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AFRICAN MIGRATION TO EUROPE: TÜRKİYE AS A
TRANSIT COUNTRY
Mossi Bigirimana
1
ABSTRACT
The impact of African migration on both sending and host countries has drawn a lot
of attention in recent years. This paper gives a general summary of the reasons why
African migrants risk their lives to travel to Europe in pursuit of better prospects and
a stable future. In recent years, Türkiye has emerged as an important transit country
for African migrants traveling to Europe. While some migrants use Türkiye as a
transit nation, others come to settle of gradually decide to remain permanently. In
order to effectively address the issue of African migration to Europe, this paper
emphasizes the necessity for comprehensive and collaborative measures. Thus,
policymakers can create more effective ways to handle this complicated issue while
respecting humanitarian standards by having a better grasp of the dynamics of
migration.
Key Words: African Migration, Transit Country, Host Country.
AVRUPA'YA AFRİKA GÖÇÜ: TRANSİT ÜLKE OLARAK TÜRKİYE
ÖZET
Afrika göçünün hem gönderen hem de ev sahibi ülkeler üzerindeki etkisi son yıllarda
çok dikkat çekmiştir. Bu makale, Afrikalı göçmenlerin daha iyi beklentiler ve
istikrarlı bir gelecek peşinde Avrupa'ya seyahat etmek için hayatlarını riske
atmalarının nedenlerinin genel bir özetini sunuyor. Son yıllarda Türkiye, Avrupa'ya
seyahat eden Afrikalı göçmenler için önemli bir geçiş ülkesi olarak ortaya çıkmıştır.
Bazı göçmenler Türkiye'yi geçiş ülkesi olarak kullanırken, diğerleri yavaş yavaş
yerleşir veya kalıcı olarak kalmaya karar verir. Afrika'dan Avrupa'ya göç sorununu
etkili bir şekilde ele almak için bu makale, kapsamlı ve işbirlikçi önlemlerin
gerekliliğini vurgulamaktadır. Böylece politika yapıcılar, göçün dinamiklerini daha
1
Uludağ Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler, Bölümü Doktora Öğrencisi,
bizigael@yahoo.com
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iyi kavrayarak insani standartlara saygı gösterirken bu karmaşık sorunu ele almanın
daha etkili yollarını bulabilirler.
Anahtar kelimeler: Afrika Göçü, Transit Ülke, Ev Sahibi Ülke.
1
1. INTRODUCTION
The complicated phenomenon of migration has had significant social and
economic impact on different countries. The direction, scale, and makeup of
migration—such as its country, culture, and religion—can influence attitudes about
it. Indeed, the socioeconomic gap between potential immigrants and hosts keep on
widening the same as the gap between poor and wealth nations continues to widen
2
.
Thus, this situation makes the assimilation procedures more difficult than expected.
Furthermore, rich nations typically have the habit of demanding their governments to
put its focus on domestic problems rather than taking on global concerns.
Consequently, this turns to be a difficult situation in some countries and
immigration-related openness declines. For instance, the situation of the Brexit and
the numerous political victories of right-wing parties throughout the globe that are
founded on a prejudice towards outsiders, with other persons who fall in these
categories, show the rage developing within these nations. According to Boucher
3
,
current social campaigns and trends that further divide society into immigrants and
nationals, the rich and the poor tend to boost the admiration of populism, which
make many people more hostile to both the integration in European countries and
economic globalization.
In fact, it seems that modern civilizations are challenging the multifaceted
integration paradigm. The principle of diminishing returns shows that developed
nations are increasingly less appreciative of the amount of progress, regional
integration, and globalization that has been achieved
4
. Europeans are content with
their working conditions, however after they reach a certain degree of stability and
income; they are less willing to help those who are less fortunate with their
difficulties. As a result, one can see the rise of discriminatory and prejudiced views
toward immigrants in different countries
5
. According to different scholars, a cyclical
crisis of democracy may be occurring right now. Yet because of these tendencies,
2
Gerard Boucher, ‘European social cohesions’, Patterns Of Prejudice, 47(3), 2013, s 215-234.
3
Boucher, op.cit., s. 217-220
4
WCS, Working Conditions Survey, European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and
Working Conditions. 2015, Retrieved from: https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/surveys/data
5
Valeria Bello, “Inclusiveness as Construction of Open Identity: How Social Relationships Affect
Attitudes Towards Immigrants in European Societies.” Social Indicators Research 126, no. 1 (2016):
199–223.
