ArticlePDF Available

Stigma as a barrier to recovery from mental illness

Authors:

Abstract and Figures

Advances in neuroscience, technology and research sophistication have greatly increased understanding of mental illnesses and improved the treatment of these disorders. However, there are also important psychosocial aspects of mental illness that play a significant role in recovery from these conditions. One set of these factors involves the prejudice and discrimination, often referred to as 'stigma', faced by people when others learn that they have been diagnosed with, and/or treated for, a mental disorder.
No caption available
… 
Content may be subject to copyright.
This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached
copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research
and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution
and sharing with colleagues.
Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or
licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party
websites are prohibited.
In most cases authors are permitted to post their version of the
article (e.g. in Word or Tex form) to their personal website or
institutional repository. Authors requiring further information
regarding Elsevier’s archiving and manuscript policies are
encouraged to visit:
http://www.elsevier.com/copyright
Author's personal copy
Special Issue: Cognition in Neuropsychiatric Disorders
Stigma as a barrier to recovery from mental illness
Otto F. Wahl
University of Hartford, 200 Bloomfield Avenue, West Hartford, CT 06117, USA
Advances in neuroscience, technology and research so-
phistication have greatly increased understanding of
mental illnesses and improved the treatment of these
disorders. However, there are also important psychoso-
cial aspects of mental illness that play a significant role in
recovery from these conditions. One set of these factors
involves the prejudice and discrimination, often referred
to as ‘stigma’, faced by people when others learn that
they have been diagnosed with, and/or treated for, a
mental disorder.
There is a long history of research documenting unfavor-
able public opinions about mental illnesses. There is also
recent research that demonstrates that such negative
attitudes have been slow to change. Pescosolido and her
colleagues [1] used the 2006 General Social Survey to
examine contemporary public attitudes toward mental
illnesses in the USA. Survey results revealed several
widespread negative attitudes about mental illnesses.
For example, 47% of respondents indicated that they would
be unwilling to work on a job with someone with depres-
sion; 62% expressed unwillingness to work with a person
with schizophrenia. In addition, a strong tendency to
associate mental illness with violence was apparent.
One-third indicated a belief that those with major depres-
sion were likely to be violent toward others; 60% expected
violence from someone with schizophrenia. Furthermore,
the researchers found relatively little change when they
compared the 2006 results with those obtained from the
same survey done 10 years earlier. Fear of those with a
psychiatric disorder and a reluctance to engage them in
social activities remained, despite the many known efforts
to improve public understanding that occurred during the
decade between surveys.
It is also noteworthy that scientific progress in under-
standing the possible biological and genetic contributions
to psychiatric disorders does not necessarily lead to a
reduction in the above kinds of response to people with
psychiatric disorders. Phelan [2] noted the possibility that
genetic explanations could maintain social rejection by
strengthening the view that those with psychiatric disor-
ders are ‘defective’ and by decreasing optimism about the
potential for full recovery. Subsequent research has sup-
ported such concerns, revealing more negative than posi-
tive effects on social acceptance with biogenetic models of
mental illness [3,4].
Survey and attitude findings, however, do not capture
the actual experience of people with mental illnesses. An
increasing number of studies have attempted to document
those life experiences, and such studies verify that stigma
is a significant ongoing obstacle to recovery. Surveying
over 1400 people with mental illness diagnoses about their
experiences of stigma, and following up with interviews of
100 of the survey respondents, Wahl [5] found many com-
mon and troubling experiences. Social rejection, for exam-
ple, was a frequently reported occurrence. Individuals with
mental illnesses reported that others avoided them once
their psychiatric disorder or mental health treatment was
disclosed. Friends, they said, stopped calling, neighbors’
visits decreased and social invitations declined, all contrib-
uting to an increased sense of isolation and alienation from
their communities. Furthermore, Thornicroft and his col-
leagues [6] established that these kinds of experience occur
worldwide. Using a standardized survey instrument, these
researchers found consistent stigma experiences across
27 countries. The most common area of problematic
experience involved making and keeping friends, and
negotiating sexual or intimate relationships.
