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Forum for Linguistic Studies 2023; 5(2): 1788.
Original Article
1
Balinese transliteration in public space: Error analysis in linguistics
landscapes
Ni Ketut Ratna Erawati1, I. Wayan Mulyawan2,*, I. Ketut Ngurah Sulibra1yi1
1 Udayana University, Denpasar Bali 80112, Indonesia
2 English Department, Faculty of Humanities, Udayana University, Denpasar Bali, 80112, Indonesia
* Corresponding author: I. Wayan Mulyawan, moelya01@gmail.com
ABSTRACT: Public space is one of the most accessible areas to the public
eye. Placing any sign in a public space within a given territory creates a
linguistic landscape environment. One of the essential functions of a
linguistic landscape is representing a certain given territory’s symbolic
meaning. This symbolic meaning may represent local ideology or identity
and local/national authority’s power. This phenomenon occurs in Kuta
village, Badung Regency, Bali Province, Indonesia. Due to a lack of local
identity, all public sign in Bali is oblique to put Balinese scripts
transliteration above all Latin scripts as mandated by Bali’s Governor
Regulation no. 80/2018. This authority’s power of language use over
public space is one of Bali’s government’s efforts to gain its local identity
in public space through public signs. This study aims to further analyse the
transliteration of Latin script to Balinese script in public signs in Kuta
village, as previous research indicates some mistakes and irregularity. This
analysis is needed to identify, refine and regulate the transliteration
procedure since Balinese script is a syllabic system different from Latin
script. The finding showed that some issues must be maintained and
regulated to have a good transliteration of Balinese script in public space
as a landmark of Balinese identity in Bali’s public spaces.
KEYWORDS: quantitative aspect of foregrounding; stylistic convergence;
extended metaphor; syntactical repetitions; pragmatic effect; strong
position
1. Introduction
Kuta village is one of the international tourist destinations in Bali. It is located in Badung Regency,
Bali Province, Indonesia. Kuta’s developments were marked by the establishment of a Dutch trading
company, namely De Nederlandsche Handelmaatschappij (NHM), on 1 August 1839, with the approval
of King Kesiman, Gusti Ngurah Gede Kesiman (Mahastuti, 2017). It was followed by the appointment
of Mads Johansen Lange, a Danish trader, as harbour master and the village head in Kuta.
As a tourist destination, it was marked for the first time by the visit of a foreign tourist from Scotland
named Miss Mank, who settled down and founded the first hotel in Kuta, named Kuta Beach Hotel, in
1959 (Mahastuti, 2017). Tourism development continued with the establishment of the Bali Beach Hotel
in Sanur in 1963, followed by the revitalisation of Ngurah Rai Airport to become an international airport
in 1967. Ever since, tourism in Kuta village has developed rapidly, causing natural environment changes.
Kuta village, which was initially full of coconut trees, is now full of housing, hotels, restaurants, and
ARTICLE INFO
Received: 2 June 2023
Accepted: 10 August 2023
Available online: 19 September 2023
http://dx.doi.org/10.59400/fls.v5i2.1788
Copyright © 2023 Author(s).
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is published by
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Forum for Linguistic Studies 2023; 5(2): 1788.
2
shops (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Legian Street in 1975 (left) and present-day (right/before the Covid-19 pandemic).
Source: http://inputbali.com/berita-bali/inilah-baliku-dulu-dan-baliku-kini
Nowadays, Kuta is struggling to maintain its identity, especially in public spaces, since the effect of
tourism is unavoidable. Giulianotti and Robertson (2007, p. 2) stated that the development of the tourism
industry would undoubtedly be followed by the impact of globalisation, which invariably endangers the
locals. On the other hand, Blommaert (2012) stated that globalisation would affect the various aspects of
the language used in society. For instance, Huebner (2006, p. 1) discovered that the diversity of language
use in the urban area of Bangkok, as part of globalisation, shows many changes in Chinese usage to
English. It offers evidence of a shift from Chinese to English as the major language in public signs. At
the same time, Ben-Rafael et al. (2006) studied the symbolic language construction in public areas in
Israel. They found that the language combination used in outdoor signs determines the community in
the area: Hebrew-English language prevails in Jewish communities; Arabic-Hebrew in Israeli-Palestinian
communities; and Arabic-English in East Jerusalem.
