Der Staat gegen die Gesellschaft
... Von links wird versucht, das Recht zu retten, entweder als Verfahrensrahmen gesellschaftlicher Deliberation (Habermas 1992), Streitkultur (Frankenberg 1996) oder durch Rettung ihrer Form gegen ihre einseitige Vereinnahmung (Koskenniemi 2002). Ob die systemtheoretisch informierte Beschäftigung mit der ‚experimentellen Gesellschaft' und dem ‚postmodernen Staat' (Ladeur 2006) oder mit dem Recht der globalen Bukowina und dem Recht in transnationalen Regimekollisionen (Fischer-Lescano/Teubner 2004) ein progressives oder konservatives Projekt darstellt, ist nicht leicht zu beantworten. Wahrscheinlich ist die Frage falsch gestellt. ...
... H http://www.spiegel.de/unispiegel/studium/0,1518,342537,00.htmlH T T 13T T Amstutz/Karavas 2005: 15.T jüngst 2006), von Migration und Staatsangehörigkeit(Dauvergne 2008), weiter die Veränderung von tatsächlichen Zugangs-und Nutzungsbedingungen von bislang noch öffentlichen Erziehungseinrichtungen(Ladeur 2006) sowie Fragen der öffentlich-privaten Verwaltung von Stätten als Spiegel einer zunehmenden Schichtung, Inklusion und Exklusion urbaner Bevölkerungen(Laquian u. a. 2008). Das unter Rechtfertigungsdruck geratene Arbeitsrecht könnte unter Hinweis auf die weltweiten Arbeitsteilungsprozesse und Migrationen einerseits und der Umstellung von Unternehmensmanagement auf Wissensmanagement andererseits(Davis/Botkin 1998; Baecker 1994;Prahalad/Krishnan 2008) neu positioniert werden. ...
The examination of Belgium’s neoliberal reshaping through the lens of public finance will be conducted in three steps. First, I will briefly outline the sociological approach to neoliberalism that I will subsequently use to shed new light on economic reforms implemented in Belgium from the 1980s (1.). Second, as a case study, I will turn to a crucial part of Belgium’s material economic
Constitution, namely the Special Financing Law. A stylized historical overview of the federated entities’ financial system will retrace the development of their main sources of income through time – including the increase of regional tax autonomy (2.). Third, I will stress three complementary neoliberal features of the SFL to highlight the economic rationalization lying at the heart of Belgium’s material economic Constitution. These three features are: the deployment of regional taxing powers to foster economic competitiveness and inter- regional competition; the emphasis put on fiscal consolidation; and the pivotal role assigned to two non- majoritarian institutions – the Public Sector Borrowing Requirements Section of the High Council of Finance and the
Constitutional Court – as ‘guardians’ of this system’s precarious balance (3.). Finally, the conclusion emphasizes the main findings.
The development of the Internet and the creation of social networks has given rise to a new kind of legal liability, where such intermediaries would, as a rule, be excluded from it. However, social networks have evolved to a status far different from the first internet service providers, site hosts, or search engines. Their activities have cast many doubts and problems over the traditional exclusion of liability. It is time to ponder a new and adequate liability model for internet intermediaries such as social networks. The present paper builds from the main EU approach exemplified by the Portuguese case and the German approach with its recently adopted law on the liability of social networks. Both cases are seen through the lenses of recent CJEU case law.KeywordsSocial networksLiabilityIntermediariesInternetFacebook
O estudo tem por objetivo analisar o atual intervencionismo estatal na ordem econômica, sobretudo após a crise econômico-financeira, iniciada em 2008 e de consequências universais. Busca-se, primeiramente, a compreensão das bases e finalidades do Estado Regulador e Garantidor dos Serviços Públicos. Em sequência, a identificação de mecanismos e instrumentos do direito administrativo da regulação que tenham o condão de possibilitar o aperfeiçoamento e a concretização desse modelo estatal e, como isso, a concretização do interesse publico.