Wahl’s survey respondents also reported being devalued
and diminished once their mental disorder was known.
They described how others no longer placed the same value
on their opinions or their abilities, treated them as less
competent and relegated them to less important roles at
home and work. Strong opinions or emotions were unheed-
ed and instead assumed to be simply manifestations of
cognitive impairment or emotional loss of control as a
result of psychiatric illness. Thornicroft [7] has described
how care providers often discourage those with mental
illnesses from pursuing employment or education with
well-intended protectiveness that nevertheless conveys a
message of pessimism and expected incompetence.
Wahl [5] also noted the experience of what he called
‘indirect stigma’. Individuals with mental illnesses may
not be the object of direct attention or rejection but wit-
nesses to events, statements and depictions that convey
negative attitudes about people with diagnoses such as
their own. Persons with psychiatric disorders are often in
the audience when films, television programs and news
stories portray them as dangerous villains, when mental
illness is presented as a source of humor and ridicule, and
when slang references to ‘nuts’ and ‘psychos’ are tolerated
in ways that slang terms would not be for other serious
disorders [8]. The messages that abound in the community
about mental illness are seldom flattering or encouraging
for those living with such illnesses.
Forum: Science & Society
Corresponding author: Wahl, O.F. (owahl@hartford.edu).
9
Author's personal copy
One consequence of encountering the above messages
and behaviors is that those with psychiatric illnesses may
be reluctant to seek needed treatment [9]. They avoid the
expected rejections by avoiding the treatment that will
expose them to such rejection and devaluation. Research
suggests that perceived stigma is also associated with
lower treatment adherence [10], as people attempt to
distance themselves from the labels that mark them for
social exclusion. Thus, many people are unable to benefit
from the treatment advances that occur. Moreover, many
of those who choose treatment will then worry about what
will happen if others discover their psychiatric status. As
participants in Wahl’s [5] survey indicated, they live with
anxiety about potential rejection, struggle with decisions
about when and to whom to disclose their psychiatric
status, and experience discomfort, shame and loss of
self-esteem as they work to maintain the secret of their
mental illness. As Link [11] noted, they will live with
chronic stress that undermines both their mental and
physical health.
Researchers and advocates have also described the
common experience of discrimination for people with psy-
chiatric diagnoses [5,7,9]. An applicant with a history of a
psychiatric disorder or treatment is less likely to be offered
ajob,berentedanapartment,orbeadmittedtoaprofes-
sional school than someone without such a history. As with
stigma, these kinds of discrimination experience were
reported in all the countries included in Thornicroft’s
studies [6]. Such discrimination, as Link [11] has ob-
served, leads to an unequal distribution of ‘life chances’
and adds the obstacles of unemployment, poverty and even
homelessness to the challenge of recovery. In some places,
there exist official policies that further marginalize citi-
zens with mental illnesses. What has been termed ‘struc-
tural discrimination’, includes limits on obtaining a
driver’s license, passport, or even voting privileges
[7,9,12], making full participation in one’s community
more difficult and undermining a sense of connection or
personal value.
Many with psychiatric disorders also experience an
internal acceptance of negative views about mental illness
and, thus, about themselves, through what has been called
‘self-stigma’ [13]. As members of society who have been
exposed to negative attitudes and representations about
mental illnesses before they became ill, individuals may
already harbor unfavorable appraisals of those whose
ranks they have joined, with their negative self-appraisals
encouraged further by their firsthand experiences of de-
valuation and rejection. Studies suggest that self-stigma is
widespread among those with psychiatric conditions. For
example, Brohan and colleagues [14] found that 42% of
survey respondents with schizophrenia across 14 Europe-
an countries reported moderate or high levels of self-
stigma. Self-stigma has been found to contribute to lowered
self-esteem, treatment avoidance, diminished treatment
adherence and increased risk of psychiatric hospitalization
[13,15].
It is likely, then, that those with psychiatric disorders
may have their efforts toward recovery undermined by
social environments that misunderstand and reject them.
