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Dancecult: Journal of Electronic Dance Music Culture 15(1): 93–112
ISSN 1947-5403 ©2023 Dancecult http://dj.dancecult.net
http://dx.doi.org/10.12801/1947-5403.2023.15.01.05
N S: P, P F
J N
NOVA U L (PT)
M G-R
I U L (PT)
Abstract
is article attempts to present a comprehensive, synthetic and critical epistemological
review of the interdisciplinary eld of Nightlife Studies from the late 19th century to
the present, unveiling a fascinating interplay between an “alternative cultural approach”,
a “community approach” and a “geographical turn” that arose in the mid- to late 2000s.
In turn, the article sheds light on the strong commitment that many nightologists
showed to the future of nightlife during the pandemic, emphasizing how fundamental
nightlife is for community-building, multicultural understanding and socio-emotional
well-being at individual and collective levels. In its nal part, and more than presenting
a new research agenda, the article argues for the need to adopt a “militant/activist socio-
environmental approach” that allows shedding light on the old and new challenges and
opportunities that exist on the road to promoting a greener, more resilient, inclusive
and egalitarian nightlife.
Keywords: Nightlife Studies, comprehensive, epistemological review
Jordi Nofre is FCT Associate Research Professor in Urban Geography at the
Interdisciplinary Centre of Social Sciences, NOVA University Lisbon. His main research
focuses on nightlife, tourism and urban change. He is the coordinator of LXNIGHTS
Research Group and co-founder of the International Night Studies Network.
Email: <jnofre@fcsh.unl.pt>. Website: <https://www.researchgate.net/prole/Jordi-Nofre>
Manuel Garcia-Ruiz is a Researcher in Sociology at the Center of Research and
Studies in Sociology of the University Institute of Lisbon (CIES-Iscte), Portugal.
His main research focuses on nightlife, festivals and leisure and cultural and creative
industries. He is the coordinator and founder of the International Night Studies Network.
Email: <urbiteit@gmail.com>. Website: <http://vanhoben.com/>
F A
Dancecult 15(1)
I
e recent global coronavirus pandemic has unveiled the importance of the “nocturnal
city” (Shaw 2018) for the social, cultural and economic life of many people across the globe
(Shaw 2018; see also Chatterton and Hollands 2003, Laughey 2006 and Haslam 2015).
COVID-19-related restrictions implemented at local, regional and national levels (such as
lockdowns and night curfews) signicantly aected the night-time leisure economy in many
worldwide regions while stripping night lovers (mainly belonging to gender, ethnic and
sexual orientation minorities) of one of their most important spaces for community building
and socio-emotional well-being (Nofre 2023 and Malmquist et al. 2023). At the same time,
this unprecedented scenario put nightlife-related professionals and food and beverage
sector workers in check. Meanwhile, severe mobility restrictions hindered night shi jobs,
highlighting the importance of invisible workers such as garbage collectors, transporters,
emergency doctors and other professionals who dedicate their nights to guaranteeing the
well-being and the smooth functioning of life in society (Leonard 1998 and Hochschild
2016). However, paradoxically, pandemic-related restrictions also addressed some negative
impacts derived from the expansion of the night-time (leisure) economy in central urban
areas of many cities occurred since the early 2000s, such as the reduction of waste, light and
atmospheric and noise pollution (European Environment Agency 2020).
Be that as it may, three years aer the onset of COVID-19, tens of millions of Europeans
go out every week in the evening and night to dine, meet with friends, or even dance. In
turn, millions more work during night-time hours in logistics centers, back-oce centers,
central markets, essential services and health care institutions. Many people in these groups
take night-time public transport, ride-sharing vehicles or their own vehicles to get across
the city. Meanwhile, informal workers (e.g. domestic workers, street food vendors, drug
dealers and sex workers) also work during night-time hours, sometimes taking advantage of
the liminal anonymity of the darkness.