2
both local and international viewpoints need to pay more attention to development
strategies in dealing with different global topics such migration
6
. Actually,
maintaining social cohesion in developed countries of the European Union is seen as
a crucial task for the Community. The social unrest that has followed the recent
economic migrations to Europe, particularly the acceptance of Syrian and African
refugees, is an obvious illustration of the need to address the issue of social cohesion
in a spectrum that is not restricted to Community matters
7
.
As a result, it is necessary to focus on more than just national issues and to
adopt a more comprehensive strategy, which would provide a better understanding of
the relationships across various regions. There has to be consequences whenever
problems from the poor countries are not taken into consideration or put aside. Also,
the global income disparity does not appear to be getting smaller and global wealth
disparities have a detrimental effect on global stability
8
. It has been
counterproductive to continue referring to the official development assistance system
as "Helping the Developing Countries" and keep on denying that it has always been
used for political ends. The existing quo of North-South relations is disturbed by
growing terrorism threats, social exclusion, and illegal immigration, which
necessitates rethinking. More in-depth assessments are necessary for development
studies, especially those that concentrate on sub-Saharan Africa—the most mediocre
continent in the globalized world
9
. In addition to this, Türkiye has been viewed and
mostly sees itself in this context as a transit country. Although Türkiye is far from
those routes, African migrants still travel there for both internal and external
motives. According to researchers, the migration of Africans to Turkey began in the
6
Nancy Birdsall, ‘Do No Harm: Aid, Weak Institutions and the Missing Middle in Africa’.
Development Policy Review, 25, 2007, 575-598.
Sophie Harman, David Williams, ‘International Development in Transition’. International Affairs,
90(4), 2014, 925-941.
7
Dominic Abrams,‘In pursuit of harmonious cohesion’,ThePsychologist, 29(2), 2016, 111-112.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/292988515_In_Pursuit_of_Harmonious_Cohesion/citations
8
Shantayanan Devarajan, Ravi Kanbur. A Framework for Scaling Up Poverty Reduction, With
Illustrations from South Asia, 2007, In: D. Narayan, E. Glinskaya (eds.). Ending Poverty in South
Asia: Ideas That Work, World Bank, Washington, DC.
9
SimonKuznets, “Problems in Comparing Recent Growth Rates for Developed and Less Developed
Countries.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 20, no. 2 (1972): 185–209.
3
middle of the 1990s. At the time, there was very little information available on these
phenomena
10
.
The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between social
cohesion and economic migration. The main aim is to provide a two-directional
examination of migrations from the perspectives of a country of origin and a country
of destination. Furthermore, the first part of the article will give a literature review
which will analyze some scholarly researches and books. The second part will focus
on the concept of transit migration with Türkiye as a concrete example. The last part
will examine the future prospects of the odd perspective on migration and host
countries. Then, a conclusion will be drafted.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
In this section a discussion of the variable of ‘immigration openness’ is
provided in order to determine whether the decline in support for immigration in
European societies has had an effect on the direction of population movements. Also,
the subjects of remittances which affect emigration from Sub-Saharan African
nations have been analyzed. Moreover, the second part will present a critical analysis
of the concept of transit to comprehend how it supports a politicized conception of
migrants, migrations, and the nations those flows pass through.
2.1. Relations Between Social Cohesion and Inequality
There is a lot of uncertainty when it comes to definitions of migrations given
by different scholars. Due to advancements in transportation technology, the
expansion of multinational organizations, global integration, and cultural
homogenization in the modern world, it is constantly seen as the relocation of
10
Kelly Todd Brewer, Deniz Yükseker, A survey on African migrants and asylum seekers in
Istanbul. In: İçduygu, Ahmet and Kirişçi, Kemal, (eds.) Land of Diverse Migrations: Challenges of
Emigration and Immigration In Turkey. Bilgi University Press, Istanbul, 2009, pp. 637-724.
4
various groups
11
. Migrations have become more international, more rapid, diverse
and political. As a result, it might be challenging to determine which of the "constant
relocations" constitutes a migration. Okolski
12
asserts that contemporary migrations
come in a variety of shapes, sizes, intensities, legitimacy, and population movement
patterns. Migration decisions are made voluntarily, out of "personal convenience,"
and without the influence of an outside driving force
13
.It is challenging to draw a line
and determine whether the decision has been made and, if so, when the migration
occurred because an increasing number of people choose to temporarily change their
domicile, have multiple domiciles, or chooses to work in one country while living in
another
14
. Determining which population movements’ fall under the category of
economic migrations is equally difficult. Given these challenges, we are hesitant to
contribute to the discussion of the theoretical idea of migration in this study
15
.