Likewise, Mulyawan (2017a) discovered that Kuta’s public space represents the tourism ideology of
capitalism, in which none of the public tourism signs shows any local identity. He recalled that walking
along the main streets of Kuta is not resembling walking in Bali since it is packed with ‘alien’ signs, which
have no local attribute. All signs use either a foreign language or Indonesian. None of the commercial
signs uses the Balinese language or Balinese scripts, which signal the lack of local-language power in
public space. Balinese is only in local signs, temples, or cemeteries. This condition sparks the
government’s awareness that Balinese are marginalised in Bali’s public space, especially in Kuta village
(Mulyawan, 2017b).
Like Kuta village, Moriarty (2014) observed some areas most frequently traversed and visited by
tourists in the Dingle region in Southwest Ireland. The data has been grouped according to the city, the
language utilized, the type of sign, the makers (government/private) of signs, as well as the visuality of
the sign. She found conflicts between two linguistic ideologies in the Dingle area: the state ideology that
wanted for national unity. On the other hand, the residents tended to promote their territory with the
ideology of postmodernism, which supports the multilingual concept. This action marginalised the use
of the state or national language in the region.
Forum for Linguistic Studies 2023; 5(2): 1788.
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In response to the marginalisation of the local language in Bali’s public spaces, therefore, in 2018,
Bali’s Governor issued a controversial regulation to regulate the use of Balinese scripts in public spaces
in Bali. This Bali’s Governor Regulation no. 80/2018, stipulated that all public signs should put Balinese
scripts transliteration above their Latin script. It is considered one of the most controversial language
policies, because it raises many debates about its legality and violation of higher laws in Indonesia
(Mulyawan, 2021). However, despite being controversial, this regulation has successfully created a greater
Balinese cultural ambiance in Bali, especially in Kuta. Since it could raise the use of Balinese scripts in
public spaces on commercial signs (Mulyawan, 2021). Further research discovered that this regulation
did not affect any outdoor signs of Covid-19 prevention, although it was made up in 2020 after the
regulation was issued (Mulyawan and Artawa, 2021; Mulyawan et al., 2022). The finding showed that
the regulation is not forceful enough to maintain and regulate the use of Balinese transliteration in public
spaces in Kuta. Ever since, the Balinese language and scripts have begun to gain their position as hosts in
Bali’s public spaces, in which many commercial outdoor signs started to put Balinese transliteration above
their Latin.
However, some issues occurred concerning the transliteration process since it is not merely about a
ruled-based sound transferring process and neglecting its complexity and multi-functions as stated by
Huang (2023). He studied the transliteration of cultural words of Chinese classic Shan Hai Jing and
treated it as a multidimensional semiosis, whose efficacy in cross-cultural communication could be
revealed through the presence of icons, indexes, and symbols. Likewise, Khan et al. (2023) tried to use a
similarity procedure to indicate English transliteration in Urdu script. Their approach of Similarity
Measure based on Transliteration Words (SMTW) is proven in increasing the level of transliteration
precision. Furthermore, Ekezie (2023) applied sound substitution, sound insertion, or approximation of
Igbo/Yoruba phonetic symbols to English orthography in the process of translation/transliteration of
the names of biblical books into Igbo and Yoruba.
Similarly, Balinese transliteration of Latin script also indicates the same issues, such as the
inconsistency of the pronounce-based transliteration process for English words that showed different
results for the same word. It was discovered that the problems arose from the different writing systems of
Balinese script and the Latin script. One of the differences is that the Balinese script uses a syllabic system
different from Latin’s.
The current study investigates any visible issue of the transliteration process of the Latin script to
Balinese script, especially for Indonesian and English found in Kuta’s public spaces. At the same point,
some recommendation for revision and/or standardisation rules have been formulated to resolve any
found issues.
2. Theoretical basis
An outdoor sign is part of society’s mass communication system that signals the environmental
condition in which the sign is posted. According to Blommaert (2012), physical space is also social,
cultural, and political space: it offers, enables, triggers, invites, prescribes, proscribes, or enforces
particular social behaviour patterns; it is never no man’s land but always someone’s space; it is historically
rich in codes, expectations, norms, and traditions; and it is a space of power that is both controlled by
and controlling people. Therefore, the study of outdoor signs may represent the language of the society,
the ideology or the power of authority within any public policies.
The study of the outdoor sign is linguistically referred to as a Linguistic Landscape study (LLS).
Forum for Linguistic Studies 2023; 5(2): 1788.
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LLS consists of two main words: landscape, which means a large expanse of land with a specific
territorial scope, and linguistics, which means the scientific study of language. Thus, it can be said that
LLS is a study of language in the public space within a specific territorial area. Landry and Bourhis (1997)
first coined the LLS, which is part of a sociolinguistic study focusing on written language’s presence in
various public and commercial signs in a certain given area.