e subject of this article is the work of a small group of academics on the nightlife of our
cities and towns. e social and policy-enhancing impact of their work is oen unknown to
most academic and local institutions, and to citizens in general. eir work is of particular
importance as they present fundamental empirical knowledge on the long road to achieving
more inclusive, egalitarian, safe and sustainable nightlife. As will be seen in this article,
many of these scholars are relatively young and increasingly diverse in terms of gender,
sexual orientation and ethno-geographic background. ey (i) oer brilliant, detailed
explanations of how we dance, behave and relate to each other in nightlife environments
according to social class, gender, sexual orientation, age and cultural and ethnic background;
(ii) claim to prevent the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of nightlife from falling
into oblivion; (iii) denounce all the processes of inequality and segregation, as well as the
heteropatriarchal, racist and classist violence that still characterizes some nightlife scenes
and spaces across the globe and (iv) allow the voice of those residents aected by the
Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz
|
Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
unwanted presence of high concentrations of nightlife venues in the immediate vicinity
of their homes to be considered in the public sphere of opinion. ey are the so-called
Nightlife Studies scholars, or in Rob Shaw’s (2018) terminology, nightologists.
e text below attempts to present a comprehensive, synthetic and critical epistemological
review of the interdisciplinary eld of Nightlife Studies from the late 19th century to
the present, unveiling a fascinating interplay between an “alternative cultural approach”,
a “community approach” and a “geographical turn” that arose in the mid-late 2000s. In
turn, the article sheds light on the strong commitment that many nightologists showed to
the future of nightlife during the pandemic period. ey emphasized how fundamental
nightlife is for community-building, multicultural understanding and socio-emotional
well-being at both individual and collective level. Finally, this article argues for the need
to adopt a “militant/activist socio-environmental approach” that sheds light on old and
new challenges, and on opportunities to promote a greener, more resilient, inclusive and
egalitarian nightlife.
e authors of this article make special mention of those they consider pioneers, but
the paper will focus on the epistemological development of three well-dened periods in
Nightlife Studies over the last four decades. (i) Spanning the early 1980s to late 2000s,
the rst period included the institutionalization of Nightlife Studies as a new independent
research subeld and the so-called “big shake” in the late 2000s. is period closed with
the rise of a fascinating interplay between an “alternative cultural approach”, a “community
approach” and a “geographical turn”. (ii) From late 2000s to the outbreak of the current
coronavirus pandemic in early 2020, the second period contained the most vibrant, exciting
and ourishing years of Nightlife Studies. (iii) And from early 2020 to the time of writing,
a third period has been characterized by an uncertain present and an unknown future. e
third period poses extremely complex challenges for the future of the nightlife industry.
M T C B C
One might argue, without any risk of being wrong, that the volume of scholarly works about
“daytime cities” outweighs the study of the “nocturnal city”. As Rob Shaw points out in his
indispensable book e Nocturnal City, “the majority of our research is diurnal” (2018:1).
Despite this uncontestable fact, the interdisciplinary sub-eld of Nightlife Studies counts
an institutionalized history of more than four decades, as we show in this section. However,
pioneers deserve to be recognized. e rst books about the night in our contemporary
times1 date back to the age of the industrial city when some journalists, writers and travelers
depicted the urban nightscape of important and vibrant western cities such as Paris, London,
New York and Barcelona, among many others (e.g. Delvau 1862, 1867; Sala 1862; Ritchie
1869; Coroleu 1887; Darzens and Willette 1889; Bembo 1912; Nevill 1926; de Wissant
1928; Shaw 1931). Beginning in the 1930s and increasing aerwards, a few historians and
sociologists—mainly from the United States and the United Kingdom—began attending
to the role (and multiple dark sides) of nightlife with respect to the reproduction of modern
urban societies. ese researchers recognized nightlife as a subject for scholarly analysis
Dancecult 15(1)
(e.g. Cressey 1932; Ostrander 1972; Erenberg 1974, 1984, 1986; Marrus 1974; Morris
1980; Travis 1983).
