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OCP effects: Gemination and antigemination
Abstract
Few putative properties of phonological organization have had as erratic a history as the Obligatory Contour Principle (hereafter the OCP). Originally proposed to account for distributional regularities in lexical tone systems (Leben 1973), its role in tone was later either modified (Leben 1978), rejected (Goldsmith 1976), or limited to the phonetic level (Goldsmith 1976 as well). The OCP has enjoyed considerably greater success in its application to nonlinear segmental phonology (McCarthy 1979), and a fairly detailed examination of its role in such nonprosodic domains is the focus of this article.
... This section explains the interplay of gemination and sufficiently identical flanking consonants (SIFCs) at the syncope site. Subsection 3.1 takes an in-depth look into antigemination, as initially proposed by McCarthy (1986), who asserts that syncope universally avoids forming geminate clusters. ...
... The data presented by McCarthy (1986) suggest that cross-linguistically, syncope is deterred from forming geminate clusters. McCarthy (1986) introduces the term "antigemination" to describe the constraint that prevents the syncope process due to the presence of identical flanking consonants. ...
... However, the assumed universality of his proposal faces challenges from data derived from genetically and typologically unrelated languages. In contrast to McCarthy (1986), Odden (1988 introduces six configurations that potentially establish or divide consonant clusters through deletion and insertion (Odden, 1988: 462). Half of his configurations concern deletion while the remaining involve insertion. ...
This paper investigates the interplay of syncope and gemination in modern Standard Turkish, underlining the crucial function of sufficiently identical flanking consonants (SIFCs) in this process. Syncope, typified by the elimination of a vowel within specific phonological contexts, holds the potential to give rise to gemination. A thorough analysis of varied spoken language data uncovers the conditions that govern syncope, countering prevalent literature which postulates syncope as a lexical process; instead, our findings suggest it to be phonological in nature. Attention is then directed towards syncope-induced gemination, emphasizing the catalytic role of SIFCs. This focus further underscores the indispensable role that SIFCs perform in facilitating this complex process. Moreover, the unique interplay between syncope and the potential for gemination is systematically explored, disclosing intricate patterns of consonant interaction within the Turkish language. The findings suggest that Turkish phonology exhibits a compelling alignment with gemination language characteristics, yielding thought-provoking insights into phonological processes such as vowel deletion and consonant gemination. The results of this novel research initiative contribute significantly to the expanding body of studies on syncope and gemination, shedding light on the intricate interplay between the two in Turkish, while also providing insights for the examination of analogous phenomena in other languages.
... Si nos inclináramos por utilizar restricciones de estructura silábica que penalizan la formación de grupos consonánticos, por un lado, y, por otro, la formación de falsas geminadas -es decir, la presencia de dos consonantes iguales o semejantes juntas-por incumplir el principio de contorno obligatorio (McCarthy 1986;Rose 2000;Baković 2005) para dar cuenta de la epéntesis vocálica en el zsby, tendríamos que asumir que se trata de dos procesos fonológicos diferentes que responden a motivaciones distintas, que ambos operan en el mismo dominio prosódico y dan como resultado vocales epentéticas idénticas. Además, este principio también permite explicar el contexto de dos nasales idénticas en el que no aparece la epéntesis. ...
... La diferencia de duración entre las vocales acentuadas de (6c) es un indicador de que en uno de los casos también tenemos una consonante geminada ambisilábica. Este tipo de epéntesis se podría analizar como un caso de antigeminación (McCarthy 1986;Baković 2005); es decir, que en la lengua opera una restricción NoGem motivada por el principio de contorno obligatorio (pco), el cual evita que dos consonantes idénticas o muy semejantes queden en contigüidad. Respecto a esta postura, en las lenguas del mundo se han atestiguado tanto casos de antigeminación como de la llamada anti-antigeminación (Odden, 1988) -procesos para hacer que dos consonantes idénticas queden en contigüidad-. ...
En este artÃculo se describe la epéntesis vocálica en el zapoteco de San Bartolo Yautepec. Se argumenta que la epéntesis vocálica en esta lengua es un proceso fonológico que opera tanto a nivel léxico, en la palabra fonológica, como a nivel posléxico, dentro del grupo clÃtico y frase entonativa, aunque con distintas caracterÃsticas en cada dominio prosódico. Se sostiene que la epéntesis vocálica cumple la función de reparar secuencias de consonantes poco perceptibles, y a nivel de frase además favorece la expresión de tonos flotantes y permite que se dé una alternancia rÃtmica entre sÃlabas acentuadas y no acentuadas.
... In the phonological literature the Laterals and Rhotics are phonologically grouped with Coronals, namely the Coronal Place is the primary node (cf. among others, McCarthy, 1988;Pulleyblank, 1988;Blevins, 1994). There is evidence that in many languages the laterals and rhotics behave phonologically as the other Coronal segments, e.g. they are allowed in Coda position word inte;nally as in Greek e.g. ...
... ' On the notion and nature ofOCP, cf. Leben (1973), McCarthy (1986, Yip (1988). 'This OCP constraint seems to be a dominant one in the dialect of Anogeia, because we also have attested unretroflexed rhotics as allophones of laterals. ...
... This effect states that the likelihood for the application of a phonological process decreases as transparent distance increases. Arabic is the poster child for this kind effect in identity avoidance (see e.g., Coetzee and Pater 2008;Frisch et al. 2004;Frisch and Zawaydeh 2001;McCarthy 1986;McCarthy and Prince 1994). For example, OCP-Place is a single gradient constraint that restricts consonant co-occurrence in Arabic based on (i) similarity (see below for the discussion of similarity) and (ii) proximity (Frisch et al., 2004;Frisch & Zawaydeh, 2001). ...
... The (dis)similarity of features plays an even more prominent role in the identity avoidance literature. For example, studies usually aim to probe which specific features identity avoidance constraints are sensitive to (whether they are categorical, Bennett 2013, or gradient, see e.g., Frisch et al. 2004;Gallagher and Coon 2009;McCarthy 1986), or whether features matter to the same degree. If the answer to the latter is no, then what is the extent to which specific features matter as opposed to other features in a given language and cross-linguistically? (see e.g., Bye 2011;Coetzee and Pater 2008;Frisch et al. 2004;Gallagher and Coon 2009;Graff and Jaeger 2009) It turns out, typologically, not all features participate equally in identity avoidance. ...