Theoretically, this study can be analysed through its two main functions: informative and symbolic
(Landry and Bourhis, 1997). The informative function approach studies the analysis of the function of
sign visualization as a means of mass visual communication, distinguishing a region from other regions.
In addition, the study of the informative function also provides indications regarding the types of
language used in a particular area. In contrast, the symbolic function approach is an approach that is
abstract, fundamental, and principle or salience related to the function of outdoor sign language as an
identity of a region that is characterized by the language used, which is implicit. Furthermore, based on
its function, Mulyawan (2023) proposed four types of public signs:
a. Nameplate signs with identity function.
b. Information signs with informative function.
c. Commerce signs with commercial and advertising functions.
d. Mixed signs with mixed or multiple functions.
Bali’s Governor Regulation no. 80/2018 is contentious legislation that governs the usage of Balinese
script in public locations on the island. It was created to combat the marginalisation of the local language
in public spaces. It requires all public and private sectors to include Balinese transliteration of any Latin
script above public signage. Those signs involved seven categories, as stated in Chapter IV, article 6:
a. Hindu’s temple and cemetery;
b. Local institution;
c. Government institutions;
d. Private institution;
e. Traffic sign and street name;
f. Tourism facility; and
g. Public facility.
In terms of error analysis of bilingual and multilingual signs, Mohebbi and Firoozkohi (2019)
proposed that error analysis involved spelling, translation, grammatical, transliteration and local language
interference. This approach is suitable and in line with the discussion of this study which focuses on
errors in the transliteration of Latin to Balinese script.
Balinese and Latin scripts are far different regarding the transliteration process due to the syllabic
system of Balinese script. Sudiarta (2013) stated that the Balinese script is a syllabic system grouped into
two based on its articulation and function. According to its articulation, Balinese script is divided into
three: (1) aksara suara [vowel]; (2) aksara wianjana [consonant]; and (3) aksara lagana or anacaraka
[syllable]. Furthermore, aksara suara is differentiated into two writing systems: independent vowel and
dependent vowel, as shown in Figure 2 to Figure 5.
Figure 2. Balinese vowel of independent sound.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
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Figure 3. Balinese vowel of dependent sound.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
Figure 4. Balinese consonant.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
Figure 5. Balinese syllable.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
Based on its function, Sudiarta (2013) divided Balinese script into three: (1) aksara wreasta,
also known as anacaraka, is a common or ordinary script used in various writings for everyday
life (see again Figure 5); (2) aksara swalalita, is a special script for writing the holly song such as
kidung/kekawin (see Figure 6); and (3) aksara modre, is a sacred script which is only intended for
writing mantra [holly spells], rerajahan [holly calligraphy] and scripts for Gods and Goddesses
(see Figure 7). Like in Balinese culture, Modre scripts in Chinese culture are also known as
Worship Language, a process of language symbolization, and spells, in essence, are the symbol
of language (Yuan and Li, 2021).
In terms of the Balinese script writing system, in general, it is divided into two: (1) pasang jajar
sambung [joined word-based writing] as shown in Figure 8 and pasang jajar palas [split word-based writing]
as shown in Figure 9; (2) traditional words writing system and modern/adaptation word writing system
(Antara, 2020). It is further said that pasang jajar sambung is used for general writing, which applies to
palm-leave or local constitution writing. In contrast, pasang jajar palas are used to write Balinese script on
nameplates in public spaces (Antara, 2020).
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Figure 6. Swalalita script.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
Figure 7. Modre script.
Source: Sudiarta (2013).
3. Material and method
This study is conducted in Kuta village, Badung Regency Bali province (see Figure 10). It is
constituted of 13 Banjar (local administrative area): Banjar Pelasa, Banjar Temacun, Banjar Pemamoran,
Banjar Pengabetan, Banjar Pering, Banjar Pande Mas, Banjar Buni, Banjar Tegal, Banjar Jaba Jero, Banjar Teba
Sari, Banjar Anyar, Banjar Segara and Banjar Mertha Jati.
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Figure 8. The use of Pasang Jajar Sambung.
Figure 9. The use of Pasang Jajar Palas.
Figure 10. Kuta Village.
Source: Google Maps.