Numerous economic studies have, nevertheless, made an effort to examine
the mechanisms underlying migration. The causes of migrations and their effects are
specifically differentiated as two kinds of population movement-related scientific
questions i.e. the determinants and the impacts of migrations
16
. According to
Weinstein
17
, migrations are mutually beneficial because they encourage economic
growth, entrepreneurship, and trade while also raising taxes and stifling wage
increases.Yet, according to Smith and Edmonston
18
, the influx of unskilled labor
causes wages for low-paying jobs to decline and incomes for highly qualified jobs to
11
Slobodan Djajic, International Migration: Trends, Policy and economic aspects, Routledge,
London, 2001.
12
Marek Okólski, Demografia zmiany społecznej. Wyd Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa, 2004.
13
UNCHR, Measures to improve the situation and ensure the human rights and dignity of all migrant
workers. Report of the working group of intergovernmental experts on the human rights of migrants
submitted in accordance with Commission on Human Rights resolution 1997/15. COMMISSION ON
HUMAN RIGHTS Fifty-fourth session, Intergovernmental working group of experts on the human
rights of migrants, 1998.
14
Beauchemin Cris, ‘Migrations entre l’Afrique et l’Europe (MAFE) : Réflexions sur la conception et
les limites d’une d’enquête multisituée’, Population, 2015/1 (Vol. 70), p. 13-39.
15
Thomas Faist, The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social
Spaces,Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000.
16
Charles Francis Mueller. The Economics of Labor Migration, A Behavioral Analysis, New York,
Academic Press Inc, 1982,
Larry Long,Migration and Residential Mobility in the United States, New York: Russel Sage
Foundation, 1988.
17
Eric Weinstein. Migrations et intérêtgénéral: pour une nouvelle de l’immigration économique.
Revue Internationale du Travail, 3, 2002, 249-278.
18
Smith James, Barry Edmonston, The New Americans: Economic, Demographic and Fiscal Effects of
Immigration. National Academy Press, Washington D.C, 1997.
5
rise. In addition to that, Boeri and Brucker
19
conducted a research on the migration
patterns between the European Union's new and old member states. In fact, they
predicted that the influx of migrants will boost the host economies' GDP by 0.5
percent. Hence, according to general economic research, migrations can promote the
growth of industry and public works, trade development, and are linked to the
business cycle. Some recent studies concentrate on the role of regional cooperation,
particularly EU policy in the management of migratory flows. The literature asserts
that historical and geographic factors such as slavery or colonialism, the
geographical distance between the nation of origin and the country of destination
20
,
climate change, and environmental distress
21
all influence migrations. According to
Mansor and Quillin
22
, they are allegedly influenced by economic, demographic,
political, and socio-cultural push and pull factors.
Hence, migrants are pushed out of their native countries due to difficult
economic conditions (living poor conditions, unemployment, low-payment salary,
lack of access to medical services, poor labor standards, etc.). They look for a host
nation that offers the chance for personal growth, higher pay, and higher living
standards. Also, citizens from corrupt, politically unstable and war-torn countries
always look for refuge in stable and secure states. Migration may also result from
discrimination, prejudice based on religion, any type of human rights violations or
ethnic crisis
23
. Additionally, a "reversed migration" like the return from the exhale to
the ancestral homeland, can also be seen in some countries. After reaching a
particular salary level, people can afford to look for their roots and occasionally sent
the remittances or even go back, usually to a higher standard of living. Experience
and social networks are crucial factors in the migration process, regardless of the
reason for leaving
24
.
19
Tito Boeri, Herbert Brücker, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, and Pierre Cahuc. “Why Are Europeans So
Tough on Migrants?” Economic Policy 20, no. 44 (2005): 631–703.
20
Ilse Ruyssen, Glenn Rayp , Determinants of Intraregional Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa 1980-
2000, The Journal of Development Studies, 50:3, 2014, 426-443.
21
Klaus Zimmerman (2013). The Mobility Challenge for Growth and Integration i Europe, IZA Paper
Series, 69, 2013, 1-18.
22
Ali Mansor , Bryce Quillin, Migration and Remittances: Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet
Union. © Washington, DC: World Bank, 2007.
23
Ibid,http://hdl.handle.net/10986/6920
24
John Anyanwu , Andrew Erhijakpor. Do International Remittances Affect Poverty in Africa?
African Development Review, 2, 2010, 51-91.
6
Furthermore, the choice of the country of destination by migrants is also
influenced by the presence of a Diaspora. Some recent studies have been made and
discussions of migration in the context of the African continent
25
.The factors that
influence African migration are the subject of some of these publications.