This study investigates the Turkish partial reduplication phenomenon, in which the reduplicant is derived by prefixing C 1 VC 2 syllable, where C 1 V are identical to the word-initial CV of the base and the C 2 ends in one of the four linking consonants:-p,-m,-s,-r. This study reexamines the factors conditioning the choice of the linking consonant , by focusing the nature of the (dis)similarity (feature specificity) and the proximity (locality) between the consonants in the base and the linking consonant, using an acceptability rating task with over 200 participants and a diverse set of stimuli in terms of length and word shapes. Results indicate a gradient identity avoidance effect that extends over all consonants in the base. Crucially, the effect of all consonants is not uniform, with the strength of the effect decreasing further into the base. The study also uncovers an elusive interplay between the distance-based decay effect and the syllable position effect, both of which turn out to play a role in these non-categorical patterns with multiple features. Furthermore, results indicate that identity avoidance operates over both individual features as well as whole segments. Overall, the study argues that locality-sensitive feature-specific identity avoidance constraints are part of the grammar.
... Following Leben (1973), Goldsmith (1976), such duplication of Hs in (8a) and (b) violates the OCP, a constraint which prohibits adjacent identical tones. However, if we assume that the OCP is a primitive of AP (McCarthy 1986(McCarthy , 1988, and that the H.H, H.H.H sequences are simply multiply-linked H tone, the occurrence of successive Hs in the grammar can then be simplified as a singleton H tone, as long as the OCP violations are avoided. This assumption will then explain the OT treatment of (8a & b) in (9) and (10) In view of the ranking in (9), the same analytical procedure-cum-constraint ranking will account for the form in (8b, i), and others in the series, as (10) depicts: ...
... & Ford 1979, McCarthy 1986, Odden 1986, Yip 2002. The second theory, Optimality Theory ...
https://rupkatha.com/v15n202 Full-text PDF https://rupkatha.com/V15/n2/v15n202.pdf Abstract Ùrhòbò is a southwest Edoid language spoken in southern Nigeria. Its tonal patterns have been studied, but from a descriptive perspective, which, from a theoretical standpoint, potentially limits the understanding that tonal deviations from underlying forms are essentially due to resolutions of conflicts between some competing constraints. This study adopts the Optimality Theory (OT) to reveal the competing universal constraints: IDENT-T, MAX-T; NoFUSION; LINEARITY; DISASSOC; ALIGN-R CONTOUR; OCP; SPECIFY-T; *FLOAT; and NoCONTOUR. The study shows that these constraints crucially govern the Urhobo tonal patterns such as (i) downstep; (ii) single multiply-linked high (H) tone; (iii) single multiply-linked low (L) tone; (iv) boundary H.H and L.L tones fusion; (v); H-tone preservation; (vi) LH-tone preservation; (vii) floating H tone; and, (viii) final HL contour tone. Moreover, it highlights two Ùrhòbò-specific tonal alternations listed in (v) and (vi), which exhibit preservation of H and LH tones at the expense of L tone, post-lexically. Consequently, it proposes four markedness constraints NoH.L-T, NoL.H-T, NoH.LH-T, and NoL. to explain the preservation effects. Our findings support phonologists' view that, crosslinguistically, universal (and language-specific) constraints are those that motivate tonal deviations from input forms in tone languages, and that minimally marked tonal outputs are the result of markedness dominance over faithfulness.
... In reductive coalescence, the driver is a sequential or syllable markedness constraint that can be satisfied by deleting a segment. In non-reductive coalescence, the driver of delinking is an OCP constraint prohibiting adjacent identical elements of a certain kind (Leben 1973, McCarthy 1986, Myers 1997. ...
... A constraint protecting the left edge of a tonal span, ANCHOR(H)-L, ranked higher than MAX(H), eliminates candidates in which only the leftmost stem syllable is lowered, favouring instead forms in which all syllables linked to the same tone have been affected. Myers (1997) attributes coalescence at the stem level and tonal alternations at the word level to the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP; Leben 1973, McCarthy 1986. He assumes a version of the OCP constraint mediated by the syllable (the tone-bearing unit), whose ACC definition is given in (28). ...
Phonological coalescence, understood as a type of synchronic alternation in which two phonological elements seem to fuse into one, presents a prima facie challenge for versions of Optimality Theory that assume the principle of containment. If all underlying material has to be present in the output form, replacing two input elements with a single output element is not straightforward. I argue that, under the assumptions of Autosegmental Coloured Containment Theory, a distinct operation of coalescence is unnecessary, as all major types of coalescence patterns can be analysed in terms of (i) adding new association lines between some autosegmental nodes, and (ii) the underparsing of other nodes, leading to their phonetic non-realisation. The proposed analysis accurately reflects the heterogeneity of coalescence alternations, which are shown to fall into three different types.
... em šàxexú 'they forgot' > èm šaxxú). McCarthy (1986) regards the blocking of e-deletion in xagega, etc. as "antigemination": syncope rules are prohibited from creating clusters of identical consonants. This is an immediate corollary of his Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP), which prohibits adjacent identical elements at the melodic level (either consonantal or vocalic, in an autosegmental analysis). ...
... Although the OCP has been held responsible for the nonoccurrence of [ij] in previous formal accounts ( Morales-Front & Holt 1997, Mateus 2003, Silva 2020, and would work equally well in our simulations, we prefer the more specified constraint *[ij]. It has long been recognized that the OCP needs to be relativized in a language-specific way (McCarthy 1986, Odden 1988). An explicitly stated constraint such as *[ij] seems more appropriate than the most general form of the OCP, which prohibits adjacent identical elements without specifying which structural property is being targeted. ...
Previous empirical research has shown that Portuguese children aged 4;0 to 6;0 are sensitive to the quality of stem-final vowels when acquiring the irregular plural forms of /l/-final words (acquisition order: plurals of /al, ɛl, ɔl, ul/ > plurals of /il/). This study presents a formal account of this emergent pattern. We first construct an initial-state grammar that arguably instantiates Portuguese children’s grammatical knowledge at the onset of morpho-phonological acquisition. We then simulate morpho-phonological learning using two constraint-based models (Stochastic Optimality Theory and Noisy Harmonic Grammar) and their associated Gradual Learning Algorithm. The results of our learning simulations corroborate the experimental data, showing that the plural form of /il/-final words takes longer to master than that of other /l/-final words. In addition to replicating the empirical results, the learning simulation reveals two important implications. First, the raw frequency of individual forms cannot account for the attested patterns, suggesting that the input frequency is mediated by some principles of grammatical learning. Second, Harmonic Grammar outperforms Optimality Theory in simulating real acquisition data. Through the additive constraint interaction, Harmonic-Grammar learning is more restrictive, avoiding the generation of unobserved data in the course of morpho-phonological acquisition.
... Subsequently, typological studies demonstrated dissimilation as a synchronic phonological process in various languages (Bye, 2011;Suzuki, 1988;Walter, 2007). It was also found that dissimilation is present in the lexicon as a phonotactic constraint (Davis, 1991;Gallagher, 2010;MacEachern, 1999;McCarthy, 1986;Yip, 1989). Recently, probabilistic dissimilatory patterns in the lexicon were discovered to influence morphophonological processes in Korean (Ito, 2014;Kang & Oh, 2019;Kim S., 2016). ...
