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Abstract

Environmental justice refers broadly to the distribution of environmental benefits andburdens, and the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people in environmental decision-making and legal frameworks. The field of environmental justice initially developed out of a concern forthe disproportionate distribution and impacts of environmental pollution and hazardous waste disposalon groups that have been historically and structurally marginalized, including Black populations andsocio-economically disadvantaged communities. More recent environmental justice scholarship hasexpanded geographically and focused on a broader set of environmental hazards and harms, such asclimate change impacts, biodiversity and habitat loss, and ecosystem service declines. Yet, the impactsand distribution of environmental hazards and harms in the marine environment on coastalpopulations has received less attention in the environmental justice literature. This narrative reviewpaper starts to address this gap through a focus on five key environmental hazards and harms that areoccurring in the marine and coastal environment: 1) pollution and toxic wastes, 2) plastics and marinedebris, 3) climate change, 4) ecosystem, biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation, and 5)fisheries declines. For each, we characterize the issue and root drivers, then examine social anddistributional impacts. In the discussion, we explore how impacts are differentiated, inequitably distributed, converging and cumulative and briefly examine solutions and future research directions. In conclusion, we call for greater and more explicit attention to environmental justice in ocean research and policy.
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WORKING PAPER SERIES
Working Paper #2022 - 03
Environmental Justice in the Ocean
Nathan J. Bennett, Juan José Alava, Caroline E. Ferguson,
Jessica Blythe, Elisa Morgera, David Boyd & Isabelle M.
Côté
Year: 2022
Email: nathan.bennett@ubc.ca
This working paper is made available by the Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries, University of
British Columbia, 2202 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC, V6T 1Z4, Canada
1
Environmental Justice in the Ocean
ª
Nathan J. Bennett1,2,3,4, Juan José Alava5, Caroline E. Ferguson6, Jessica Blythe7, Elisa Morgera8, David
Boyd1,9, Isabelle M. Côté10
Affiliations:
1. School of Public Policy and Global Affairs, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada
2. EqualSea Lab, Cross-disciplinary Research Center in Environmental Technologies, Universidade de
Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, Spain
3. The Peopled Seas Initiative, Vancouver, Canada
4. People and the Ocean Specialist Group, Commission on Environmental, Economic and Social Policy,
International Union for the Conservation of Nature, Gland, Switzerland
5. Ocean Pollution Research Unit, Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries, University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, BC, Canada
6. Bren School of Environmental Science & Management, University of California Santa Barbara, Santa
Barbara, USA
7. Environmental Sustainability Research Centre, Brock University, St. Catharines, ON, Canada
8. One Ocean Hub, Strathclyde University Law School, Glasgow, UK
9. Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability, University of British Columbia, Vancouver,
Canada
10. Department of Biological Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, Canada
*Contact information for lead author: nathan.bennett@ubc.ca
Abstract: Environmental justice refers broadly to the distribution of environmental benefits and
burdens, and the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people in environmental decision-
making and legal frameworks. The field of environmental justice initially developed out of a concern for
the disproportionate distribution and impacts of environmental pollution and hazardous waste disposal
on groups that have been historically and structurally marginalized, including Black populations and
socio-economically disadvantaged communities. More recent environmental justice scholarship has
expanded geographically and focused on a broader set of environmental hazards and harms, such as
climate change impacts, biodiversity and habitat loss, and ecosystem service declines. Yet, the impacts
and distribution of environmental hazards and harms in the marine environment on coastal
populations has received less attention in the environmental justice literature. This narrative review
paper starts to address this gap through a focus on five key environmental hazards and harms that are
occurring in the marine and coastal environment: 1) pollution and toxic wastes, 2) plastics and marine
debris, 3) climate change, 4) ecosystem, biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation, and 5)
fisheries declines. For each, we characterize the issue and root drivers, then examine social and
distributional impacts. In the discussion, we explore how impacts are differentiated, inequitably
distributed, converging and cumulative and briefly examine solutions and future research directions. In
conclusion, we call for greater and more explicit attention to environmental justice in ocean research
and policy.
Keywords: Environmental justice, marine justice, ocean governance, marine pollution, marine
plastics, climate change, overfishing, ecosystem services
ª Citation: Bennett, N.J., Alava, J.J., Ferguson, C.E., Blythe, J., Morgera, E., Boyd, D. and Côté, I.M. (2022).
Environmental Justice in the Ocean. IOF Working Papers 2022 (03), 40 pp., Institute for the Oceans and
Fisheries, University of British Columbia.
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
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1 Environmental justice and the ocean
The concept of environmental justice emerged in the 1980s in the United States from concerns
about the disproportionate burdens of pollution that were being placed on and experienced by Black
communities and socio-economically disadvantaged populations (Bullard, 1994; Cutter, 1995).
Environmental justice research demonstrated that polluting infrastructure, such as oil refineries,
mining and factories, as well as air pollution emissions and toxic waste disposal sites, were often
situated near Black, Indigenous, and Latino communities (Bullard, 2018; Walker, 2012). Such
environmental discrimination and racism was shown to be producing numerous negative health effects
and well-being outcomes for these populations (Brulle & Pellow, 2006). The field of environmental
justice has since grown globally and expanded to focus on a broader set of environmental hazards and
harms, including climate change, biodiversity and habitat loss, and declines in ecosystem services (Boyd,
2022; Chaudhary et al., 2018; Mutz et al., 2002; Sikor, 2013; Sze & London, 2008; Tsosie, 2007).