Geographical proximity, income disparities, domestic war, cultural ties, and natural
variables including floods and droughts are cited as the causes of intra-regional
migrations. Instead, the majority of movements which are made by more than 85
percent of the sub-Saharan Diaspora to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) nations, particularly France, the UK, and the USA are
vivified by economic drivers
26
.
This study considers potential quantitatively stated factors that may affect
both the decision to migrate and the choice of where to migrate based on the results
of the literature review. Remittances are also thought to have positive effects on
home nations, outpacing foreign direct investments as a source of foreign currency
27
.
The social capital theory, particularly the notion of social cohesion, is connected to
remittances. This is a broad idea that combines a sense of belonging and active
participation, trust, and mobility. It reflects a social force that is embodied in a
society and may help to resolve issues with inequality and, as a result, aid in the
process of economic growth
28
. As a matter of fact, the social cohesiveness in
different institutions either formal or informal, allows for the use of the capabilities
and resources of underprivileged groups in bottom-up, participatory processes,
including migration. Anyanwu and Erhijakpor
29
assert that remittances have a
beneficial effect on the eradication of poor living conditions. By facilitating the
positive benefits of migration on countries of origin, policies that permit cash flows
for the benefit of private families (such as lower costs of money which is transferred)
also have a favorable impact on economic development
30
.
25
Natasja Reslow, Maarten Vink, ‘Three-Level Games in EU External Migration Policy: Negotiating
Mobility Partnerships in West Africa’. Journal of Common Market Studies, 53(4), 2015, 857-874.
26
Jesus Gonzalez-Garcia, Monfort Mlachila, Beyond the Headlines: Migration from sub-Saharan
Africa has far-ranging effects on home and host countries alike. Finance and Development, 54(2),
2017, 48-50
27
Ibid
28
Birdsall, op,cit.,s.575-579
29
Anyanwu, Andrew, op.cit.,s.56-60
30
Ingrid Esser, Tommy Ferrarini, Kenneth Nelson, Ola Sjöberg. ‘A framework for comparing social
protection in developing and developed countries: The example of child benefits’. International
Social Security Review, 62, 2009, 91-115.
7
2.2.Transit Migration
Institutions and academies haven't been able to come to an agreement on
what transit migration might signify, according to Frank Düvell's view of point.
According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union Assembly in Geneva, transit migrants
are "aliens who remain in the country for a certain amount of time while seeking to
move permanently to another country"
31
. The United Nations Economic Commission
for Europe defined transit migration as "migration in one country with the goal of
pursuing the possibility there to immigrate to another country as the final nation of
destination" about ten years prior. The Council of Europe defined a transit migrant as
"a foreign national in a legal or irregular situation whose goal is to leave his or her
present country of residence 'as soon as possible' with the intent to reach a third
country". They emphasized the importance of intention in their definition.
Contrarily, according to the IOM, "transit migrants are migrants who come to a
country of destination with the goal of going and staying in another country"
32
.
Regardless of the variations, these descriptive definitions have the tendency to
normalize the terms "transit migrant" and "transit migration," obscuring their
manufactured nature and the political objectives they support. These are the ones this
paper will have a look at
33
(Collyer, 2012: 407).
In a period when immigration became increasingly a topic of national
security, the term "transit migrant" is primarily used by international organizations
and European agencies. These expressions have been taken into considerations by
these organizations
34
. The transit migrant is built in this context to pose a threat to
the state and is uniformly depicted as being illegal and typically hailing from the
South. This "threat" then justifies the EU's introduction of a migration policy that
includes precautionary steps and improved border surveillance (such as Frontex
agency)
35
. This framing technique turns the transit migrant into an illegal member of
31
Franck Düvell, Transit migration: A blurred and politicized concept. Population, Space and Place
18, no 4, 2012: 415-427.
32
IOM, 1995, https://www.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl486/files/2019-01/923-Future-Activities-of-
IOM.pdf
33
MichaelCollyer, Franck Düvell, Hein de Haas, ‘Critical approaches to transit migration’,
Population, Space and Place 18, no 4, 2012: 407-414
34
Jef Huysmans, the European Union and the Securitization of Migration, JCMS: Journal of Common
Market Studies 38, no 5, 2000: 751–777.
35
FRONTEX-UE, ‘Frontex | European Union Agency’, 2011, http://www.frontex.europa.eu/
8
an unidentified group that is ostensibly trying to enter the EU. Moreover, the way the
concept is utilized in institutional discourse centers on the idea that transit migrants
are constantly "on their way to Europe." The term "so-called transit countries"
entirely refers to nations that share a border with the EU, avoiding any mention of
the phenomena that exists among EU member states or the domestic politics of so-
called transit countries. In this direction, it is possible to claim that transit nations
and transit migration are political tools used to forward a securitization agenda that is
primarily in the interests of Europe. Therefore, it may be argued that the category of
transit migrants is part of a larger rhetoric that justifies the externalization of
European Union immigration and asylum policies. This is an agenda which aims at
delocalizing or displacing the European border as a result of externalization so that
migratory control policy can now start well before the common boundary. In brief,
the term ‘transit migration’ has always been used as a political tool.