Reluctance to seek or adhere to treatment, interpersonal
isolation, chronic stress induced by expectations of rejec-
tion and discrimination that denies needed employment,
housing and societal privileges, as well as undermining of
self-esteem, may all make successful recovery much less
probable regardless of how effective treatments of basic
symptoms may become.
Certainly, one of the ways to promote recovery is to
expand understanding of the biological and genetic roots
of mental illness and to continue to develop treatment
interventions that free people from severe symptoms that
impair their functioning. However, it is also important to
address, and improve, the personal experiences of people
with psychiatric diagnoses. Reduction of discrimination and
stigma, inclusion, encouragement and empowerment are as
important to recovery from mental illnesses as are the
specific treatments that are emerging from bioscience
research.
References
1 Pescosolido, B.A. et al. (2010) ‘A disease like any other’? A decade of
change in public reactions to schizophrenia, depression, and alcohol
dependence. Am. J. Psychiatry 167, 13211330
2 Phelan, J.C. (2002) Genetic bases of mental illness a cure for stigma?
Trends Neurosci. 25, 430431
3 Phelan, J.C. (2005) Geneticization of deviant behavior and
consequences for stigma: the case of mental illness. J. Health Soc.
Behav. 46, 307322
4 Rusch, N. et al. (2010) Biogenetic models of psychopathology, implicit
guilt, and mental illness stigma. Psychiatry Res. 179, 328332
5 Wahl, O.F. (1999) Telling is Risky Business: Mental Health Consumers
Confront Stigma, Rutgers University Press
6 Thornicroft, G. et al. (2009) Global pattern of experienced and
anticipated discrimination against people with schizophrenia: a
cross-sectional survey. Lancet 371, 408415
7 Thornicroft, G. (2006) Shunned: Discrimination against People with
Mental Illness, Oxford University Press
8 Wahl, O.F. (1995) Media Madness: Public Images of Mental Illness,
Rutgers University Press
9 Corrigan, P.W., ed. (2005) On the Stigma of Mental Illness: Practical
Strategies for Research and Social Change, American Psychological
Association
10 Sirey, J.A. et al. (2001) Stigma as a barrier to recovery: perceived
stigma and patient-rated severity of illness as predictors of
antidepressant drug adherence. Psychiatr. Serv. 52, 16151620
11 Link, B.A. (2006) Stigma and its public health implications. Lancet 367,
528529
12 Corrigan, P.W. et al. (2004) Structural levels of mental illness stigma
and discrimination. Schizophr. Bull. 30, 481491
13 Corrigan, P.W. et al. (2006) The self-stigma of mental illness:
implications for self-esteem and self-efficacy. J. Soc. Clin. Psychol. 25,
875884
14 Brohan, E. et al. (2010) Self-stigma, empowerment, and perceived
discrimination among people with schizophrenia in 14 European
countries: the GAMIAN-Europe study. Schizophr. Res. 122, 232238
15 Link, B.G. et al. (2001) Stigma as a barrier to recovery: The
consequences of stigma for the self-esteem of people with mental
illnesses. Hosp. Commun. Psychiatry 52, 16211626
1364-6613/$ see front matter ß2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.tics.2011.11.002 Trends in Cognitive Sciences, January 2012, Vol. 16, No. 1
Forum: Science & Society Trends in Cognitive Sciences January 2012, Vol. 16, No. 1
10
... Indirectly stigmatizing messages are abundant in society. Individuals who have experienced mental disorders are exposed to messages about people like themselves, depicting them as dangerous and hopeless and ridiculing them throughout their everyday lives (Wahl, 2012;Young et al., 2019). The impact of identification and internalization of such messages cannot be overlooked. ...
... Individuals tend to avoid seeking treatment, terminate treatment early, and attempt to hide their condition (Brouwers, 2020;Gayed et al., 2018). These actions are understandable, given that individuals with mental disorders are less likely to be offered a job, rented an apartment, or admitted to a school program than someone who does not have a disorder (Waghorn & Lloyd, 2005;Wahl, 2012). Such discrimination leads to inequality of opportunity and often leads to high rates of unemployment, poverty, and homelessness (Ridley, 2020;Thomas et al., 2019;Wahl, 2012). ...