... Referring to Mattoso Câmara she proposes the interpretation of an independent clitic as an independent phonological word that composes with the next content word only one clitic group according to Nespor and Vogel's definition (1986) [3]. Another important aspect to be considered is the OCP (Obligatory Contour Principle) that states that adjacent identical elements (in different levels) are prohibited as proposed by Leben (1973) [4], McCarthy (1986) [5]. Alkmim & Gomes (1982, p.48-51) [6] analyze different cases of syllable elision in word boundaries and the appropriate or non-appropriate conditions to this by quoting examples like: "leite de coco" > "leidicoco" ("coconut milk)", "sabe beijar" > "sab:eijá" ("know how to kiss)" where the final syllable or unstressed vowel elide when they are followed by another similar syllable or vowel. ...
... For example, the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) bars the presence in a UR of adjacent identical features (e.g., in the initial conception, tones: Leben, 1973). Though the OCP was later expanded to apply to output, triggering and blocking phonological derivations (McCarthy, 1986;Yip, 1988), it was originally conceived of as a constraint on URs much like the Laryngeal Input Constraint. The OCP has also been depicted as a soft constraint that is not always respected (Odden, 1986); underlying structures that violate the OCP are avoided since more marked, but not strictly ruled out. ...
The current study investigates whether some of the variation in h-production observed among Quebec francophone (QF) learners of English could follow from their at times assimilating /h/ to /ʁ/. In earlier research, we attributed variation exclusively to QFs developing an approximate (“fuzzy” or “murky”) representation of /h/ that is not fully reliable as a base for h-perception and production. Nonetheless, two previous studies observed via event-related potentials differences in QF perceptual ability, which may follow from the quality of the vowel used in the stimuli: /ɑ/ vs. /ʌ/ (detection vs. no detection of /h/). Before the vowel /ɑ/, /h/ exhibits phonetic properties that may allow it to be assimilated to and thus underlyingly represented as /ʁ/. If /h/ is at times subject to approximate representation (e.g., before /ʌ/) and at others captured as /ʁ/ (before /ɑ/), we would expect production of /h/ to reflect this representational distinction, with greater accuracy rates in items containing /ɑ/. Two-way ANOVAs and paired Bayesian t- tests on the reading-aloud data of 27 QFs, however, reveal no difference in h-production according to vowel type. We address the consequences of our findings, discussing notably why QFs have such enduring difficulty acquiring /h/ despite the feature [spread glottis] being available in their representational repertoire. We propose the presence of a Laryngeal Input Constraint that renders representations containing only a laryngeal feature highly marked. We also consider the possibility that, rather than having overcome this constraint, some highly advanced learners are “phonological zombies”: these learners become so adept at employing approximate representations in perception and production that they are indistinguishable from speakers with bona fide phonemic representations.
... This type of geminates is the main concern of the current study. Post lexical geminates (also known as fake or derived geminates), on the other hand, are phonetic and surface as a result of either total assimilation within a word morpheme boundary or concatenation of two identical consonants across a word boundary (Hayes, 1986;McCarthy, 1986;Oh and Redford, 2012;Al-Deaibes, 2016. Geminates can occur in different positions in the word: initially, medially, and finally. ...
This study investigates the production of Arabic intervocalic geminate obstruents as produced by American L2 learners of Arabic. The participants of the study were 24 Arabic learners (12 advanced, 12 beginners) at North Georgia University and 12 native speakers of Jordanian Arabic (the control group). An examination of the results reveals that native speakers of Arabic and advanced Arabic learners pattern similarly while the beginner Arabic learners show a different pattern. Native speakers as well as advanced L2 learners of Arabic maintain a contrast between geminate and singleton consonants in terms of consonant duration while beginner L2 leaners do not. Unlike the case of the beginner L2 learners, the duration of the preceding vowel is found to be shorter before a geminate in native speakers and advanced L2 learners. However, the duration of vowels following a geminate is not affected across all proficiency levels. Further, the results suggest that the place and manner of articulation have no effect on the production of geminate consonants for both native and advanced L2 learners. Finally, voicing of geminates is found to have a significant effect on the duration of geminates, in favor of voiceless geminates, among native speakers and beginner L2 learners.
... OCP constraints disfavour pairs of identical or near-identical consonants from being in close proximity to each other. In particular, the constraint here appears to be an OCP-place constraint (Frisch et al. 2004;McCarthy 1986;Pozdniakov and Segerer 2007), meaning that it does not just affect identical consonants, but all alveolar stops independently of voicing. ...
Language change is a cultural evolutionary process in which variants of linguistic variables change in frequency through processes analogous to mutation, selection and genetic drift. In this work, we apply a recently-introduced method to corpus data to quantify the strength of selection in specific instances of historical language change. We first demonstrate, in the context of English irregular verbs, that this method is more reliable and interpretable than similar methods that have previously been applied. We further extend this study to demonstrate that a bias towards phonological simplicity overrides that favouring grammatical simplicity when these are in conflict. Finally, with reference to Spanish spelling reforms, we show that the method can also detect points in time at which selection strengths change, a feature that is generically expected for socially-motivated language change. Together, these results indicate how hypotheses for mechanisms of language change can be tested quantitatively using historical corpus data.
... Je propose alors que le Principe du Contour Obligatoire, désormais 'OCP', (McCarthy, 1986 ;parmi d'autres), qui énonce que les séquences de deux segments adjacents doivent être évitées, explique les distributions vues dans les données ci-dessus. En ce qui concerne les données dans cette étude, on voit que les attaques avec deux consonnes de sonorité semblable et qui sont coronales sont évitées. ...
... 'It was not that I had not seen anything.' (Özdemir 2020) We can attribute the unacceptability of (55a) to the OCP (prohibition of adjacent identical elements; see Goldsmith 1979;Leben 1973;McCarthy 1986;Odden 1986 for the OCP in phonology and Ackema 2001; Menn and MacWhinney 1984;Perlmutter 1971;van Riemsdijk 1998;Yip 1998 for its application in (morpho-)syntax; see further Richards 2010 on Non-Distinctness and Neeleman and van de Koot 2006 on syntactic haplology effects). The structure in (56) presents the output of the rule block in a NC grammar. ...
Children acquiring a non-negative concord language like English or German have been found to consistently interpret sentences with two negative elements in a negative concord manner as conveying a single semantic negation. Corpus-based investigations for English and German show that children also produce sentences with two negative elements but only a single negation meaning. As any approach to negative concord and negative indefinites needs to account for both the typological variation and the child data, we revisit the three most current syntactic Agree-based analyses, as well as a movement-based approach and show that they either have difficulties with the child data or face challenges in the adult language variation or both. As a consequence, we develop a novel analysis of negative concord and negative indefinites which relies on purely morphological operations applying to hierarchical semantic representations within a version of the Meaning First architecture of grammar. We will argue that the typological variation between the main three different types of languages as well as the children’s non adult-like behaviour fall out from this in a straightforward fashion while the downsides of the Agree- and the movement-based accounts are avoided.