In addition to that, Düvell points out that the emphasis on intention in the
definitions of transit begs the question of how we need to gauge this intention. For
example, Düvell questions if the individual should have made any "actual" efforts at
all or if transit can simply be a state of mind
36
. He focuses on the fact whether a
person should have saved money to continue his or her migrant journey or not; or
whether the intention of the immigrant to travel depend primarily on social-political
setting or personal experiences. Furthermore, scholars have noted that institutional
language does not adequately address the issue of temporality; while it frequently
emphasizes the desire of the individual to move "as quickly as possible,” The real
details or motives are never mentioned. The main question will now to know the
difference between transit migration and temporary settlement given that migrant
itineraries are sometimes lengthy and comprised of stages. In fact, some people may
have initially thought of themselves as passing through one nation before continuing
on to another, but in the end they may have preferred to remain in their current
location. Perhaps they feel it is too risky to cross the border or had good employment
opportunities, so they no longer feel the need to continue with their migration
journey.
36
Düvell, op.cit.,s.416-420.
9
Furthermore, Collyer and de Hass place special emphasis on the way transit
migration implies migration as a linear process "with stable starting and ending
points" that renders the transit space as a "through" space. In their preferred
conceptualization
37
, this process consists of fragmented travels. In this case, transit
migration has also been conceptualized as a procedure. While intentions play a
significant role in the migration process, Papadopoulou notes that they interact with
other elements such as the structural context in the country of first reception and the
presence of migrant networks
38
. She sees transit migration as a process rather than a
status in this sense; it is a precarious stage of stay that might or might not result in
further travel. She contends that migration by way of transit falls in between
migration and settlement. Although some of the gathered testimonials have shown,
this idea is consistent are consistent. Thus, it is believed to fall short of accurately
capturing the complex and varied types of settlement to which such migrations may
occasionally belong. Another conundrum is whether to include refugees, asylum
seekers, and irregular migrants under the umbrella term of "transit migrants" or
whether to limit this term to irregular migrants solely. The idea of transit migration is
thus analytically problematic; it artificially freezes individual intentions and
possibilities without taking into consideration the dynamic and changing nature of
migrant processes. Its haziness attempts to make up for the varied experiences it
attempts to embrace. Whenever different scholars consider defining ‘transit country,'
the concept itself becomes larger and apparent than it was before.
37
Collyer, op.cit., s.468.
38
Aspacia Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, ‘Smuggling into Europe: Transit Migrants in Greece’, Journal of
Refugee Studies 17, no 2, 2004: 167-184.
Aspacia Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, Transit Migration: The Missing Link Between Emigration and
Settlement. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
10
3. TRANSIT MIGRATION IN TÜRKIYE: DOMESTIC AND
INTERNATIONAL POLICY
3.1.New Migratory Area: Türkiye and Africa
African migrants in Türkiye offer an intriguing case study to investigate these
issues in a setting where Türkiye's foreign policy is opening up and diversifying as
well as where contacts between Türkiye and Africa are deepening. Africa has started
to interest the Turkish foreign policy and its liaison with it is becoming stronger. It is
obvious that the relationship between foreign policy and immigrant policies in
Türkiye already affects the choices made by African migrants. African migrant
circumstances for asylum and residence are once again being discussed as a result of
expanding trade, humanitarian, and political relations with Africa
39
. Turkish foreign
policy began to shift in a new direction towards Africa as it became more receptive
and eager to forge alliances with new nations (particularly with African
nations).Although the Ottoman Empire had strong ties to both North and Sub-
Saharan Africa, it is generally acknowledged that connections between sub-Saharan
Africa and the Republic of Türkiye were at their lowest between the years 1923–
1998
40
. This protracted period of little interaction between the two areas was finally
put to an end in 1998 when Türkiye adopted a new policy statement known as the
"Opening up to Africa Policy" and took a direct significant turn when it declared
"The Year of Africa"
41
. With Türkiye agreeing to help development in agriculture,
construction, and defense and African countries committing to purchasing
commodities and entering into contracts with Turkish enterprises, this treaty
attempted to forge economic and political ties. For instance, Ethiopia is a Sub-
Saharan Africa's largest importer of Turkish commodities. Nigeria, South Africa,
Congo, and Kenya are the principal nations that Türkiye is seeking for heightened
relations, in addition to Ethiopia and Ghana. The Turkish Cooperation and
Development Agency, or TIKA, is based in many African nations, most of which are
in the Horn of Africa, and seeks to expand its representations. It is well known for its
39
Theodore Baird, ‘The missing migration component of Turkey-Africa relations’, Open Democracy,
2011, https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/missing-migration-component-of-turkey-africa-relations/
40
Mehmet Özkan, Birol Akgün. “Turkey's Opening to Africa.” The Journal of Modern African
Studies 48, no. 4 (2010): 525–46.