Zusammenfassung
Die Wirklichkeit subjektiver Rechte, ihre Funktion für soziale Institutionen, wird im Recht selbst nur unzureichend reflektiert. In dem Maße, wie die privatrechtlichen Grundbegriffe zu solchen des positiven Rechts werden, wandert auch die Reflexion über die gesellschaftlichen Wirkungen subjektiver Rechte in den politischen Prozess aus. Die Kopplung von unparteilicher Normreflexion an das Demokratieprinzip gerät jedoch unter Druck, wenn sich Gesellschaft nicht mehr territorial, sondern global konstituiert und epistemisch ausdifferenziert. Will das Recht unter diesen Bedingungen unparteilich über Rechtskonflikte entscheiden, muss es die Verknüpfung privater Rechte mit unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Teilrationalitäten rekonstruieren. Das wird anhand der sozialen Multilateralität von Eigentumsrechten und hier wiederum mit besonderem Blick auf die Rechte des Urhebers gezeigt. Angesichts von Regelbildungsprozessen jenseits des politischen Systems ist auch der Begriff der öffentlichen Autonomie umzudenken und entsprechend zu multiplizieren. Er ist darauf gerichtet, jedwede gegebene Praxis in Frage stellen zu können durch effektive Möglichkeiten zur Etablierung einer Gegenpraxis. Die Zeit, in der das Recht meinte, die Wirklichkeit der Rechte ausblenden und sich politisch entlasten zu können, ist vorbei.
The Macedonia naming dispute has been an important issue in Greek affairs. It constitutes both an irresolvable, decades-old international problem and a significant, yet undertheorised, analytical topic. In this context, our aim is to critically explore, highlight and discuss the deep-seated and pervasive patterns, representations, attitudes, beliefs, ideas and norms within the Greek social imaginary, as these emerged on Twitter in real-time, during the mass "Macedonia rally" on February 4, 2018. More specifically, drawing on the dialectical interaction between Twitter posts, sociopolitical behaviours and interpretative analytic frames linked to interdisciplinary theoretical discourses, we attempt to understand and interrogate the intellectual structures, value system and operational categories of a large number of Greek groups on the 'Twittersphere'. Based on the assumption that, in the last instance, the rigid refusal of the majority of the Greek people to accept a 'composite name' solution is connected with the tacit social imaginary of the Greek society, the present paper brings to the fore a complex identity problem. This problem relationally refers to the internal workings of the individuals, the psyche and the unconscious, but also to hidden and unreflected symbolic backgrounds, macro-social processes, and cultural legacies. Our following Twitter network analysis, focused on selected hashtags regarding the 'Macedonia rally', point out the character of social dynamics and ascertain the findings of the interpretative research strand.
This study, based on a selection of four popular Greek political blogs expressing the main ideological directions in the Greek political public sphere, undertakes a qualitative content analysis of the blog discourses to make intelligible how the deep Greek financial, political, and social crisis is framed by these blogs. After sketching the theoretical debates on the sociopolitical origins of the Greek crisis, we focus on blog participants' perceptions of democratic principles and institutions. We conclude that what dominates in the debates of the far left and far right blogs belongs to the same rigid ideological raster that excludes an understanding of the principles and grounds of democracy. The right-wing blog's ideological orientation includes antidemocratic strands of the far-right and far-left blogs, while the center-left blog is characterized by a liberal democratic stance.
