No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Globalization and the Disarticulation of Political Power: Towards a New Middle Ages?
... Groups such as the G-30 have not only legitimised private sector involvement in policy-making but have also enabled private interests to become internalised in financial policy decisions. And while there have long been indications of a trend towards the "privatisation of transnational regulation" (Cerny, 2002), the empirical research in this dissertation, as shown in subsequent analysis, demonstrates a case of private sector 'capture' of the policy process that is more nuanced than the literature that relies on a public/private separation suggests. ...
... Such spheres of authority may cover a sector, such as finance, a sub-sector, such as the banking industry, or a specific issue-area, such as the standards and practices relating to the use of over-the-counter derivatives instruments (cf. Cerny, 2002). In concrete terms, financial governance relates to a list of activities: regulation and supervision of global financial activities, but also decision-making about information-gathering, who has access to what information, what information matters and how disagreements or disputes are to be settled. ...
Eleni Tsingou onderzocht de transnationale elites die de internationale financiële sector besturen. Ze bekeek hoe deze elites en instituties met elkaar omgaan en hoe instituties en elites zich verhouden tot de bredere sociale structuur waarin zij elk hun rol spelen. Tsingou deed dit aan de hand van een analyse van het werk en de opzet van de Groep van Dertig (G-30). De G-30 is een organisatie die mensen uit de publieke, private en academische wereld bij elkaar brengt en wiens lidmaatschap vergelijkbaar is met een ‘wie is wie’ in de internationale financiële wereld. Ze concludeert dat de G-30 kan worden beschouwd als onderdeel van een ‘club-model’ in internationaal financieel bestuur. Binnen clubs bevinden zich verschillende professionele identiteiten, terwijl clubs tegelijk een gemeenschappelijk doel bieden dat niet afhangt van abstract gedeelde vaardigheden zoals een eenduidige hang naar winst. Het clubmodel brengt de actoren samen die de regels schrijven, het vergroot hun gedeelde prestige, verdedigt hun idee van eervol gedrag, en het bemoedigt en beschermt hen.
... Globalization in this context involves a disarticulation of power relations cutting across the old international system of sovereign nation-states (Cerny 2000b), in turn leading to the emergence of a "multi-nodal" politics (Cerny 2009) that not only undermines the capacity of states to behave as "unit actors" (Waltz 1979) exercising sovereign power, but at the same time also empowers non-state actors -and some state actors in certain bounded issueareas -to engage in crosscutting, cross-border political processes, especially those characterized by transnational and "glocal" (i.e., linking the global and the local) characteristics. Political power at the level of world politics is thus becoming less like old-fashioned "power politics" or Realpolitik, and more like the domestic politics of: ...
Although the concept of power is central to the study of
politics, there is no agreement as to what power exactly
is. Power is often viewed negatively, as domination,
though it is also the case that power is created by people
acting in concert, in which case it can have positive
effects. Making sense of this puzzle is one of the aims of
this book, which provides the reader with a clear and
coherent way of understanding the various forms and
manifestations of power. It does so by bringing together
the most important and influential perspectives on
power within the political and social sciences.
... Globalization in this context involves a disarticulation of power relations cutting across the old international system of sovereign nation-states (Cerny 2000b), in turn leading to the emergence of a "multi-nodal" politics (Cerny 2009) that not only undermines the capacity of states to behave as "unit actors" (Waltz 1979) exercising sovereign power, but at the same time also empowers non-state actors-and some state actors in certain bounded issue-areas-to engage in crosscutting, cross-border political processes, especially those characterized by transnational and "glocal" (i.e., linking the global and the local) characteristics. Political power at the level of world politics is thus becoming less like old-fashioned "power politics" or Realpolitik, and more like the domestic politics of: ...
... Globalization in this context involves a disarticulation of power relations cutting across the old international system of sovereign nation-states (Cerny 2000b), in turn leading to the emergence of a "multi-nodal" politics (Cerny 2009) that not only undermines the capacity of states to behave as "unit actors" (Waltz 1979) exercising sovereign power, but at the same time also empowers non-state actors -and some state actors in certain bounded issueareas -to engage in crosscutting, cross-border political processes, especially those characterized by transnational and "glocal" (i.e., linking the global and the local) characteristics. Political power at the level of world politics is thus becoming less like old-fashioned "power politics" or Realpolitik, and more like the domestic politics of: ...
... In their conclusion, they state that ''multi-stakeholder standards appear to have qualities that make them preferable over other collaborative standards'' (Fransen and Kolk 2007, p. 678). Cerny (2000), for example, emphasizes the existence of diffuse and complex transnational webs of governance. In his eyes, the formation of transnational interest groups and the development of trans-governmental coalitions are bringing different actors together into regular networks, cutting across splintered states (Cerny 2000, p. 173). ...