... These actions are understandable, given that individuals with mental disorders are less likely to be offered a job, rented an apartment, or admitted to a school program than someone who does not have a disorder (Waghorn & Lloyd, 2005;Wahl, 2012). Such discrimination leads to inequality of opportunity and often leads to high rates of unemployment, poverty, and homelessness (Ridley, 2020;Thomas et al., 2019;Wahl, 2012). Thus, significant challenges are present when attempting to obtain and maintain employment. ...
Article
Full-text available
Individuals who have experienced mental disorders face significant career barriers that are not related to their capabilities nor their desire to participate in the workforce. Their unique skills and strengths often go unrecognized. This creates a situation where a population with immense potential and valuable perspective is often overlooked or deemed unemployable. By neglecting to tap into their talents, society not only perpetuates a cycle of stigma and discrimination but also misses out on the opportunity to benefit from their diverse contributions. Through recognizing and drawing out strengths, career counsellors can play a vital role in transforming the narrative surrounding these individuals and fostering a more inclusive and equitable employment environment. It is essential to address the dual challenge of reducing employment barriers while highlighting the invaluable qualities and qualifications that make this population uniquely qualified for various careers. This article discusses key career barriers and career strengths that individuals who have experienced a mental disorder face and presents relevant career counselling considerations aimed at assisting clients in navigating these unique challenges and capitalizing on their unique strengths.
... It is important to work with clients to prevent self-stigmatization. Since self-stigmatization can provoke exacerbation of the disorder and create obstacles to recovery, the need to address this issue within the context of service provision seems self-evident but is often overlooked (Wahl, 2012). Recent research has focused on developing and evaluating mental health self-stigma interventions, demonstrating promising results (Mills et al., 2020;Shih et al., 2022;Yanos et al., 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
Although research has focused on stigma toward individuals with severe mental illness (SMI) and individuals experiencing homelessness in separate studies, there is a dearth of research examining the extent to which stigmatization is exacerbated when there is a coexistence of SMI and homelessness. The present study examined how self-reported stigmatizing attitudes and discriminatory behavior differ depending on (a) whether there is a coexisting SMI and (b) whether the SMI developed before or during homelessness. Undergraduate students (N = 243) were randomly assigned to one of four homelessness vignette conditions, which varied on presence and onset of SMI. After reading vignettes, participants completed measures of stigma-related reactions (Corrigan et al., 2003) and social desirability bias (Paulhus, 1991). Overall, the findings converged on the following pattern: (a) While people have greater fear of people experiencing homelessness with a coexisting SMI, they are less likely to blame people experiencing homelessness when SMI is documented and (b) people have fewer stigmatizing attitudes and behaviors if the SMI is perceived as causing the homeless condition, as opposed to SMI developing as a reaction to homelessness.
... Experiences of witnessing overt discrimination were relatively higher compared with subtle discrimination or microaggressions. This might highlight social acceptability surrounding the perpetration of stigma within clinical psychology and align with previous research findings that mental health professionals often reject and participate in the social isolation of individuals experiencing mental illness (Wahl, 2012). A prior analysis of qualitative data from the present study's sample indicated that prosumers' self-reported stigma may also vary depending on diagnosis; prosumers described holding more negative attitudes toward borderline personality disorder, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder than depression and anxiety disorders (López-Aybar et al., 2023). ...