41
Mehmet Özkan, ‘Turkey Discovers Africa: Implications and Prospects’, SETA Policy Brief 22
(2008): 1–8.
11
involvement in African conflicts (such as Somalia and others) and development in
the continent. In terms of diplomatic issues, Türkiye frequently expands its
diplomatic ties with Sub-Saharan African nations.
In addition, many migrants from sub-Saharan Africa don't plan to stay in
Türkiye. They enter Türkiye by air or land, and whether they have a visa or not.
Some of them apply for asylum so they can stay in Türkiye legally, while others do
not. It is obvious that objectives might alter while traveling. As a result, making
decisions is more difficult than the concept of "transit" would suggest. It is
undeniable that many migrants are unwilling to alter their minds and continue
traveling in the direction of the EU. Türkiye is not a predetermined final destination
for people escaping persecution, but rather a step in their migration journey as they
look for a safe haven. While many migrants use Türkiye as a stop in the migratory
process to earn cash to pay the trafficker for the next stage, many of them get
detained there as the Türkiye-EU border grows increasingly impassable, as the
country's reputation is as a "safe" destination. People are forced to find job in the
informal labor market, which unintentionally promotes a sort of de facto integration,
due to the absence of social help for asylum seekers and the challenges of obtaining
legal employment rights
42
.
Türkiye has developed as a destination for settlement for other migrants, and
this is mostly due to the opportunities in the informal labor market and Türkiye's
geographic location. A highly unique scenario has arisen as a result of Türkiye's
geographical limitations on the Geneva Convention. The majority of migrants apply
to the UNHCR and wait years for interviews before receiving a definitive response.
Some immigrants view Türkiye as a nation with abundant economic opportunities.
Economic contacts have been able to strengthen between numerous African nations
and Türkiye thanks to Turkish economic growth and the country's historic "good
neighbor" diplomatic policy. In a nutshell, migration journeys are frequently
disorganized and unplanned. While some sub-Saharan migrants utilize Türkiye as a
transit country, others came to settle or gradually made the decision to do so. The
42
Didem Danış, ‘Integration in Limbo’.Iraqi, Afghan, Maghrebi and Iranian Migrants in Istanbul,
(2006). Mirekoç program.
12
unregulated labor market in Türkiye offers prospects for employment and, in a small
number of circumstances, even success
43
. The paradoxical result of the need to labor
illegally in the absence of government assistance and a strong legal framework is a
greater integration into Turkish society (learning a foreign language, creating trade),
and in certain circumstances, opportunity to achieve economic stability. Numerous
migrants cast doubt on the idea that they are in "transit," and Türkiye's connection to
Africa, both legal and informal, as well as its unregulated labor market, cast doubt on
the idea that Türkiye is the only "transit country." Additionally, they demonstrate the
variety of immigrant profiles covered by the transit label, demonstrating that a
significant portion are not "illegal" and do not all intend to enter the EU. The
condition of Africans in Türkiye is indeed complicated and requires in-depth
research. The condition of Africans in Türkiye is indeed complicated and requires in-
depth research. It would contend that the situation involving migrants from Africa
and Türkiye shows how overcrowded the terms "transit migrant" and "transit
country" is.
3.2.Türkiye as a Transit Country
Türkiye has traditionally been seen as a place where people go to emigrate,
but in recent years it has also been regularly called a transit country. A few recent
developments could alter the picture or at least make it more complicated. A number
of significant changes have been made to Türkiye's asylum and migration policies,
some of them as a result of negotiations between Türkiye and the EU to align such
policies with the Schengen acquis and rules. First, EU actors emphasize Türkiye's lax
visa policies for so-called "high risk" countries. Their focus was mainly on the
difficulties of Turkish authorities in controlling irregular migrations from countries
which have vast and mountainous territorial borders (Iraq, Iran, etc.)
44
. Also, many
African nations whose nationalities rank highly among irregular migrants in the EU
43
Didem Danış, Ayşe Parla, ‘Nafile Soydaşlık: Irak ve Bulgaristan Türkleri örneğinde göçmen, dernek
ve devlet’. Toplum ve Bilim, novembre 21, 2008.