... Other areas in Phonology reveal the usefulness of the OCP. For instance, McCarthy (1986) was the first who showed the usefulness of the OCP as a constraint "on the organization of nonprosodic or segmental phonology" (p.28). ...
This research investigates how the avoidance of initial gemination in Maltese is motivated by conformity to the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and the Strict Layer Hypothesis (SLH) in light of Optimality Theory (OT) as a framework. The data of this study were collected and analyzed qualitatively. The data in this study were harvested from existing literature reviews peculiar to the Phonology of Maltese. Furthermore, the same data were verified by consulting several native speakers of Maltese when necessary. This study concludes that initial gemination in Semitic verbs of pattern V (t-C1iC2C2eC3) derives from the assimilation of the [+coronal] feature of prefixes to the initial consonant of the following stem to conform to the OCP. Vowel prosthesis helps to affiliate an initial semi-syllable, as the peripheral member of this type of gemination, to the syllable node in order to comply with the SLH. Vowel prosthesis serves to ensure conformity to the OCP and to geminate integrity by the underlying initial geminates in non-Semitic verbs (from English and Italian) of CC-stems, which obey the SLH since their members belong to the same morpheme, unlike derivational forms. This research demonstrates the insightfulness of Optimality Theory (OT) as a framework to account for these phenomena in Maltese. The results of this study lead to future research pertinent to the analysis of both segmental and suprasegmental structures in Maltese in light of OT and their relationship to other languages such as Arabic, English, and Italian.
... In phonology, the statistical avoidance of adjacent consonants agreeing in place of articulation is reported in a variety of languages from different genetic groups (Greenberg 1950;Buckley 1997;Berkley 2000;Frisch et al. 2004;Pozdniakov & Segerer 2007;Coetzee & Pater 2008;Rácz et al. 2016;Grotberg 2022, a.o.). This phenomenon is thought to represent a gradient instantiation of the obligatory contour principle (OCP), a constraint against adjacent identical elements (McCarthy, 1986). The majority of the literature on this subject is concerned with measuring the strength of avoidance constraints across different places of articulation as c 2023 Chundra A. Cathcart Proceedings of AMP 2022 well as non-place features. ...
The cross-linguistic under-representation of adjacent consonants sharing a place of articulation within uninflected lexical items is well documented. At the same time, little is known regarding the specific diachronic mechanisms involved in the emergence and maintenance of this pattern. Phylogenetic analyses provide some support for the idea that adjacent identical consonants within words arise infrequently, but stronger support for the idea that words containing such a pattern die out more frequently than those without. I highlight the value of tools used in this paper for exploring the evolution of sound patterns, and also discuss some limitations of the implementation used in the paper to be improved upon.
... We claim that the application of reduction in the clusters of plateau sonority is driven by the effects of the Obligatory Contour Principle (henceforth OCP, Goldsmith 1976;Itô & Mester 1986;McCarthy 1986;Yip 1988), which blocks the adjacency of identical features in the output form 7 . The clusters of falling sonority are immune to OCP effects since they consist of non-identical consonants with respect to the manner of articulation. ...
This study investigates the acquisition of rising, falling and plateau sonority clusters based on cross-sectional data of Greek-speaking children diagnosed with Developmental Language Disorder. The data show that cluster simplification takes the shape of cluster reduction. Rising sonority clusters are reduced to the leftmost consonant and falling and plateau sonority clusters are reduced to the rightmost consonant. In this study, it is claimed that cluster acquisition is based on headedness and constituency and that children have adult-like cluster representations; rising sonority clusters are represented as head-dependent sequences and falling and plateau sonority clusters are represented as appendix-head sequences. Thus, cluster reduction results in the realization of the head of the target cluster. The preservation of the head reflects a grammatical requirement, i.e. the head as the fundamental constituent of the target cluster should be in correspondence between the input and the output form. Regarding the faithful cluster realizations, the appendix-head sequences are faithfully realized more frequently compared to the head-dependent ones. Nevertheless, the acquisition of the appendix-head sequences provides evidence that the sequences which consist of non-identical consonants with respect to the manner of articulation, i.e. falling sonority clusters, are acquired earlier than the ones which consist of identical consonants with respect to the [+/-continuant] manner feature, i.e. plateau sonority clusters. The difference in the order of acquisition of falling and plateau sonority clusters is attributed to the effects of the Obligatory Contour Principle, which blocks the adjacency of consonants with the same manner feature in the output. The falling sonority clusters are immune to these effects since they consist of non-identical consonants with respect to manner. On the contrary, the plateau sonority clusters show strong effects of the Obligatory Contour Principle.
... Concatenated geminates are represented underlyingly as two timing slots each associated with a melodic unit. But, according to McCarthy (1986), these "fake" geminates can be identical to lexical geminates in surface representation, as a result of "Tier Conflation". If these analyses are correct, all three types of geminates, no matter what their underlying representations, will all be identical at the surface level, all being represented as one melodic unit linked to two timing slots. ...
... The obligatory contour princi ple (OCP), originally proposed by Leben (1973) to account for syntagmatic level pitch observed for sequences of paradigmatically specific lexical high tones, is described in AM + as the default assignment of the syntagmatic feature [+same] to sequences of lexically specified tones sharing a common paradigmatic tonal referent, r. Given that the OCP descriptively captures widespread phonological perceptual phenomena across languages (Berent, Shimron, and Vaknin 2001;Coetzee 2005;McCarthy 1986), we speculate that the OCP and the feature [+/− same] both reflect cognitive pro cesses of attention and memory consolidation for pro cessing sensory information that is the same versus dif fer ent (Jones 1976;Large and Jones 1999). ...
An introduction to the the range of current theoretical approaches to the prosody of spoken utterances, with practical applications of those theories.
Prosody is an extremely dynamic field, with a rapid pace of theoretical development and a steady expansion of its influence beyond linguistics into such areas as cognitive psychology, neuroscience, computer science, speech technology, and even the medical profession. This book provides a set of concise and accessible introductions to each major theoretical approach to prosody, describing its structure and implementation and its central goals and assumptions as well as its strengths and weaknesses. Most surveys of basic questions in prosody are written from the perspective of a single theoretical framework. This volume offers the only summary of the full range of current theoretical approaches, with practical applications of each theory and critical commentary on selected chapters.
The current abundance of theoretical approaches has sometimes led to apparent conflicts that may stem more from terminological differences, or from differing notions of what theories of prosody are meant to achieve, than from actual conceptual disagreement. This volume confronts this pervasive problem head on, by having each chapter address a common set of questions on phonology, meaning, phonetics, typology, psychological status, and transcription. Commentary is added as counterpoint to some chapters, with responses by the chapter authors, giving a taste of current debate in the field.