Article
Full-text available
Discrimination toward individuals with lived experiences of mental illness is widespread within the field of clinical psychology. Further, there is some presence of clinical psychologists who are both consumers and providers of mental health services, termed prosumers. However, no research has evaluated how witnessing discrimination as part of professional activities may influence prosumers’ experiences with internalized stigma, anticipated stigma, and stigma resistance. This exploratory study aimed to establish associations and interactions between having witnessed discrimination toward others with lived experiences of mental illness and internalized stigma, anticipated stigma, and stigma resistance from the perspective of prosumers within the clinical psychology field. A cross-sectional quantitative approach was employed to understand these dynamics by utilizing descriptive, correlational, and multivariate regressions analysis. A total 175 prosumers (39 graduated doctoral-level clinical psychologists and 136 in training) completed survey measures pertaining to witnessed discrimination, internalized and anticipated stigma, and stigma resistance. Prosumers reported witnessing frequent subtle and overt discrimination by their colleagues, supervisors, and faculty members. Overt discrimination was reported as witnessed more frequently compared with subtle discrimination experiences or microaggressions. Our findings have implications for the prevalence of witnessed discrimination and how these may create cumulative experiences of stigma and stigma resistance among prosumers in clinical psychology. Further research should explore additional understanding of how clinical psychologists, including prosumers, may hold stigmatizing attitudes and perpetuate discrimination toward individuals with lived experiences of mental illness.
... Stigmatization, discrimination, and the lack of access to mental healthcare have been cited as some of the factors for the low employment rate 39 . It has been reported that SZ individuals cannot sustain a job due to workplace discrimination and negative perceptions of their employability, which include being considered less intelligent, lacking in self-control, and being violent 40,41 . To the best of our knowledge, there are no data addressing employability issues among schizophrenic individuals from Malaysia have been reported. ...
Article
Full-text available
The aetiology of schizophrenia is multifactorial, and the identification of its risk factors are scarce and highly variable. A cross-sectional study was conducted to investigate the risk factors associated with schizophrenia among Malaysian sub-population. A total of 120 individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia (SZ) and 180 non-schizophrenic (NS) individuals participated in a questionnaire-based survey. Data of complete questionnaire responses obtained from 91 SZ and 120 NS participants were used in statistical analyses. Stool samples were obtained from the participants and screened for gut parasites and fungi using conventional polymerase chain reaction (PCR). The median age were 46 years (interquartile range (IQR) 37 to 60 years) and 35 years (IQR 24 to 47.75 years) for SZ and NS respectively. Multivariable binary logistic regression showed that the factors associated with increased risk of SZ were age, sex, unemployment, presence of other chronic ailment, smoking, and high dairy consumption per week. These factors, except sex, were positively associated with the severity of SZ. Breastfed at infancy as well as vitamin and supplement consumption showed a protective effect against SZ. After data clean-up, fungal or parasitic infections were found in 98% (39/42). of SZ participants and 6.1% (3/49) of NS participants. Our findings identified non-modifiable risk factors (age and sex) and modifiable lifestyle-related risk factors (unemployment, presence of other chronic ailment, smoking, and high dairy consumption per week) associated with SZ and implicate the need for medical attention in preventing fungal and parasitic infections in SZ.
Article
This study examines the complex connections between students' resilience, self-worth, and mental health while taking gender and residential area disparities into account. Assessing the connection between resilience and self-esteem, resilience and, mental health, and the positive relationship between resilience and mental health are among the goals. Data on these factors were gathered from a sample of participants using a correlational study methodology, and statistical analyses were carried out using Pearson correlation coefficients. The results show a strong beneficial relationship between students' resilience, self-worth, and mental health. The examination of gender and residential area differences also revealed differences in self-esteem, resilience, and mental health among the various demographic groups. Although correlational research cannot prove causation, these findings provide important light on the possible connections between these variables, laying the groundwork for additional research and intervention initiatives to promote students' overall growth, well-being, and academic achievement
Article
Full-text available
Stigma is the society's development of prejudiced attitudes and behaviors against the individual due to the diagnosis and treatment associated with mental illnesses, and the individual's exposure to discrimination within the social group. Stigma can be observed as social and internalized. Social stigma can limit people's opportunities, options and competitive conditions. Internalized stigma is the internalization of beliefs related to the prejudiced and discriminatory approach of the environment by the individual. Social and internalized stigmatization processes are related to self-esteem. It has been stated that patient relatives are also exposed to stigmatization along with individuals who have mental illness, and stigmatization reduces the possibility of recovery in mental illnesses. Considering the relevant research findings, it is understood that there is a need to struggle individually and socially against stigma in order to prevent the increase in the negative consequences of mental illness and the development of comorbidities, to strengthen functional behaviors during the treatment process and to increase social support. Informing patients, patient's family, mental health workers and the society, encouraging social change and new research on the subject can be considered as methods of struggle with stigma. In this review, the stigmatization process, social and internalized stigma, the relationship between psychopathology and self-esteem with internalized stigma, stigma and the patient's family, status of stigma over time, status of stigma according to societies, and the relationship of stigma with mental health services were evaluated. In this review, the stigmatization process, social and internalized stigma, the relationship between psychopathology and self-esteem with internalized stigma, stigma and the patient's family, status of stigma over time, status of stigma according to societies, and the relationship of stigma with mental health services were evaluated.