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Kuta is one of the most iconic tourist destinations in Bali. It has been awarded the best tourist
destination in Indonesia (Robino, 2019). Six main streets connect Kuta as the location of most tourist
facilities, such as star hotels, luxury dining restaurants, pubs, discotheque art shops/galleries, and many
other tourist facilities and attractions. Furthermore, as stated by Deore and Lathia (2019), the most public
space in urban areas is the main streets, which are engines of economic activities, social hubs, and
platforms for civic engagement. Those main streets are Kuta Main St., Legian Main St., Kuta Beach St.,
Bakung Sari St., Buni Sari St., and Kartika Plaza St., as shown in Figure 11.
Figure 11. Main streets of Kuta.
Source: Google Maps.
The data of this study is obtained from those six main streets as the research location. To limit and
provide criteria for a vast number of outdoor signs, in this study, the data is limited to seven public signs
as categories by Bali’s Governor Regulation no. 80/2018, Chapter IV, article 6, in which any signs of
stickers or labels are not included as data of this research. The data is collected through photographic
techniques (Kothari, 2004), in which all data are photographs of the outdoor sign.
The data collection process, conducted from April to July 2022, obtained 1445 data. Based on the
type of data found, the data in this study were grouped into seven types (see Figure 12), namely:
1) Tourism facilities: include various tourism facilities, tourist accommodations, places to
eat/drink, modern shops and art shops.
2) Health facilities: include various clinical facilities, health centres, pharmacies and doctors’
practices.
3) Traditional/local facilities: include places of worship, Banjar, and cemeteries.
4) Government facilities: include all government buildings.
5) Educational facilities: include various formal and informal educational facilities.
6) Financial facilities: include banking service offices, ATM facilities and money exchange places.
7) Traffic signs: include various traffic signs and directions.
All collected data are analysed through mixed methods. The quantitative method is used to quantify
the occurrence of certain signs and the language/script used. The qualitative method is used to assess its
Balinese script transliteration and identify any errors or miss transliteration. Besides, the analysis is also
supported by expert judgement and random local passers-by opinions (respondents) regarding the clarity
and good presentation of the scripts. The result is presented in a descriptive narrative method, including
all errors and their proposed resolution.
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Figure 12. Types of outdoor signs.
4. Results and discussion
The amount of data collected in this study was 1455 data. The highest data findings are in tourism
facilities, with 1153 data (79.24%), and the lowest is in Education facilities, with only 11 data (0.75%),
which can be seen in detail in the following Table 1.
Table 1. Data collection.
Types of data Total Percentage (%)
Tourism facilities 1153 79.24
Health facilities 49 3.37
Traditional/local facilities 42 2.89
Government facilities 30 2.06
Educational facilities 11 0.75
Financial facilities 69 4.74
Traffic signs 101 6.34
Total 1455 100
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Based on the language use, the analysis found three main languages: English, Indonesian and
Balinese. These were highlighted because all sectors (private and public) employ just these three languages
in monolingual form. In contrast, other foreign languages such as Japanese, Indian, Arabic and Russian
were only used on multilingual signs, except for the Chinese language, which is found in bilingual and
multilingual forms. English is the most used language, totalling 1017 (69.90%). This number is mostly
found in English monolingual signs, with 715 data (49.14%). Further details can be seen in the following
Table 2.
Table 2. Language in used.
Language Total Percentage (%)
Monolingual signs:
Balinese 28 1.92
Indonesian 223 15.33
English 715 49.14
Bilingual signs:
Balinese-Indonesian 82 5.64
Balinese-English 60 4.12
Indonesian-English 218 14.98
English-Chinese 24 1.65
Multilingual signs 31 2.13
Visual signs 74 5.09
Total 1.455 100
As for the use of the script, the data in this study were grouped into two groups of scripts: Balinese
script and non-Balinese script. The grouping is based on the type of signs. It is focused on two criteria:
(1) signs with Balinese script; and (2) signs without Balinese script. The analysis results show that the use
of Balinese script in space has experienced a significant increase since the implementation of Bali’s
Governor Regulation no. 80/2018, especially for signs of tourism facilities, which previously had no use
(Mulyawan, 2017a). From all available data, 144 signs (10%) use Balinese script or transliteration of
Balinese script, with the highest number in tourism facilities with 82 signs (5.64%). More details can be
seen in the following Table 3.
Table 3. Scripts in used.