44
Ibid
13
have been able pass through different Turkish borders. Second, it was suggested that
Türkiye needed to revise its asylum policies, notably with regard to the geographical
restrictions it has placed on the Geneva Convention, which prevented anyone outside
of Europe from being granted asylum in Türkiye. Thus, other nations are eligible to
request refuge in Türkiye in this circumstance; however they can only ever be treated
as asylum seekers and must be relocated to a third country. Additionally, the
procedure for determining if a person is a refugee and resettling them is drawn out
and difficult, taking anywhere from one to ten years, and during that time, the person
has little to no access to social assistance and aid. Additionally, asylum seekers in
Turkey are given the designation of a satellite city, frequently in regions of the
country where there are few options for informal work and no many international
NGOs support. They risk losing their status as asylum seekers in case they move out
of their satellite city.
These are some of the argued circumstances which drove a lot of people to
try to reach Europe, where the conditions for the refugee assessment procedure are
reportedly better. Thirdly, Türkiye's immigration policy makes it virtually impossible
to obtain Turkish nationality (only in some cases like marrying a Turkish citizen and
fully enforcing the settlement law, or İskan kanunu; law number 5543, articles 5-7,
14). Additionally, although some people can formally obtain a work permit
45
under
certain circumstances, there are many barriers in reality, such as the requirement to
hold a resident permit and to find sponsors. The new rule regarding the status of
foreigners in Turkey (Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Kanunu) was anticipated
to modify several situations, particularly for refugees who will then be able to obtain
employment permits, educational opportunities for their kids, and simpler access to
healthcare
46
.
4. FUTURE CONCERNS BASED ON RANGE OF MIGRATION-RELATED
ELEMENTS
4.1. A New Migration Geography
45
Mustafa Alp, ‘Yabancıların çalışma izinleri hakkında kanun’, İş ve Sosyal Güvenlik Hukuku
Anabilim Dalı, 2004. https://dergipark.org.tr/en/download/article-file/628604
46
Mehmet Atakan Foça, ‘Göç Politikası Değişiyor, Tasarı Komisyonda’, Bianet, 2012.
14
Numerous factors, including economic growth in developed and emerging
nations, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, increased exploitation of West African oil
reserves, the trend of commodity prices, global geo-strategic relations, and risks of
insurgency, will surely decide the geography of global and African migration in the
coming decades. It appears that some patterns will continue in this environment of
significant uncertainty. The first trend is the rise in international labor migration,
which is a result of trade expansion and economic globalization. The increase seen
over the last couple of decades should continue, barring any extraordinary
circumstances. According to the United Nations, 2.2 million people will immigrate
internationally each year to industrialized nations between 2005 and 2050
47
. This
number only reflects around 4% rise in population in emerging nations during the
same time period. The second trend helps the previous one to continue. It shows that
developed countries' migration plans are focused on selective migration, which
would even so expand due to issues with demographic recession. Due to extremely
high demographic growth, the third trend is significant mobility throughout Africa,
with sub-Saharan Africa leading the way. As in the past, this mobility will cause
domestic, regional, and global movements. Despite these trends, it is highly
challenging to make any predictions due to the shifting nature of migration over
history, which also poses some concerns
48
. Some of the asked questions are whether
the Africans who migrate to European countries will be able to settle and adapt
themselves, and play a role in the development of those countries.
4.2.The Need for Dialogue between Europe, West and North Africa
North Africans are disproportionately overrepresented in the population of
Europe, with the exception of the United Kingdom, in the seven European nations
with the highest rates of African immigration (some of those countries are Italy,
Portugal France, Spain, Belgium, Italy, Netherlands, and United Kingdom). In Italy,
Belgium, Spain, and to a lesser extent in the Netherlands and France, Moroccan
47
United Nations Population Division, 2002, International Migration Report, New York.
48
Mehdi Lahlou, 2004, « Les migrations des Africains sub-sahariens entre Maghreb et Union
européenne ». Communication préparée à l’occasion du colloque sur « Les migrations internationales
: observation, analyse et perspectives » organisé par l’AIDELF à Budapest
http://wwwaidelf.ined.fr/colloques/Budapest/Seance2/S2_Lahlou.pdf
15
immigrants predominate. Currently, around 5% of Moroccans reside in Europe.
Historically, migration from Algeria and Tunisia to France dates back many years. It
is named "Migratory proximity" in which the three sizable European nations
bordering the Mediterranean Sea (Spain, France, and Italy) are the main host nations,
strengthening and even confirming Europe's geographic proximity to North Africa
49
.