Article
Full-text available
Serious mental illness is a two-edged sword: It challenges those affected not only with disability but also with unjust social stigma, which denies them opportunities to work, live independently, and pursue other goals. Written by participants and first-rate social scientists in the Chicago Consortium for Stigma Research, On the Stigma of Mental Illness: Practical Strategies for Research and Social Change explores the causes and ramifications of mental illness stigma and possible means to eliminate it. The book translates basic behavioral research, especially from social psychology, to an issue of prime importance to clinical psychology. At the core of many problems facing people with mental illness is public reaction to their disabilities (e.g. landlords may not rent to and employers may not hire someone with a serious mental illness). The authors explore the causes of such stigmatizing attitudes, including media images and a culture that does not respect people with mental illness. Living within such a culture often leads to self-stigmatization as well. Although laws such as the Americans With Disabilities Act have decreased the impact of discrimination, contact between those with mental illness and those without may be one of the most effective ways to diminish stigma. This book includes practical strategies for dealing with public stigma and self-stigma, including deciding when and how to disclose one's psychiatric history to others. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Clinicians, advocates, and policy makers have presented mental illnesses as medical diseases in efforts to overcome low service use, poor adherence rates, and stigma. The authors examined the impact of this approach with a 10-year comparison of public endorsement of treatment and prejudice. The authors analyzed responses to vignettes in the mental health modules of the 1996 and 2006 General Social Survey describing individuals meeting DSM-IV criteria for schizophrenia, major depression, and alcohol dependence to explore whether more of the public 1) embraces neurobiological understandings of mental illness; 2) endorses treatment from providers, including psychiatrists; and 3) reports community acceptance or rejection of people with these disorders. Multivariate analyses examined whether acceptance of neurobiological causes increased treatment support and lessened stigma. In 2006, 67% of the public attributed major depression to neurobiological causes, compared with 54% in 1996. High proportions of respondents endorsed treatment, with general increases in the proportion endorsing treatment from doctors and specific increases in the proportions endorsing psychiatrists for treatment of alcohol dependence (from 61% in 1996 to 79% in 2006) and major depression (from 75% in 1996 to 85% in 2006). Social distance and perceived danger associated with people with these disorders did not decrease significantly. Holding a neurobiological conception of these disorders increased the likelihood of support for treatment but was generally unrelated to stigma. Where associated, the effect was to increase, not decrease, community rejection. More of the public embraces a neurobiological understanding of mental illness. This view translates into support for services but not into a decrease in stigma. Reconfiguring stigma reduction strategies may require providers and advocates to shift to an emphasis on competence and inclusion.