Contributors
Amalia Arvaniti, Jonathan Barnes, Mara Breen, Laura C. Dilley, Grzegorz Dogil, Martine Grice, Nina Grønnum, Daniel Hirst, Sun-Ah Jun, Jelena Krivokapić, D. Robert Ladd, Fang Liu, Piet Mertens, Bernd Möbius, Gregor Möhler, Oliver Niebuhr, Francis Nolan, Janet Pierrehumbert, Santitham Prom-on, Antje Schweitzer, Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel, Alice Turk, Yi Xu
... The obligatory contour princi ple (OCP), originally proposed by to account for syntagmatic level pitch observed for sequences of paradigmatically specific lexical high tones, is described in AM + as the default assignment of the syntagmatic feature [+same] to sequences of lexically specified tones sharing a common paradigmatic tonal referent, r. Given that the OCP descriptively captures widespread phonological perceptual phenomena across languages (Berent, Shimron, and Vaknin 2001;Coetzee 2005;McCarthy 1986), we speculate that the OCP and the feature [+/− same] both reflect cognitive pro cesses of attention and memory consolidation for pro cessing sensory information that is the same versus dif fer ent (Jones 1976;Large and Jones 1999). ...
An introduction to the the range of current theoretical approaches to the prosody of spoken utterances, with practical applications of those theories.
Prosody is an extremely dynamic field, with a rapid pace of theoretical development and a steady expansion of its influence beyond linguistics into such areas as cognitive psychology, neuroscience, computer science, speech technology, and even the medical profession. This book provides a set of concise and accessible introductions to each major theoretical approach to prosody, describing its structure and implementation and its central goals and assumptions as well as its strengths and weaknesses. Most surveys of basic questions in prosody are written from the perspective of a single theoretical framework. This volume offers the only summary of the full range of current theoretical approaches, with practical applications of each theory and critical commentary on selected chapters.
The current abundance of theoretical approaches has sometimes led to apparent conflicts that may stem more from terminological differences, or from differing notions of what theories of prosody are meant to achieve, than from actual conceptual disagreement. This volume confronts this pervasive problem head on, by having each chapter address a common set of questions on phonology, meaning, phonetics, typology, psychological status, and transcription. Commentary is added as counterpoint to some chapters, with responses by the chapter authors, giving a taste of current debate in the field.
Contributors
Amalia Arvaniti, Jonathan Barnes, Mara Breen, Laura C. Dilley, Grzegorz Dogil, Martine Grice, Nina Grønnum, Daniel Hirst, Sun-Ah Jun, Jelena Krivokapić, D. Robert Ladd, Fang Liu, Piet Mertens, Bernd Möbius, Gregor Möhler, Oliver Niebuhr, Francis Nolan, Janet Pierrehumbert, Santitham Prom-on, Antje Schweitzer, Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel, Alice Turk, Yi Xu
... The verb ragaṣ and an affix marking its function(2)The Cs and Vs and then the affixes are folded via tier conflation of the four morphological tiers, as in (3) (cf. alsoMcCarthy 1986 after Younes 1983Watson 2002): Tier conflation of root, pattern, vocalic melody, and affix ...
This study investigates selected aspects of verbal morphology in Jordanian Arabic folk songs as produced by the native dwellers of Jordan. Based on a corpus retrieved from 85 Jordanian folk songs, the study proves that folk poetry relies heavily on the basic Form I verb (54.6%), followed by the augmented Form II verb (22.15%). The derivational morphology of verbs in folk songs can be typologized according to a number of features as a result of parallel development. Arabic folk songs as a whole have a simple verbal morphology in comparison with Arabic (both Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic) in many features, including: (i) productivity of Form I and Form II verbs, (ii) the merger of IIIy, IIIw, IIIʔ, and IIXIX verbs due to a historical coalescence, (iii) the complete loss of Form IX verbs, and (iv) the sharp decrease in using the other augmented verb forms (III-X). Morphosyntactic structures are reduced/lost: voice does not involve internal vowel change but is incorporated into the triconsonantal verb forms (V, VI, VII and VIII) and quadriconsonantal verb form (II). Such simplification/reduction in the number of morphological patterns and grammatical structures produces duplicated/redundant morphological functions.
... In this way, syllables are distinguished between light and heavy (McCarthy, 1986 ...
... Metathesis is the reordering or transposition of the consonantal elements of the target word (Alqattan, 2015), which preserves the word template. As a process related to the prosody of the trigger word, the root consonants may be freely permuted, with all vocalism, affixal consonants, canonical pattern, and association lines remain unchanged (McCarthy, 1986). Metathesis by JASC preserved the syllabic structure and stress pattern of the word. ...
This study examined multisyllabic words in the speech of Jordanian Arabic-speaking children (JASC) regarding syllable structure, notable phonological processes, and stress assignment. Multisyllabic word productions were collected from 48 participants in the following four age groups: 3–3;6, 3;7–4, 4;1–4;6, and 4;7–5 with 12 participants in each age group. Data were collected using recorded spontaneous speech and picture naming. They were transcribed and analysed in terms of syllable structure, frequencies of syllable types, and phonological processes. Phonological processes were analysed and linked to syllable structure drawing on aspects of the metrical theory including extrametricality, extrasyllabicity, End Rule Right (ERR), and degenerate foot to account for the impact of phonological processes on stress assignment. The variability and complexity of children’s syllable structures were found to increase with age. Further, the CVC syllable structure was the most frequent across the four age groups, whereas CCVC, CCVV, and CVCC were the least frequent. Phonological processes affected antepenultimate, heavy, and closed syllables most. The most notable phonological processes were assimilation and syllable deletion in the younger two age groups. In addition, word-initial weak syllables were more frequently omitted than word-medial weak syllables. Thus, JASC start using phonological processes early to manage the complexity of syllable structures and later start to approximate adult speech as observed in age group 4;7–5 years who showed no phonological processes. These findings may help clinicians in diagnosing children with speech sound disorders (SSDs) and in selecting therapy targets within a developmental hierarchy.
... Kappa (2002: 31-32), in her case study, presents a few instances of reduction to the more sonorous cluster member in [FRICATIVE + LIQUID] clusters (5d-f). In this study, Kappa argues that this simplification pattern is forced by the effects of the OBLIGATORY CONTOUR PRINCIPLE 3 (henceforth OCP, Goldsmith 1976;Itô & Mester 1986;McCarthy 1986;Yip 1988), i.e. this pattern occurs if the less sonorous member of the target cluster, i.e. the FRICATIVE, contains the same specified place feature with another onset consonant of the word. For example, in (5c) the deleted member of the complex onset, i.e. /ɣ/, and the simple onset /k/, are DORSALS. ...