As a matter of fact, this two-way closeness needs to be discussed once again. Four
factors have to be taken into account:
- North Africa is a significant economic region for Europe. It is not an area
to be neglected due to its healthy market and energy supplies,
- There is a pool of highly skilled labor in North Africa. For instance: in
Morocco, 75% of unemployed women are college graduates, and those who have
completed their higher education must wait one to three years before finding their
first work.
- Exodus of retired Europeans to the southern Mediterranean shores in quest
of more pleasant and affordable living conditions is a recent phenomenon that could
become substantial. In Tunisia and Morocco, tens of thousands of French citizens
have already established themselves.
- In comparison to sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa experiences less
demographic pressure.
In fact, North Africa has always been seen as a close neighbor and partner by
Europe. Europe may persuade North Africa to assist in exchange for payment and
security against unauthorized sub-Saharan immigration
50
. This is consistent with
Community initiatives (like the Barcelona Declaration which aims to create a global
European-Mediterranean partnership), bilateral projects (like the Spanish which aims
to help Morocco and Italian to control to the Libyan border) and multilateral
initiatives (also the 5+5 Forum uniting the five European countries with the North
49
Hein de Haas,’Morocco’s migration transition: trends, déterminants and future scenarios’, Global
Migration Perspectives, n° 28, 2005, GCIM, Geneva
50
Nelly Robin, Atlas des migrations ouest-africaines vers l’Europe 1985–1993, ORSTOM, Bondy,
1996.
16
African countries)
51
.Thus, it appears that the European-Mediterranean discussion is
proceeding as planned. However, there is still more to be done to organize the
migration and development cooperation between Europe and sub-Saharan Africa.
Currently, only bilateral discussions between a European nation and one African
nation have been made so far. For instance: the Spain and Senegal, France and
Senegal, Spain and Mauritania in which discussion was about the implementation of
better strategies for limiting departures or providing incentives for migrants to return
in exchange for compensation. These bilateral strategies undoubtedly have their
limitations.
As a result, it is now more difficult to emigrate clandestinely from one nation
to another, such as from North Africa to Mauritania, Senegal, and Guinea. Egypt and
the Red Sea might become new routes in some years to come. Furthermore, the
execution of bilateral measures is rarely coordinated and may cause
miscommunications between West African nations. Given that the EU and Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), along with Mauritania, have started
implementing an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA)
52
(Fargues, 2006). This
will anticipate the short-term creation of a free trade area between the two entities, a
bloc-to-bloc dialogue between the EU and West Africa is probably the most logical
course of action. Finally, a tripartite European-West-Mediterranean African dialogue
is required as a logical and essential possibility. This meeting will help to bring
together the emigration countries of West Africa, emigration and transit countries of
the same region, as well as the ones in the North Africa, within the same table.
CONCLUSION
The paper considers how African immigrants have been perceived for years
in Europe. It is obvious that the workforce will continue to be mobile as long as
technology advances and rich countries keep on being selfish. The welcoming nature
51
Vincent Staub, La Libye et les migrations sub-sahariennes, mémoire de Cycle de Relations
internationales approfondies, Paris, 2005.
52
Phillipe Fargues (dir.), Migrations méditerranéennes : Rapport 2005, EUI/EUROMED, Bruxelles,
2006.
17
of European societies does not appear to have a substantial effect on the flow of
immigration. Also, the causes and effects of African migration seem to be a mix of
advantageous and disadvantageous social and economic dynamics. In this study,
some empirical factors related to economic and social inequality which has an effect
on people's decisions to leave African countries, have been shown. In general,
migration is higher in nations with high mortality rates and countries with lack of
access to health care suggest that disparities in social protection may be a driving
force for population exodus. In other countries, the extent of poverty may restrict
society members' capacity to undertake relocation.
On the other hand, the notion that Türkiye is just a planned "transit country"
based on linear concepts of the migratory process from A to B is contested by
different researches. It is highlighted that the migration trip frequently consists of
various stages, both intentional and unintentional, various statuses, with shifting
motivations and shifting possibilities. While some sub-Saharan migrants utilize
Türkiye as a transit country, others came to settle or gradually make the decision to
do so. The unregulated labor market in Türkiye offers prospects for employment and,
in a small number of circumstances, even success.
Finally, it is important to note that migration from Africa is not just aimed at
Europe. Migrations from Africa are largely regional in nature. The continent's
expanding and rising economy also draw laborers from its neighbors. Supporting the
economic growth of Africa (and other low-income regions) is not only morally right,
but it is also shrewd for people who fear losing their cultural identity.
18
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