Article
Full-text available
Whereas some research suggests that acknowledgment of the role of biogenetic factors in mental illness could reduce mental illness stigma by diminishing perceived responsibility, other research has cautioned that emphasizing biogenetic aspects of mental illness could produce the impression that mental illness is a stable, intrinsic aspect of a person ("genetic essentialism"), increasing the desire for social distance. We assessed genetic and neurobiological causal attributions about mental illness among 85 people with serious mental illness and 50 members of the public. The perceived responsibility of persons with mental illness for their condition, as well as fear and social distance, was assessed by self-report. Automatic associations between Mental Illness and Guilt and between Self and Guilt were measured by the Brief Implicit Association Test. Among the general public, endorsement of biogenetic models was associated with not only less perceived responsibility, but also greater social distance. Among people with mental illness, endorsement of genetic models had only negative correlates: greater explicit fear and stronger implicit self-guilt associations. Genetic models may have unexpected negative consequences for implicit self-concept and explicit attitudes of people with serious mental illness. An exclusive focus on genetic models may therefore be problematic for clinical practice and anti-stigma initiatives.
Article
Full-text available
Many people with schizophrenia experience stigma caused by other people's knowledge, attitudes, and behaviour; this can lead to impoverishment, social marginalisation, and low quality of life. We aimed to describe the nature, direction, and severity of anticipated and experienced discrimination reported by people with schizophrenia. We did a cross-sectional survey in 27 countries, in centres affiliated to the INDIGO Research Network, by use of face-to-face interviews with 732 participants with schizophrenia. Discrimination was measured with the newly validated discrimination and stigma scale (DISC), which produces three subscores: positive experienced discrimination; negative experienced discrimination; and anticipated discrimination. Negative discrimination was experienced by 344 (47%) of 729 participants in making or keeping friends, by 315 (43%) of 728 from family members, by 209 (29%) of 724 in finding a job, 215 (29%) of 730 in keeping a job, and by 196 (27%) of 724 in intimate or sexual relationships. Positive experienced discrimination was rare. Anticipated discrimination affected 469 (64%) in applying for work, training, or education and 402 (55%) looking for a close relationship; 526 (72%) felt the need to conceal their diagnosis. Over a third of participants anticipated discrimination for job seeking and close personal relationships when no discrimination was experienced. Rates of both anticipated and experienced discrimination are consistently high across countries among people with mental illness. Measures such as disability discrimination laws might, therefore, not be effective without interventions to improve self-esteem of people with mental illness.
Article
Full-text available
Major depression is undertreated despite the availability of effective treatments. Psychological barriers to treatment, such as perceived stigma and minimization of the need for care, may be important obstacles to adherence to the pharmacologic treatment of major depression. The authors examined the impact of barriers that were present at the initiation of antidepressant drug therapy on medication adherence in a mixed-age sample of outpatients with major depression. A two-stage sampling design was used to identify adults with a diagnosis of major depressive disorder, as determined by the Structured Clinical Interview for Diagnosis, who sought mental health treatment at outpatient clinics. Additional instruments were administered to 134 newly admitted adults who had been taking a prescribed antidepressant medication for at least a week to assess perceived stigma, self-rated severity of illness, and views about treatment. The patients were reinterviewed three months later and were classified as adherent or nonadherent on the basis of self-reported estimates of the number and frequency of missed doses. Medication adherence was associated with lower perceived stigma, higher self-rated severity of illness, age over 60 years, and absence of personality pathology. No other characteristics of treatment or illness were significantly related to medication adherence. Perceived stigma associated with mental illness and individuals' views about the illness play an important role in adherence to treatment for depression. Clinicians' attention to psychological barriers early in treatment may improve medication adherence and ultimately affect the course of illness.
Article
Many people with mental illness are subjected to systematic disadvantages in most areas of their lives. Why should this be so? What can we learn from other conditions whose image may have changed over time? Should we fatalistically accept that these processes of exclusion are somehow tribal, deeply rooted and resistant to change? Or is it realistic to see stigma and discrimination as cultural constructions, which we can collectively change if we understand them clearly and commit ourselves to tackle them? These issues are at the core of this chapter. The starting point: stigma The unavoidable starting point for this discussion is the idea of stigma. This term (plural, stigmata) was originally used to refer to an indelible dot left on the skin after stinging with a sharp instrument, sometimes used to identify vagabonds or slaves (Cannan, 1895; Hobbes of Malmesbury, 1657). The resulting mark led to the metaphorical use of ‘stigma’ to refer to stained or soiled individuals who were in some way morally diminished (Gilman, 1985). In modern times stigma has come to mean ‘any attribute, trait or disorder that marks an individual as being unacceptably different fromthe ‘normal’ people with whom he or she routinely interacts, and that elicits some form of community sanction’ (Goffman, 1963; Scambler, 1998). Stigma and physical conditions While this chapter is concerned specifically with people who have diagnoses of mental illnesses, the stigma concept has also been used extensively for some particular physical conditions (Mason, 2001).