Nach der „Gesellschaft der Individuen“ (Elias 2007) die „Gesellschaft der Organisationen“ (Ladeur 2006a: 111 f.), nach der
„Gesellschaft der Organisationen“ die „Gesellschaft der Netzwerke“ (Castells 2001) ! So ließe sich zunächst schlagwortartig
die Selbsttransformation der Gesellschaft in den westlichen Ländern der letzten 150 Jahre beschreiben. Daran ließe sich auch
eine Historisierung der Evolution des Rechts anschließen, die diesem Strukturwandel entspräche. So wenig diese Beschreibung
die Verdrängung des einen Modells durch das folgende nahe legt, so wenig gilt diese Annahme auch für die Rechtsentwicklung:
Es entsteht vielmehr ein komplexes „Mehrebenensystem“, doch nicht nur das ! Es geht in einer normativen Perspektive um die
sekundäre bzw. tertiäre Remodellierung des Rechts der „Gesellschaft der Individuen“, die zugleich nach komplexen „Kollisionsregeln“
(Fischer-Lescano/Teubner 2006: 7 ff., 57 ff., 127 ff.; Joerges 2007: 719) verlangt, die die unterschiedlichen Rechtsstrukturen
und -schichten aufeinander abstimmen und zugleich den Wiedereintritt (re-entry) von Regeln der ersten Stufe in eines der Regimes
der folgenden Stufe erlauben. So gehört im Bereich des Staatsrechts das Parteienrecht nach Art. 21 GG dem Recht der „Gesellschaft
der Organisationen“ zu, während das freie Mandat des Abgeordneten eines der Regimes der „Gesellschaft der Individuen“ ist,
allerdings tritt es in der Remodellierung des Parteienrechts der „Gesellschaft der Organisationen“ als Variante des Minderheitenschutzes
in das Rechtsregime des Parteienstaates wieder ein (BVerfGE 20: 56; Grimm 1994: 429).
On the backdrop of the 2008 financial crisis this paper introduces an understanding of societal crises as a reduction in the meaning production of social entities, which can either be internally or externally provoked. The emergence of constitutions and, more generally, constitutional structures, can be understood as responses to both forms of crisis. This is the case because they are double-edged structures which are simultaneously oriented towards the maintenance of internal order and stability within a given social entity at the same time as they frame the transfer of the meaning components between the social entities and their environments. Thus, the 2008 financial crisis indicates a failure of constitutional bonding. When observed from an overall structural perspective, the reasons for this failure can be traced back to an increased discrepancy between the structural composition of world society and the constitutional structures in place. The crisis reflects a failure to respond to two simultaneous, inter-related and mutually reinforcing structural transformations. First, there is the increased globalisation, which has led to massive dislocations in the relative centrality of the different national configurations for the reproductive processes of functional systems. Second, there is a structural transformation of the transnational layer of world society through a reduced reliance on the centre/periphery differentiation and an increased reliance on functional differentiation. One of the many consequences of this development is the emergence of new forms of transnational law and politics. A new constitutional architecture which reflects these transformations is needed in order to ensure an adequate constitutional bonding of economic processes, as well as of other social processes.
The concept of “network” has become the most central concept within the work of Karl‐Heinz Ladeur (KHL). It is an omnibus concept which he uses to extrapolate insights at all levels: It is used to provide a general framework at the level of Gesellschaftstheorie (social theory) in the sense that it provides insights into the general structure of society and thereby into the context within which legal processes unfold. At the level of organizational theory it provides a basis for understanding the transformation of organizational structures as it unfolds through the breakdown of hierarchy and the boundaries between the private and the public, just as the network concept plays an important role in its attempt to formulate a legal theory which is adequate for a society which, according to KHL, has become postmodern. This article seeks to critically examine the function and “added value” of KHL’s network concept in relation to the European integration and constitutionalization process. It is argued that the concept provides a very useful overall framework, but that its usefulness might be enhanced when combined with more concrete studies of the actual function of networks in the EU context, just as the network concept should be more directly combined with an attempt to develop a conceptual framework for the juridification of networks.
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1489938
Ever closer gets the net of networks, and so it does in law and legal scholarship. Finally in the law, one feels tempted to remark. But there is a reason for the lawyer's patient scepticism, for her professional habit to await a certain academic consolidation of a concept before setting out on a transdisciplinary transfer. There is a reason – and it lies in the law's “necessity to decide” ( Entscheidungsnotwendigkeit ). There is no shortage of fuzziness and uncertainty. But have life and law ever been less paradoxical? Arguably, the problem is not new, yet it has only recently been made explicit.
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