This case study investigates the simplification strategies of reduction to the more sonorous cluster member and cluster deletion in [OBSTRUENT + LIQUID] clusters. These strategies are in complementary distribution: the former applies in [OBSTRUENT + LATERAL] clusters and the latter in [OBSTRUENT + RHOTIC] ones. There is a CONTIGUITY effect in the child's system, i.e. the grammar requires that the adjacent segments in the input be adjacent in the output. The pattern of reduction to the more sonorous member of the cluster in [OBSTRUENT + LATERAL] clusters is CONTIGUITY-driven and satisfies the adjacency requirement. The adjacency requirement is not met in [OBSTRUENT + RHOTIC] clusters. The complementary distribution of these strategies emerges from the permission of LATERAL-initial onsets and the prohibition of RHOTIC-initial ones in the output. We claim that cluster deletion is an epiphenomenon of the grammar's restrictions on onsets, i.e. the CONTIGUITY effect and the prohibition of RHOTIC-initial onsets results in cluster deletion.
... The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) is a principle in which languages avoid or ban adjacent segments which are too similar in certain features (Leben 1973(Leben , 1978McCarthy 1986). Under an optimality theoretic (OT) framework, the OCP can be represented by a series of violable constraints (Prince & Smolensky 1993;Myers 1997). ...
Through a corpus of five pre-Qin (before 221 BCE) texts, this paper argues that the authors of both prose and poetry in Classical Chinese were sensitive to OCP violations at cross-word boundaries, and changed diction and used marked word order as a way to avoid the creation of pseudogeminates across words. The frequency of bigrams which result in pseudogeminates are compared to the predicted frequency of pseudogeminates across the corpus. This paper finds that pseudogeminates are significantly (p<0.00001) rarer than expected through randomization. Furthermore, by analyzing these texts with multiple possible phonological reconstructions, this paper suggests that post-codas, segments which were present in Old Chinese, but were elided during the process of tonogenesis between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese, were most likely present in the Chinese of the writers of the texts. Evidence comes from the consistency of OCP avoidance across all tones of Chinese assuming the presence of post-codas, and the lack of consistency thereof when post-codas are not assumed.
... In the last stage, these crossing relations are removed by copying the segments. This second stage has been called tier conflation (McCarthy 1986;Mester 1986;McCarthy & Prince 1995) for the templatic copying theories, and serialization or linearization for PBP (Raimy 1999). ...
We explore the generative capacity of morphological theories of reduplication. We computationally classify theories of reduplication using a hierarchy of string-to-string function classes. Reduplication as a process requires only the regular class of functions. We show that various morphological theories necessarily treat it as a more expressive polyregular function, while others maintain regularity. We discuss the significance of this formal result for reduplicative functions and recognition.
It has been proposed that there are cognitive biases in language learning that favour certain patterns over others. This study examines the effects of such bias factors on the learning of the phonology of proper nouns. I take up the phenomenon of compound voicing in Japanese surnames. The results of two judgment experiments show that, while Japanese speakers replicate various kinds of statistical regularities in existing names, they tend to extend only phonologically motivated patterns to novel names. This suggests that phonological naturalness plays a role even in the learning of a highly faithful category of words, namely proper nouns, and provides evidence for the relevance of learning biases in synchronic grammar.
The tone values of a Tone 4 (T4) syllable are conventionally assumed to change from ‘51’ to ‘53’ when the syllable is followed by another T4 syllable in Mandarin Chinese. Literature focusing on T4 alternation is still inconclusive regarding the contexts for the alternations and whether the phenomenon should be better categorized as tone sandhi (i.e., represented as an abstract phonological rule in mental grammar) or tonal coarticulation (i.e., a natural articulation phenomenon at the phonetic level). The current study probes into these issues by focusing on disyllabic pseudowords, right-branching trisyllabic words as well as unstructured trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic digits. Productions from a total of 148 participants were collected and fundamental frequency (f0) contours, vowel lengths and f0 slopes were included in the analysis. The results from the experiments supported the tonal coarticulation view and showed that the trigger for the alternations was the high-onset tones following T4. Implications to the phonological analysis on tonal alternations in Mandarin Chinese are discussed.
A decent number of studies have discussed phonological or morphological aspects of the definite article in Standard or Classical Arabic. However, only a few have described the definite article in Southern Arabic dialects. Arabic consonants are divided into two categories based on how they affect the definite article al- [ʔal-]. Fourteen consonants with the [+coronal] feature cause assimilation, whereas the remaining consonants with [-coronal] do not. This process raises the question of whether this is also the case with the definite article [ʔam-] of the Southern dialect Jazani Arabic. Thus, one goal of this study was to examine whether assimilation occurs in the first place with [ʔam-]. If so, does it assimilate to consonants with specific features? Does it fully or partially assimilate to other consonants? Does directionality play a role in assimilation? Enlightened by autosegmental phonology and feature geometry, this study presents a novel dataset and a non-linear phonological analysis of Jazani [ʔam-] via linking or delinking features. Results showed that [ʔam-] completely assimilated and caused geminates when followed by [m] and partially assimilated when followed by [b] or [w] but never after [-labial] sounds. Assimilation occurred progressively or regressively based on the sonority hierarchy of the consonants. In addition, assimilation only occurred across morphological boundaries and never within one morpheme.
The phenomenon of incomplete neutralisation describes a situation where a putative case of categorical phonological neutralisation is observed to be phonetically non-neutralising. This has been argued to be a problem for phonological theories that employ categorical features. Here, we use two distinct feeding orders of tone sandhi processes from Huai’an Mandarin to show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation is compatible with categorical phonological phenomena. Therefore, incomplete phonetic neutralisation does not automatically inform us of gradient phonological representations. We further show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation can in fact have a large effect size. Such results are not surprising from a classic generative view of phonology where linguistic performance is argued to be a multi-factorial problem, and linguistic knowledge (i.e., competence) is only one of the many factors involved. Furthermore, our results suggest that the observed incompleteness or gradience may have a source outside phonological knowledge.