KeywordsStakeholder network–Mutual value creation–Global governance–Wicked issues–Enlarged property right understanding
Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie sich Interessenvertretung in einer globalisierten Welt verändert hat und nimmt dabei Akteure sowie Strukturen mit Hilfe eines mehrdimensionalen machttheoretischen Ansatzes in den Blick. Auf diese Weise rückt vor allem das Phänomen der private governance ins Blickfeld, i.e. der selbständigen Regelsetzung durch nicht-staatliche Akteure. Des Weiteren fallen Veränderungen der engagierten Akteure auf. So treten etwa socialentrepreneurs in Konkurrenz zu Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen (NROs). Beide Phänomene werden vor allem im Zusammenspiel unterschiedlicher Machtdimensionen, insbesondere auch einer wichtigen Rolle der diskursiven, d.h. strukturellen ideellen Machtressourcen der Akteure deutbar. Die Interessenvertretung durch den Einsatz unterschiedlicher Machtressourcen wird anhand des privaten Standards GlobalGAP und dem Aufkommen des SocialEntrepreneurship illustriert. Erklärungsmöglichkeiten für die beobachteten Entwicklungen sowie die Implikationen für Wissenschaft und Praxis werden daraufhin diskutiert. Im Ergebnis zeigt ein Fokus auf die unterschiedlichen Formen und Quellen der Macht wirtschaftlicher Akteure in der globalisierten Welt, dass eine deutliche Zunahme dieser politischen Macht und darauf aufbauend eine Transformation in demokratischen Legitimationsmustern und Prozessen beobachtet werden kann.
With the processes of globalization, we are more than ever confronted with the paradoxes inherent in modern statehood. The characteristics of modern statehood are: (1) securing freedom from feudal oppression or despotism, (2) legislating for equality among citizens, (3) focusing on inclusion to incorporate the previously excluded into the system and finally (4), of the utmost importance, establishing the principle of individualism as a primary goal. The social construct of ethnicity gives rise to a second paradox. It develops as a material force if and when it grips the masses. Logically, any such construct as ethnicity is exclusive to the extent on which it depends on otherness. The erection of hegemonic structures to deal with these issues and also with the confrontation of shifting borders is at the core of this book.
This paper reviews the current state of the literature on the mediatisation of politics. Five common assumptions are being identified, which in my view form the core of a basic understanding of the concept. I discuss for each of these assumptions a number of further deliberations. My analysis is based on a theory of functionally differentiated societies. More precisely, I draw on the vision of modern societies that German sociologist Niklas Luhmann has introduced. According to his view the functional specialisation of social sub-systems is accompanied by an increased consolidation of performance relations between them, because self-referential fixation on the own function inevitably causes deficits in most other capacities. Against this background mediatisation is reconstructed as a response to a serious deficit of political systems: the notorious lack of public attention given to democratic politics within modern societies. This framework has several implications for the reasoning on mediatisation, which are outlined in the article.
While there has been much discussion, within the discipline, of New Labour's political economy, a notable omission has been its policy on the City, despite its critical importance. This article is an attempt to fill this gap. It argues that the Blair government's policy of light-touch financial regulation both rested on and reflected its commitment to a financial growth model inherited from the Conservatives in which the key driver of UK economic expansion was a dynamic, fast-expanding and lightly regulated financial sector. The policy can also be seen as a ‘Faustian Pact’ with the City whose earnings, it was calculated, would be a major source of the tax revenues needed to rebuild Britain's fading welfare state. The article examines the principles and precepts which underpinned the policy of light-touch financial regulation and then investigates the reasons for its adoption. It contends that these were as much ideological – a genuine commitment to key tenets of the liberal market variant of capitalism – as structural and institutional. After a decade of sustained economic expansion that appeared to validate it the intellectual foundations of light-tough financial regulation were demolished by the financial crisis of 2007–2008 thereby severely denting the credibility of New Labour's political economy.
Acuff, Jonathan M. (2012) Spectacle and Space in the Creation of Premodern and Modern Polities: Toward a Mixed Ontology of Collective Identity. International Political Sociology, doi: 10.1111/j.1749-5687.2012.00155.x © 2012 International Studies Association
Much recent work on culture and identity in International Relations (IR) has emphasized the causal role of ideas and institutions. I articulate a broader socialization process for collective identities via material elements of identity construction. I argue that combined with rituals and linked to myths and symbols, material representations of culture such as monuments and architecture form the collective memories of polities in a similar manner to the socializing effects of educational institutions and vernacular literature. I illustrate these claims with a comparison of materiality and praxis elements of identity construction in imperial Rome and late-modern Austria–Hungary, with concluding analysis of the role of material culture in the future of “European” identity in the EU.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.