Early 1980s – early 2010s: From Square One to the Seeds for an
Epistemological Change
e institutionalization of Nightlife Studies as a research subeld began in the 1980s and
was further consolidated in later years. At this point, the importance of nightlife in the
construction of youth identities had already been mentioned by some subculturalist scholars
from Birmingham’s Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (e.g. Chambers 1975;
Clarke et al. 1975; Jeerson 1975; McRobbie 1984). e early development of Nightlife
Studies was primarily focused on four main research topics: (i) drug consumption, alcohol
consumption and violence in western urban nightscapes of that time (e.g. Cosper, Okraku
and Neumann 1987; Homel and Clark 1994; Winlow and Hall 2006; Hughes, Morleo
and Bellis 2008); (ii) drunk-driving during and aer night-time leisure practices in North
America, United Kingdom and other anglophone countries (e.g. Cameron 1982; Massie,
Campbell and Williams 1995; Keall, Frith and Patterson 2004); (iii) the night-time leisure
economy as a main strategy and mechanism for the socioeconomic revitalization and
urban regeneration of degraded central areas of the city (Bianchini 1990, 1995; Lovatt
and O’Connor 1995); (iv) the complex, non-linear interplay (both positive and negative)
between venue licensing, alcohol regulation, violence and crime (Block and Block 1995;
Chatterton 2002; Talbot 2004; Hadeld and Measham 2009).
e 1990s, however, were also a turning point for the development of Nightlife Studies
as they moved away from the so-called social and cultural approach. A particular academic
moment and four seminal works are fundamental to explaining such an epistemological
transition. Paul Willis’ Common Culture (1990) notes how central nightlife is to the
construction of youth identities in postmodern societies. And Sarah ornton’s Club
Cultures (1996) introduced the term “club cultures” as a lens for youth identity in the era of
postmodernity. ornton paved the way for deeper research on youth subcultures, nightlife
consumption and socio-spatial segregation, which would become a central topic for many
nightologists in later years (Feixa and Nofre, 2012). e third seminal work is Ben Malbon’s
Clubbing: Dancing, Ecstasy and Vitality, which explores “the sociospatial-temporal and
bodily-emotional practices which constitute the clubbing experience” (1999: 3). Malbon’s
book became fundamental for clubbing-related research in later years. Last but not least,
the fourth seminal work that we should mention is Paul Chatterton and Robert Hollands’
Urban Nightscapes: Youth Cultures, Pleasure Spaces, and Corporate Power (2003). e authors
carry out a sensational depiction of the expansion and extreme commodication of the
night-time leisure economy in central areas of the post-industrial city, noting both positive
(revitalization of degraded central areas of the city) and negative (marginalization of low-
income groups, episodes of violence against outsiders, gentrication, spatial displacement
of traditional leisure spaces and practices at evening and night and loss of cultural heritage)
impacts at spatial, social and cultural levels.
Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz
|
Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
ese four seminal works mentioned above must be put into relation with a younger
generation of scholars, especially since the 2000s. is generation comprised an increased
presence of women and non-white/non-western scholars, giving Nightlife Studies a
tremendous shake. As happens in most academic renewal processes, there are always
pioneers who open the way to new lines of research. Undoubtedly, their boldness should
be mentioned and recognized. is is the case, for example, of Celeste Fraser Delgado and
José Esteban Muñoz, who edited the brilliant anthology Everynight Life in Latin/o America
(1997). is magnicent work explores the history and potential function of dance in
social struggle in both North and South America, and it constitutes a valuable reference
in the study of the Latin nightlife scene, especially in the United States. Interestingly,
this anthology exemplies how this progressive generation of scholars broke with the
dominant male-centered, western-centered, class-based nightlife scholarship and policy.
is approach to the night was rmly based on the interplay between the criminalistic or
regulatory perspective (the night as a synonym of sin, immorality, and disorder) and the
neoliberal economic perspective (that views the night as space-time for prots and yields).
As an example of the emergence this paradigm in Nightlife Studies, one should mention
academic input from Southern and Eastern Europe (Fouce 2000; Blázquez and Morera
2002; Brewster and Broughton 2006; Sánchez-Fuarros 2008; Llanos 2015) and from
the Global South and Global East (Chongyi 2007; Farrer 2008; Chew 2009). is work
challenged the British interpretation of nightlife as a catalyst for the revitalization of
degraded urban areas. And it explicitly recognized that the night and the ‘nocturnalization
of daily life’ (Koslofsky 2011, Shaw 2018), are not concepts that exclusively belong to the
western world (Ginesi 2013; Buchakjian 2015; de Góis 2015; Song, Pan and Chen 2016;
Čengić and Martin-Diaz 2018; Sánchez-García 2018).