This essay, which is part three (3) of the report on the formulation of Yorùbá phonology terms from their English counterparts, discusses English phonology terms for letters P, Q, and R and the Yorùbá counterparts, totaling ninety-one (91) terms numbered from 187 to 278.[1] Preceding letters A to O have been discussed in part one and part two of this report, numbers 1 to 104, letters A to G, and numbers 105 to 186, letters H to O, respectively. In this report, we compiled these terms in English, alphabetically arranged, from letter P to letter R, and developed their Yorùbá equivalents. In doing this, we extracted these phonology terms from three phonology textbooks and two specialized/technical dictionaries on linguistics and phonology. We employed the Information Processing Model (IPM) framework. Some of the terms developed are palatalization, ìso̩dàfàjàpè, paragoge ìfìró-bò̩parí, parasitic harmony àǹkóò àfòmó̩, parse ìpínsífó̩rán-ìhun, partial overlapping ìwo̩nú-ara e̩lé̩be̩, phonaestheme fóníìmù-àyo̩túnyo̩, phonemic overlapping ìpòórá fóníìmù, phonological phrase boundary ààlà àpólà fonó̩ló̩jì, phonological prime fó̩nrán-akérépin fonó̩ló̩jì, quantity-sensitive feet è̩wo̩n-atéńté aníwò̩n-agbe̩gé̩, recessive vowel fáwè̩lì àdínkù, redundancy rule òfin aléélè̩ [1] See Yoruba – The Journal of Yoruba Studies Association of Nigeria, Volume 12:1, January 2023 and Volume 12:2, June 2023 for the first 2 of the four-part essays.
Across languages, certain phonological patterns are preferred to others (e.g., blog > lbog ). But whether such preferences arise from abstract linguistic constraints or sensorimotor pressures is controversial. We address this debate by examining the constraints on doubling (e.g., slaflaf , generally, XX). Doubling demonstrably elicits conflicting responses (aversion or preference), depending on the linguistic level of analysis (phonology vs. morphology). Since the stimulus remains unchanged, the shifting responses imply abstract constraints. Here, we ask whether these constraints apply online, in eye movements. Experiment 1 shows that, in bare phonological forms, doubling is dispreferred, and correspondingly it elicits shorter fixations. Remarkably, when doubling signals morphological plurality, the aversion shifts into preference, in Experiment 2. Our results demonstrate for the first time that the constraints on doubling apply online. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that phonological knowledge arises, in part, from an abstract linguistic source.
While the phenomenon of tonogenesis is well represented in the literature, diachronic tone change in already-tonal languages has received less attention. This paper considers two types of tonal morphology used to mark the “potential” inflectional category on verbs in Coatec Zapotec (aka Di′zhke′). Some verbs are marked with upstep. Coatec upstepped tones are emergent tonal contrasts that are developing out of high register allotones which assimilated to a historical high tone on a now-deleted preceding syllable. Other verbs display patterns of tone ablaut such that a verb with underlying low or falling tone surfaces with high or rising in the potential. Both upstep and tone ablaut in Coatec can be traced to an earlier floating high tone that could dock onto different syllables according to a set of ranked constraints. Using a combination of internal and comparative reconstruction, details of the earlier tonal system are revealed. This is the first published treatment of Proto-Zapotec tone since Swadesh (1947) and the first paper to address tone in Proto-Zapotecan and Proto Core Zapotec. *ʔ is revealed to have been a consonant through the Core Zapotec period, suggesting that the complex systems of phonation contrasts found in some Central Zapotec languages are a recent development. Cases of tonal contrasts developing out of phonation contrasts are known from Southeast Asia, but Zapotec phonation contrasts arose out of interaction between the glottal consonant and pre-existing tonal contrasts. An exploration of the morphological environments conducive to upstep leads to new discoveries about Zapotecan derivational voice prefixes and reveals the origins of perfective allomorphy.
Probability and frequency are becoming increasingly important in phonological analysis. This article reviews contemporary perspectives on how phonological theory addresses gradient phonological patterns shaped by probability and frequency, drawing on theories of the lexicon, grammar, and statistics. After examining their motivations, we show how these diverse theoretical perspectives have been applied to a variety of problems in core phonology, including phonotactics, morphophonology, sound change, phonological categorization, and language development. Our review of theory and applications supports a growing consensus in the field that phonological theories must reckon with probability. Our review also identifies problems stemming from a lack of cohesion in the field, and suggests potential solutions to these problems.
I argue that gapping in Mandarin Chinese as a deletion operation (cf. Wei 2011 ; Ai 2014 ) is administrated by some semantic constraints and the discourse in which they occur, in line with Kuno (1976) ; Tsao (1979) and Wei (2011) . Specifically, I argue that the semantic combination of the VP (cf. Paul 1996a , b , 1999 ) and the object NP (cf. Li 1998 ) in gapped sentences cannot be [−generic, -definite]. That is, the VP in the gapped clause cannot have a [-generic] interpretation and simultaneously for the object to have a [−definite] interpretation. If so combined, gapping in Mandarin Chinese will be blocked.
An introduction to the the range of current theoretical approaches to the prosody of spoken utterances, with practical applications of those theories.
Prosody is an extremely dynamic field, with a rapid pace of theoretical development and a steady expansion of its influence beyond linguistics into such areas as cognitive psychology, neuroscience, computer science, speech technology, and even the medical profession. This book provides a set of concise and accessible introductions to each major theoretical approach to prosody, describing its structure and implementation and its central goals and assumptions as well as its strengths and weaknesses. Most surveys of basic questions in prosody are written from the perspective of a single theoretical framework. This volume offers the only summary of the full range of current theoretical approaches, with practical applications of each theory and critical commentary on selected chapters.
The current abundance of theoretical approaches has sometimes led to apparent conflicts that may stem more from terminological differences, or from differing notions of what theories of prosody are meant to achieve, than from actual conceptual disagreement. This volume confronts this pervasive problem head on, by having each chapter address a common set of questions on phonology, meaning, phonetics, typology, psychological status, and transcription. Commentary is added as counterpoint to some chapters, with responses by the chapter authors, giving a taste of current debate in the field.
Contributors
Amalia Arvaniti, Jonathan Barnes, Mara Breen, Laura C. Dilley, Grzegorz Dogil, Martine Grice, Nina Grønnum, Daniel Hirst, Sun-Ah Jun, Jelena Krivokapić, D. Robert Ladd, Fang Liu, Piet Mertens, Bernd Möbius, Gregor Möhler, Oliver Niebuhr, Francis Nolan, Janet Pierrehumbert, Santitham Prom-on, Antje Schweitzer, Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel, Alice Turk, Yi Xu
This paper discusses the lateral /l/ in coda in Principense Portuguese (PP). Based on an elicited corpus recorded in situ , composed of 852 occurrences of 78 lexical items, we found that the lateral /l/ in coda can be vocalized or deleted. For instance, bolso ‘pocket’ can be pronounced as [ˈbow.sʊ] or [ˈbo.sʊ], as reported in some Brazilian Portuguese varieties. In PP, vocalization and deletion are phenomena that arise from a confluence of factors. It gathers characteristic features of the formative grammatical structure of Portuguese. At the same time, it reflects the linguistic contact scenario in which PP is inserted, since the lenition of consonants in semivowels, as well as strategies to avoid codas, are also reported in Lung’Ie (LI), a language in synchronic contact and present in the constitution of the PP (Agostinho, Ana Lívia. 2015. Fonologia e método pedagógico do lung’Ie [Phonology and pedagogical method of Lung’Ie]. São Paulo: University of São Paulo dissertation). Both Portuguese and Lung’Ie support vocalization and deletion in their grammars, fostering a relevant overlap of features to the alternation [ɫ] ∼ [w] ∼ ∅ in PP. We conclude that, in addition to specific features of Portuguese grammatical structure, PP’s linguistic contact situation must be considered as a relevant factor for the deletion and vocalization of laterals in coda in PP.