Types of data Total Percentage (%)
With Balinese script Without Balinese script With Balinese script Without Balinese script
Tourism facilities 52 1.071 5.64 73.61
Health facilities 5 44 0.34 3.02
Traditional/local facilities
21 21 1.44 1.44
Government facilities 4 26 0.27 1.72
Educational facilities 1 10 0.07 0.69
Financial facilities 18 51 1.24 3.51
Traffic signs 13 88 0.89 6.05
Total 144 1.311 10 90
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Based on the Balinese writing principles, data analysis revealed that the writing of Balinese script on
various outdoor signs in Kuta village uses both swalalita script and modre script, which violates the
established Balinese script rules for common writing purposes. It is worsened by using them on
commercial/business outdoor signs. One example is the use of pemada [specific opening/closing script],
as shown in Figure 13. It is a starting and closing marker used as a clamp or prefix in writing a holly
song/spell. Experts said the script is mangajapa, a prayer for salvation before singing the holly song or
chanting the holy spell. This use is inappropriate because those nameplates are not religious text/writing
that needs to be read with a blessing.
Figure 13. The misused of Pemada script.
In contrast, if pemada script is used on local domain names, particularly on temple names, it will
surely have a different effect (see Figure 14). Additionally, it is only used to denote the temple’s name,
not its address or location. However, this kind of use is still not entirely appropriate when referring to the
function of the script. Compared to a business sign, it is barely acceptable.
Figure 14. The acceptable use of Pemada script.
Additionally, the script’s orderliness should follow a pasang jajar palas pattern. Nevertheless, many
signs are written in pasang jajar sambung patterning (see Figure 8). As a result, it becomes challenging for
the reader to read the text, and there is a mismatch in the transliteration of the words. Moreover, some
Forum for Linguistic Studies 2023; 5(2): 1788.
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locals say that it subtly diminishes the visual and aesthetic value of the current outdoor signs. In contrast,
the respondent thinks that signs are more readable and look lovely and proportionate if transliterated
using pasang jajar palas (see Figure 9). It is written, word by word, above the words being transliterated.
The Balinese alphabet is a syllable system in which consonants are always used with vowels in one
script, known as the anacaraka script (see again Figure 5). Therefore, when transliterating other languages,
particularly English, a pronunciation-based approach will be used in the transliteration process. One of
the most obvious examples is the article “the” being written in Balinese as “de” and “di” according to
the English pronunciation, as in “the Anvaya” written as “di Anpaya” and “the Vira” written as “de Pira”
(see Figure 15). In the same examples, the letter “V” is written as “P” since there is no “V” sound in the
Balinese script.
Figure 15. Pronunciation-based transliteration.
In addition, the Balinese script has no double consonant system; hence, all double consonants are
transcribed as single consonants. For example, “Lippo” and “Mall” are spelt as “Lipo” and “Mol”
respectively (see Figure 16).
Figure 16. The transliteration of double consonants.
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This pronunciation-based transliteration system caused extra complications for someone not
experienced with pronouncing foreign words, thereby causing an error in transliteration. For example,
the term “Resort” should be spelt as “Risot” (see Figure 17). However, others wrote it as “Resot” since
it was mispronounced (see Figure 18). Lastly, total adjustments are made in transliterating single
consonants of abbreviations. It is written accordingly to its pronunciation, not as ‘dead’ consonants, such
as “BRI” written as “Be Er, I” or “KCP” written as “Ka Ce Pe” (see Figure 19).
Figure 17. The transliteration of “Resort” as “Risot”.
Figure 18. The transliteration of “Resort” as “Resot”.
Figure 19. Transliteration of abbreviation.
5. Conclusions
Based on the preceding analysis, it can be concluded that Balinese transliteration has positively
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impacted the revitalisation of Balinese in public spaces, as noted in Table 3, compared to before the
regulation was issued, as reported by (Mulyawan, 2017a). In terms of the transliteration process, some
errors and adjustments occurred. Errors happen due to the misused of the script’s type (see Figures 13
and 14); the misused of script pattern that should be pasang jajar palas instead of pasang jajar sambung (see
Figures 8 and 9); the mispronunciation of foreign words affects the writing itself (see Figures 17 and 18);
last but not least, significant adjustments are made in transliterating articles, double consonants, and
abbreviations of foreign words by pronunciation-based transliteration (see Figures 15, 16 and 19).
As a recommendation of standardisation, as also proposed by experts, the transliteration of Latin to
Balinese script should only use wreasta/anacaraka, pasang jajar palas in word arrangements and should
have an accurate pronunciation of foreign words before transliterating it to Balinese script.
Author contributions
This work is an output of joint project of all authors. IWM is the project leader. NKRE and IKNS
are team members. IWM leads the field works whereas NKRE and IKNS are responsible for sorting out
the data and identifying the errors. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the
manuscript.
Funding
This project is funded by LPPM Unud.
Conflict of interest
The authors declare no conflict of interest. On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states
that there is no conflict of interest.
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