Another excellent example of the emergence of such a new social and cultural approach
to the study of nightlife—especially since the late 2000s and early 2010s—is found
in works that explored how marginalized peoples experience the night in a repressive
and punitive neoliberal urban context (Boogaarts 2008; Hunter 2010; Messer 2010;
Steil 2011). is experience is connected with the emergence of complex spatial, social,
cultural and community impacts resulting from the expansion of the night-time leisure
economy into central areas of the post-industrial city. is experience of the night is oen
linked to gentrication, which ushers in the displacement of local communities and the
marginalization of low-class (oen racialized) actors of the local night. Interestingly, some
authors note that marginalization and (even violent) repression of marginal actors of the local
night (such as street dealers, street drugs consumers, aged sex workers and night wanderers
with low purchasing power) and especially of racialized youth of urban peripheries, have
been a central characteristic of the night in the current neoliberal urban era (Chatterton
and Hollands 2003; Talbot 2004; Shildrick and MacDonald 2006; Talbot and Böse 2007).
Also, in line with this, we should mention brilliant works by authors such as Martina Böse
(2005), David Grazian (2009) and Shelly Ronen (2010), who have denounced commercial
nightlife for its tendencies to exacerbate inequalities that are intrinsic to the neoliberal city.
Dancecult 15(1)
F E C P
e focus on inequalities, marginalization and repression was central in the development
of Nightlife Studies over the past decade, up until the 2020 outbreak of the coronavirus
pandemic (e.g. May 2014; Iturriaga 2015; Søgaard 2017; Kosnick 2018; Sedano 2019).
Many recent authors have widely demonstrated that the boom of commercial night
clubbing in central areas of post-industrial cities is very linked to the arrival of neoliberal
urban forces such as gentrication and touristication (e.g. Hae 2011; Mattson 2015;
Campkin and Marshall 2018; Bottà 2019; Eldridge 2019; dos Santos and de Andrade
2019). ese forces involve dramatic changes to the spatial, social and cultural fabric of the
nocturnal city, while simultaneously tending to criminalize so-called “new deviant leisure”,
or in other words, “activities that through their adherence to cultural values inscribed by
consumer capitalism, have the potential to result in harm” (Smith and Raymen 2018: 63).
e criminalistic perspective situates commercial and underground clubbing contexts
as synonymous with violence and drug-fueled leisure (e.g. Allaste and Lagerspetz 2002;
Kavanaugh and Anderson 2008; Hunt, Moloney and Evans 2010; Demant 2013; Carlini
and Sánchez 2018). Such an approach to clubbing scenes reects “the struggle between
middle-class moralism and popular demand” in the eld of nightlife consumption in the
post-industrial city (Springhall 1999: 9). However, the criminalistic perspective regarding
clubbing scenes found growing contestation among authors who, since the late 1990s,
underlined how central both underground clubbing and self-organized night parties are for
the construction of alternative, non-normative youth (and adult) identities (e.g. Malbon
1998; Pini 2001; St John 2009; Henriques 2010; Rief 2011; Rodgers 2018).
is particular critical cultural and social consideration of clubbing was rooted in
research conducted in rave cultures, which can be dened as self-organized, informal,
unlicensed parties oen celebrated in (sometimes abandoned) buildings, old factories and
warehouses. e term “rave” has its origins in the wild bohemian parties of the 1950s that
belonged to London Soho’s beatnik set (Nash 2017). But the expansion of what we know
today as raves initially originated in atcher’s Britain and later extended through Europe
in the 1990s (John 2015). At that time, some scholars rapidly associated raves with the
drug-fueled hedonism of post-modern youth (Redhead 1993; Knutagard 1996; Reynolds
1999). However, interestingly, other authors such as Fritz pointed out that raves emerged
as “a revolutionary political movement . . . to create a new community model” defying the
neoliberal urban world since the 1980s (1999: 216; see also Luckman 2001 and John 2004).
ere is no doubt that raves, free-parties or Temporary Autonomous Zones “historically
referred to grassroots organized, anti-establishment and unlicensed all-night dance parties,
featuring electronically produced dance music, such as techno, house, trance and drum
and bass” (Anderson and Kavanaugh 2007: 499). At the same time, raves were also “a vital
part of the lives of many people” (Takahashi and Olaveson 2003: 72). However, a direct
connection between rave culture and radical politicization of youth still seems tenuous at
least three decades aer the birth of raves.
Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz
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Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
A Research Sub-Field That Counts With an Official International Network
e 2010s have been terric regarding the quality and number of works dealing with
nightlife-related issues, not only in European cities but across the globe. It also witnessed
the foundation of some independent research groups on the urban night in both the Global
North and the Global South, as well as the creation of the rst International Night Studies
Network in 2019.2 is represents the latest step on the road to the institutionalization of
Nightlife Studies as an independent research subeld.
is latter process has three fundamental facts. Firstly, in 2012 the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada granted the project “e Urban Night” to William
Straw from McGill University. Although the project was initially based in Canada, Straw
and his team have increasingly been collaborating with scholars and networks based in
other countries, mainly from the Global South. Two years aer “e Urban Night” started,
a group of young scholars from dierent Portuguese institutions created LXNIGHTS, the
rst European group researching the urban night. Moreover, we must underline the Stadt
Nach Acht Conference (NIGHTS Conference) held in Berlin since 2016.3 is annual
event has gathered a blend of academics and practitioners. It has been organized by Club
Commission Berlin in cooperation with the European network NEWNet, which aims to
promote an attractive and more sustainable nightlife culture at international levels.
Interestingly, not long aer the rst Stadt Nach Acht Conference in November 2016,
some attendees met again in London in July 2017 to participate in the Tourism and the Night
Symposium, organized by Adam Eldridge and Andrew Smith, both from the University of
Westminster. One year later, Anna Plyushteva (at that time, from the Cosmopolis Centre
for Urban Research at Vrije Universiteit Brussel) organized the International Conference
on the Urban Night: Governance, Diversity, Mobility. It was held at the Research Centre for
Social Studies at Soa University in June 2018. ese successive scientic meetings sparked
H2020 and ERC grant proposals over these past ve years (e.g. PARTYEURPE, JIRUN,
EURONIGHTS, NIGHT-WE) and boosted new collaborations like edited books, co-
authored publications and meetings. e rst International Night Studies Network was
created in late 2019, and its coordination committee has chaired the annual International
Conference on Night Studies4. e rst four editions of the conference in 2020, 2021,
2022 and 2023 have enriched our picture of the sub-eld of Nightlife Studies during the
current pandemic times.
N S U P T:
A U P U F
As in many other elds of Social Sciences, pandemic-related restrictions have aected the
work plans of most of the researchers belonging to the sub-eld of Nightlife Studies. ey
had an enormous impact on researchers’ abilities to conduct nightlife-related ethnographies,
especially where curfews and lockdowns were implemented. As Stellmach et al. argue, “a
long-term participant observation approach may not be feasible in periods of acute public
Dancecult 15(1)
health crisis, but the anthropological method is exible and adaptable” (2018: 3). DeHart
points out the need to explore new “analytical and methodological strategies for addressing
the current contingencies of research (im)mobility as well as illuminating important
elements of our shiing global reality” (2020).
