualize
the debilitating effects of advanced programs as a result of unfavourable upward social
comparisons, this had not been documented directly. The present study, therefore,
offers empirical support for the conceptual underpinnings of the big fish little pond
effect. However, inferiority does not encompass all possible effects of upward social
comparison. More favourable social comparison is also possible.
Most advanced programs are designed to benefit their participants by improving
their self-concept in the domain of the programme. Although the self-concept of those
who make unfavourable social comparisons to their highly successful peers may suffer
from increased exposure within advanced programs, such programs can also benefit
self-concept. Indeed, those who interpreted upward social comparison favourably –
being inspired by peers or seeing themselves as similar to peers – reported positive
change in their artistic self-concept during the course of the programme. This indicates
that it is the quality of the social comparisons students make to highly talented peers
that matters, rather than the mere presence of the talented peers. The importance of
how participants interpreted their upward comparisons with peers in the programme
was also highlighted by the finding that their pre-existing comparison tendencies played
almost no role in their self-concept change. Rather, only the social comparisons they
reported making during the programme were associated with change in their self-
Table 4. Hierarchical regressions of (Week 1) diary predictors of post-programme artistic self-concept
Predictor BSEBDR
2
Identification as an artist (post-programme)
Pre-identification as an artist .955* .181 .718 .52*
Diary-similar comparison .182* .078 .294
Diary-inferior comparison 2.122 .105 2.154 .10*
Professional aspirations (post-programme)
Pre-professional aspirations .826* .122 .744 .68*
Diary-similar comparison .134 þ.079 .186
Diary-inferior comparison 2.207* .097 2.224 .07*
þp,:10, *p,:05.
Note. Pre ¼pre-programme, Post ¼post-programme, N¼66.
Kathryn Burleson et al.120
concept. This underscores the context-sensitive nature of social comparison and self-
concept in new and intensive settings populated by highly successful peers.
Students’ interpretation of their comparisons – as inspiration or inferiority –
appeared to determine their psychological effects. This is consistent with the
re-emergent assimilation-contrast approach to social comparison (Heider, 1958; for a
review, see Collins, 1996). According to this approach, in inspiration comparisons,
people interpret themselves as similar to successful others and likely to achieve their
success. This assimilation of others’ success is what enables the self to benefit
psychologically. In contrast, in inferiority comparisons, people interpret themselves as
dissimilar to successful others and unlikely to achieve their success. This contrast is
what makes inferiority comparisons unfavourable for the self (Leach et al., 2003). Thus,
the assimilation-contrast approach may provide a useful way of explaining the
circumstances under which comparisons to successful others will be favourable and
when they will be unfavourable for the self.
Acknowledgements
This research was supported by National Institutes of Mental Health Grant 5 T 32 MH 020025.
The first and second authors contributed equally to this paper. We thank the students and staff of
the programme examined here for their participation and support. We also acknowledge the
financial support provided by the academic senate and the social science division of the University
of California, Santa Cruz.
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Appendix
Identification as an artist
I consider my acting*to be a very central part of who I am.
I am extremely confident in my ability to act.
I think I have exceptional talent for acting.
I think acting will always be an important part of my life.
Other people see me as a theatre artist.
I almost always enjoy acting.
I am very determined to reach my acting goals.
I am very proud of my acting.
Acting usually makes me feel good about myself.
Professional aspirations
I think I would be able to become a professional actor*if I wanted to.
Being a professional actor would fit my personality well.
I have a very clear idea about what steps to take to become a professional actor.
I think I would really enjoy the life of a professional actor.
I very much want to become a professional actor.
Upward social comparison and self-concept 123