Article
Individuals with mental illnesses--such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression--have a double burden, Otto Wahl writes. Not only must they cope with disabling disorders, but they also must contend with the negative attitudes of the public toward those disorders. To truly understand the full extent of this stigma, we need to hear from the consumers (the term used in this book for people with mental illnesses) themselves. Telling Is Risky Business is the first book to examine what these people have to say about their own experiences of stigma. The center of Wahl's research was a nationwide survey in which mental health consumers across the United States were asked, both through questionnaires and interviews, to tell about their experiences of stigma and discrimination. The research comes to life as many of the over 1,300 respondents offer perceptive observations, in their own words, of how our society treats people with mental illness. As Laura Lee Hall, director of research, NAMI, writes in the Foreword, "[This book] presents the voices of people who have mounted the struggle and hopefully will lead you to the belief that we cannot as a people tolerate further cruelty and discrimination against these, our sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, neighbors, and fellow citizens."
Article
Self-stigma is distinguished from perceived stigma (stereotype awareness) and presented as a three-level model: stereotype agreement, self-concurrence, and self-esteem decrement. The relationships between elements of this model and self-esteem, self-efficacy, and depression are examined in this study. In Study 1, 54 people with psychiatric disabilities completed a draft version of the Self-Stigma of Mental Illness Scale (SSMIS) to determine internal consistency and test-retest reliability of composite scales. In Study 2, 60 people with psychiatric disabilities completed the revised SSMIS plus instruments that represent self-esteem, self-efficacy, and depression. Stereotype awareness was found to not be significantly associated with the three levels of self-stigma. The remaining three levels were significantly intercorrelated. Self-concurrence and self-esteem decrement were significantly associated with measures of self-esteem and self-efficacy. These associations remained significant after partialing out concurrent depression. Implications for better understanding self-stigma are discussed.
Article
There is a growing interest in examining self-stigma as a barrier to recovery from schizophrenia. To date, no studies have examined mental health service user's experiences of self-stigma throughout Europe. This study describes the level of self-stigma, stigma resistance, empowerment and perceived discrimination reported by mental health service users with a diagnosis of schizophrenia or other psychotic disorder across 14 European countries. Data were collected from 1229 people using a postal survey from members of mental health non-governmental organisations. Almost half (41.7%) reported moderate or high levels of self-stigma, 49.2% moderate or high stigma resistance, 49.7% moderate or high empowerment and 69.4% moderate or high perceived discrimination. In a reduced multivariate model 42% of the variance in self-stigma scores was predicted by levels of empowerment, perceived discrimination and social contact. These results suggest that self-stigma appears to be common and sometimes severe among people with schizophrenia or other psychotic disorders in Europe.
Article
The objective of this study was to determine whether stigma affects the self-esteem of persons who have serious mental illnesses or whether stigma has few, if any, effects on self-esteem. Self-esteem and two aspects of stigma, namely, perceptions of devaluation-discrimination and social withdrawal because of perceived rejection, were assessed among 70 members of a clubhouse program for people with mental illness at baseline and at follow-up six and 24 months later. The two measures of perceptions of stigma strongly predicted self-esteem at follow-up when baseline self-esteem, depressive symptoms, demographic characteristics, and diagnosis were controlled for. Participants whose scores on the measures of stigma were at the 90th percentile were seven to nine times as likely as those with scores at the 10th percentile to have low self-esteem at follow-up. The stigma associated with mental illness harms the self-esteem of many people who have serious mental illnesses. An important consequence of reducing stigma would be to improve the self-esteem of people who have mental illnesses.