During the coronavirus pandemic, Nightlife Studies continued an impressive amount and
quality of production. We must mention a couple of publications that are meant to be central
to the development of Nightlife Studies worldwide in the forthcoming years. e rst is the
collection Transforming Urban Nightlife and the Development of Smart Public Spaces, edited
by Hisham Abusaada, Abeer Elshater and Dennis Rodwell (2021). is collection counts a
very wide geog raphical diversity of case studies (e.g. Paris in France, Tehran in Iran, Alexandria
and Cairo in Egypt and Lucknow in India, among others). It provides well-grounded
empirical insights about the positive impact of transforming nocturnal public spaces into
arenas for more meaningful experiences. is should encourage a greater sense of identity
and community through enhancing cultural and social life in the public space at evening
and night hours. e other publication that deserves our attention and admiration is Queer
Nightlife (2021) by Kemi Adeyemi, Kareem Khubchandani and Ramon Rivera-Servera. e
book focuses on formal (bars and nightclubs) and informal (house parties) nightlife settings
that make possible non-normative expressions of intimacy. It also underlines how risky
commercial nightlife can be for queer and trans people considering growing homophobic
and transphobic violence. e book gathers scholars and artists in a brilliant and engaging
way, giving voice directly to queer and trans people (both white and non-white). e study of
LGTBQI+ nightlife spaces and their importance for belonging, emancipation and identity
within heteronormative, capitalist, urban settings worldwide has also seen recent relevant
growth (Gorman 2020; Khubchandani 2020; Rodríguez 2020; Eeckhout, Herreman and
Dhoest 2021; Lee 2021). We also must mention the relevant number of empirical works
published during the pandemic times on sexual violence in nightlife settings. ey inform us
about the resurgence of (hetero)patriarchal violence in times characterized by radical (and
absolutely necessary) voices, discourses and grammars that work for the emancipation and
liberation of women, gender minorities and sexual minorities (Bulovec and Eman 2020;
Jensen 2020; Quigg et al. 2020, 2021; Vaadal 2020, 2022).
Concerned with the recent and worrying rise of sexual violence in nightlife settings,
many Nightlife Studies scholars have, over the past three years, focused their works on
the interplay between regulation, policing, security and safety in the nocturnal city. is
will continue to be an interesting topic once the pandemic restrictions have been lied
denitively. e rearmation of the ideal of the 24-hour city and the increasing importance
of private security personnel in regulating the nocturnal city are examples of this scholarship
(Nofre et al. 2020 and Wadds 2020). It strengthens the importance of nightlife settings
as time-spaces where cultural values and market imperatives are negotiated in ways that
are sometimes conictual, sometimes benecial for the community (Drevenstdet 2020
and Carah et al. 2021). Conictual tensions arising in nightlife settings remind us of
Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz
|
Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
the signicant increase of alcohol and drug consumption per capita during youth leisure
practices in the evening and night, especially in European countries during the years prior
to the pandemic (Brunn, Brunner and Mütsch 2021 and Edland-Gryt 2021).
These past three years have known a growth of works taking the social and cultural
approach to nightlife. Alternative epistemological approaches that look beyond the
interplay between the criminalistic/regulatory perspective and the neoliberal economicist
perspective—touched upon in the first part of this article—proved fruitful in areas such
as southeastern European countries, Muslim countries, India and Indonesia (e.g. Olt et
al. 2019; Khubchandani 2020; Khorsand, Khayredin and Alalhesabi 2021; Salman et
al. 2021). This parallels the acceleration of works offering new historical approaches to
the emergence and development of nightlife in the late industrial world, especially in
western contexts (e.g. Binas-Preisendörfer 2020; Bird 2020; Jones 2020; Phillips and
Pögün-Zander 2020; Winn 2020).
Nightlife Studies has recently experienced a stretch of Golden Years despite the global
outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. Naturally, this includes scholarship
that assessed the impact pandemic-related restrictions had on the nightlife industry at local
and global levels (e.g. Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz 2023). Two topics of special controversy
were the prohibition of outdoor gatherings at night and the question of the danceoor’s
high probability of contagion. However, the scientic evidence is still very recent and
not denitive (Nofre et al. 2023). More particularly, a scholarly discourse criminalizing
the night without any scientic base or with very weak methodology arose from elds like
Epidemiology and Computational Biology, dominating public opinion even at the global
level (e.g. Murillo-Llorente and Pérez-Bermejo 2020; Cheepsattayakorn, Cheepsattayakorn
and Siriwanarangsun 2021). is epidemiological look on the night as a time-space of high
contagion is radically opposed to other works oering a much more social look on the
night in times of COVID-19. In this sense, a growing number of scholars have argued
that nightlife (both formal and informal) can enhance community building and resilience,
innovation, sustainability, socioemotional well-being and mutual psychological support
under current harsh times (Karampampas 2020 and Borges 2021). ese authors speak
about the tangible and intangible dimensions of the economic, social and cultural values
of nightlife; they study the extreme importance of night-time leisure practices for many
adolescents, teenagers, young adults and adults who suered psychoemotionally from the
lockdown and closure of nightlife venues (Anderson and Knee 2021 and Nofre 2023).