Maltese is the 'national' language of the people in the sister-islands of Malta and Gozo. Originally Arabic, Maltese vocabulary has been massively expanded by borrowings from Romance (Sicilian/Italian), and more recently English. Influential contributions in (post)generative phonology and Optimality Theory claim that Maltese phonology is based on the interaction of (Palestinian Arabic type) stress assignment with syncope, and cyclic application of rules/constraints. This approach fails in some cases for Arabic Maltese, and is inoperative for borrowed vocabulary. I argue for distributing morphological constituents in three domains. The stem-domain heads a radical base, to which a preformative morph may be incorporated, and inflectional circumfixes. The Lexical-item domain heads the stem-node to which (in)direct pronominal objects may be concatenated. Clitics are adjoined to the phonological-word domain. All exponents are mapped on the linearized segmental tier. Trochaic stems satisfying morpho-lexical constraints are built in a pre-lexical phase. Vocalism is underlyingly specified or assigned by default, including ‘reverse-imāla’. In a lexical phase, OCP and Licensing shape syllabic stem-profiles to satisfy morpho-prosodic constraints. In the post-lexical phase, surface forms are generated by application of phonological processes: stress assignment, vowel length and quality, voice alteration in obstruents. A model of 'Weak CV Phonology', distantly related to Strict CV Phonology, is drawn up. Segmental representations are analyzed in monovalent elements. Maltese has often been presented as a 'mixed' language with two strata of vocabulary and two morphologies: root-and-pattern, non-concatenative for template-bound vocabulary, concatenative for loan-words. I claim that Maltese consistently requires templatic, concatenative and word-based morphology.
INTRODUÇÃO Neste estudo, analisamos a vocalização da coda lateral no português principense (PP), tendo em vista aspectos linguísticos tais como acento, classe gramatical, contexto fonológico precedente e posição da lateral na palavra. Ademais, a vocalização de /l/ foi examinada, também, considerando a relevância da estrutura formativa gramatical do português, bem como do cenário de contato linguístico no qual o PP está inserido. Visamos, com base nas análises apresentadas, ressaltar a urgência de reconhecimento de tal variedade, indicando, mediante o estudo da vocalização, que o PP possui características gramaticais compartilhadas com variedades congêneres como o português brasileiro e o português europeu, mas possui, também, estruturas linguísticas singulares. De fato, a língua portuguesa, difundida por políticas de imposição e assimilação cultural aos povos colonizados da América do Sul e da África Atlântica (Faraco, 2012), é atualmente a língua oficial de nove países: Angola, Brasil, Cabo Verde, Guiné-Bissau, Moçambique, Portugal, São Tomé e Príncipe, Timor-Leste e, desde 2010, Guiné Equatorial. Desse modo, o português é veículo de comunicação em diversos espaços, sendo, inclusive, a língua materna (L1), e muitas vezes única, de uma parte substancial da população de países como Portugal, Brasil e São Tomé e
This localized, classroom-based, qualitative ethnographic study, conducted during 2019-2021 at a foreign national, English-medium high school in Türkiye investigates the development of a language learner identity in the English courses of the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme. The target population is mixed-gender high school students enrolled in the Diploma Programme. In the entrance and exit course surveys, students disclosed their views about themselves as language learners, their impressions of language learner assumptions, tacit and explicit teacher expectations, and their reactions to the International Baccalaureate syllabus and their perceived progress. Each of these factors had a significant but not equal impact on their choice to study English A: Literature and Language, either at standard level or higher level or English B: Language Acquisition higher level. The extent of the development of a language learner identity aligned to the language policies of the International Baccalaureate is seen through the student survey responses and the instructors’ anecdotal commentary. A language learner identity can be seen to develop within the context of the program as students experience improvement in their language skills, make shifts in perspectives, and interact in the target language with others in the school environment. The study begins to fill a gap related to language identity development in the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme English courses and may be of interest to Diploma Programme teachers, coordinators, and school policymakers.
Is formal simplicity a guide to learning in humans, as simplicity is said to be a guide to the acceptability of theories in science? Does simplicity determine the difficulty of various learning tasks? I argue that, similarly to how scientists sometimes preferred complex theories when this facilitated calculations, results from perception, learning and reasoning suggest that formal complexity is generally unrelated to what is easy to learn and process by humans, and depends on assumptions about available representational and processing primitives. “Simpler” hypotheses are preferred only when they are also easier to process. Historically, “simpler”, easier‐to‐process, scientific theories might also be preferred if they are transmitted preferentially. Empirically viable complexity measures should build on the representational and processing primitives of actual learners, even if explanations of their behaviour become formally more complex.
Cette étude expérimentale se propose de diagnostiquer l’effet de la langue arabe sur la prononciation des étu-diants arabophones apprenant le français. Elle comporte les résultats de mesures acoustiques portant sur la durée acoustique des consonnes graphiquement doubles dans la prononciation de locutrices natives du fran-çais et d’étudiantes jordaniennes. L’étude inclut également des tests perceptifs effectués auprès d’auditeurs arabophones non apprenants. L’étude acoustique démontrent que les consonnes cibles prononcées par les apprenantes sont significativement plus longues que celles produites par les locutrices françaises. Les tests de perception soulignent que la plupart des mots cibles ont été réalisés avec des consonnes géminées par les ap-prenantes. Les apprenantes prononcent les consonnes, qui doivent habituellement se prononcer comme si elles étaient simples, de manière géminée. La recherche trouve sa conclusion dans des propositions pratiques ayant pour objet d’aider les apprenants à surmonter l’interférence de la gémination de l’arabe vers le français.
Morphological structures interact dynamically with lexical processing and storage, with the parameters of morphological typology being partly dependent on cognitive pathways for processing, storage and generalization of word structure, and vice versa. Bringing together a team of well-known scholars, this book examines the relationship between linguistic cognition and the morphological diversity found in the world's languages. It includes research from across linguistic and cognitive science sub-disciplines that looks at the nature of typological diversity and its relationship to cognition, touching on concepts such as complexity, interconnectedness within systems, and emergent organization. Chapters employ experimental, computational, corpus-based and theoretical methods to examine specific morphological phenomena, and an overview chapter provides a synthesis of major research trends, contextualizing work from different methodological and philosophical perspectives. Offering a novel perspective on how cognition contributes to our understanding of word structure, it is essential reading for psycholinguists, theoreticians, typologists, computational modelers and cognitive scientists.
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