F R
is article has attempted to present a comprehensive, synthetic and critical epistemological
review of the interdisciplinary eld of Nightlife Studies from the late 19th century to the
present. Notably, the part that covers the mid- to late 2000s up to the coronavirus outbreak
three years ago has provided a good overview of new epistemological trends. ese trends
signal the simultaneous emergence of an “alternative cultural approach”, a “community
approach” and a “geographical turn” in Nightlife Studies. Interestingly, this triple turn
Dancecult 15(1)
emerged in the mid-2000s as a result of a progressive entry into the academy of a new,
younger generation of scholars. ey included a greater presence of women, non-white
and non-western scholars who rapidly began to break with the dominant male-centered,
western-centered, class-based academic and policy approach to nightlife. Finally, the article
has shed light on the strong commitment that many nightologists showed to the future
of nightlife during the pandemic period, emphasizing how fundamental nightlife is for
community-building, multicultural understanding and socio-emotional well-being at both
individual and collective levels.
e number of exciting topics that currently characterize the interdisciplinary eld of
Nightlife Studies is enormous. Given the limited space allotted to this nal section, their
enumeration would even merit an entire article. However, more than presenting a new
research agenda, this nal section aims at calling for adopting a “militant/activist socio-
environmental approach” as a response to the growing challenges posed by the climate
emergency, which may seriously aect our nightlife practices. e climate emergency and
the coronavirus pandemic have revealed the lack of environmental resilience in the plans of
nightlife businesses and in the dierent tools of nightlife governance (Nofre and Garcia-
Ruiz 2023). As the authors argue:
[Despite the fact that] some nightlife entrepreneurs have started to deploy a
significant number of initiatives for the ‘green’ transformation of their businesses,
public support through EU Next Generation Funds lacks in 37% of EU countries,
leading the nightlife industry into a future of complex uncertainty in at least 10 of the
27 EU countries. Interestingly, the fact that private actors have started to make moves
to adapt their businesses and venues to Europe’s ecological urban transition should
directly challenge the scientific community in terms of establishing the ‘greening’ of
the nightlife industry as a new topic in our interdisciplinary research agenda. . . . is
line of action emerges as very interesting for the scientific community, as it would
allow [both researchers and governments] to monitor of the adaptation of the nightlife
industry to Europe’s ecological urban transition as well as to assess (quantitatively
and qualitatively) the fulfilment of the objectives set for the implementation of low
carbon cities in our continent. (Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz 2023: 10)
At the intersection between the current uncertain scenario and an unknown future, a
robust, well-grounded knowledge is necessary for reecting on our future nights. What role
should the nocturnal city have in the successful achievement of Sustainable Development
Goals? Being aware that practically all the Nightlife Studies scholars love the night and
their work (which, in many cases, is part of a very personal lifestyle), the urgent need arises
to adopt a “militant/activist socio-environmental approach”. Nightologists could contribute
to promoting greener, more resilient, more inclusive and egalitarian nights. is “eco-
militant/activist approach” in the interdisciplinary eld of Nightlife Studies should not
make us forget the (growing) existence of a wide range of inequalities and injustices that
continue to characterize a large part of the nightlife scenes and spaces of our cities.
Nofre and Garcia-Ruiz
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Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
Acknowledgements
is work was supported by Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (C EECIND/01171/2017,
SFRH/BD/121842/2016), Centro Interdisciplinar de Ciências Sociais da Universidade
Nova de Lisboa and Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia—Instituto Universitário
de Lisboa.
Notes
1 Here, we want to note the well-grounded research carried out by historians, anthropologists
and archaeologists about the night in Classical Antiquity. See Gonlin and Nowell (2018) and
Ker and Wessels (2020).
2 For further information on the network, please visit: <https://nightologists.hypotheses.org/>.
3 For further information, please visit: <https://lxnights.hypotheses.org>.
4 For further information on the annual editions of the conference (including all proceedings
books published for each annual edition of the conference), please visit: <https://icnslx.com>.
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Nightlife Studies: Past, Present and Future
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