Environmental justice has also come to refer broadly to both the distribution of environmental burdens
and access to benefits, as well as the recognition, meaningful involvement and fair treatment of people
in environmental decision-making and legal frameworks (Agyeman et al., 2003; A. Martin et al., 2014;
Miller, 1999; Schlosberg, 2009).
There is a substantial and growing body of empirical evidence that has documented
environmental injustices related to land, air and freshwater (Agyeman et al., 2016; Boyd, 2022; Brulle &
Pellow, 2006; Cutter, 2012; Walker, 2012). Much less attention, however, has been paid to
environmental justice issues in the marine and coastal environment (N. J. Bennett et al., 2021; Bercht
et al., 2021; Ertör, 2021; J. A. Martin et al., 2019). Yet, demands for marine resources have rapidly
accelerated as have anthropogenic pressures on the ocean (Halpern et al., 2008, 2019; Jouffray et al.,
2020; Nash et al., 2017). Numerous environmental hazards and harms including chemical and
biological pollution, plastics, climate change, habitat modification, ecosystem service degradation, as
well as biodiversity and fisheries declines are on the rise in the ocean and exceeding the planetary
boundary capacities to assimilate these anthropogenic stressors (Halpern et al., 2019; IPBES, 2019;
IPCC, 2019; Jouffray et al., 2020; Nash et al., 2017; Persson et al., 2022). Such risks threaten the health
and sustainability of the ocean, and also the health, livelihoods, human rights and well-being of the
individuals, groups, communities and nations who live near or strongly rely on the ocean (N. J. Bennett
et al., 2021; Bindoff et al., 2019; Golden et al., 2016; IPBES, 2019; Landrigan et al., 2020; Sandifer et al.,
2021; UNEP, 2021b). Furthermore, there is evidence that impacts of these marine environmental issues
are unequally distributed geographically and produce socially differentiated impacts across racial,
ethnic, gender, age and socio-economic groups (Bindoff et al., 2019; Chaplin-Kramer et al., 2019;
Landrigan et al., 2020; UNEP, 2021b).
While both substantive outcomes and procedural considerations are the purview of
environmental justice research, here we primarily focus on understanding how environmental hazards
and harms in the ocean are impacting coastal and marine resource dependent populations. In particular,
this exploratory and narrative review examines five main environmental injustices related to: 1)
pollution and toxic wastes, 2) plastics and marine debris, 3) climate change, 4) ecosystem, biodiversity
and ecosystem service degradation, and 5) fisheries declines. There is evidence that each of these issues
is widespread, worsening, and has significant impacts on human populations that are inequitably
distributed across geographies and groups. In the section below, we characterize each issue, examine
root drivers, explore impacts on the well-being of coastal populations, and discuss how impacts are
distributed. Then, in the discussion, we explore how impacts are differentiated, inequitably distributed,
converging and cumulative and briefly examine solutions and future research directions.
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
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2 A review of environmental hazards and harms in the ocean
This narrative and qualitative review explores environmental injustices in the ocean and their
impacts on different aspects of human well-being (e.g., health, livelihoods, economics, culture,
community infrastructure, human security, and rights) (see Figure 1). We opted for a narrative and
qualitative approach to allow for in-depth insights to emerge on a broad range of sub-topics related to
an overarching topic and to facilitate critical reflection on the central topic and research gaps
(Greenhalgh et al., 2018; Rozas & Klein, 2010; Torraco, 2005). This approach was also taken because an
initial search of the literature showed that much of the past research on oceanic/marine environmental
hazards and harms does not explicitly take an environmental or social justice perspective. To
understand the breadth of environmental justice issues in the ocean, we first began with a search of the
Web of Science database using the search terms “environmental justice” or “social justice” and “ocean*”
or “marine” or “coast*” or “sea*”. The initial search yielded 358 articles, and an initial screening of the
articles showed that 169 focused on the social and differentiated impacts of environmental hazards and
harms in the ocean environment. We then identified five main categories of hazards and harms in the
ocean and coastal environment present in the initial search and based on our own expert knowledge -
i.e., pollution, plastics, climate change, biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation, and fisheries
declines. Finally, we conducted additional targeted searches to find literature that characterized the
nature and drivers of each issue and examined social and distributional impacts related to each issue.
2.1 Pollution and toxic wastes
2.1.1 Issue and Drivers
Ocean pollution has become one of the most pervasive markers of the Anthropocene. Six
decades have passed since Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring in 1962 warned the world of the negative
impacts of harmful chemicals such as organochlorine pesticides (e.g., dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane,
DDT) in the environment (Carson, 1962). At present, there is no corner of the world’s ocean that is
immune to the long-range atmospheric transport, persistence, bioaccumulative and toxic nature of
pollutants, including persistent organic pollutants (POPs) such as polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs),
dioxins and furans, polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs), DDTs, as well as metals, including
mercury (Alava et al., 2017; AMAP, 2021; Landrigan et al., 2020; UNEP, 2019; UNEP & Stockholm
Convention, 2020). Catastrophic episodes such as the 1989 Exxon Valdez crude oil spill (Peterson et al.,
2003), the 2010 Deep Water Horizon oil spill (Beyer et al., 2016) and the 2011 Fukushima nuclear
accident (Buesseler et al., 2017; Yoshida & Kanda, 2012) are poignant reminders of the chronic
chemical assaults that impair ocean health and marine biodiversity with severe implications for the
health and well-being of exposed coastal communities.
Despite command and control regulatory efforts, chemical pollution cocktails from point
sources (e.g., raw sewage, wastewater treatment plant outfalls, emissions from industries, ballast water
from ships, dumping at sea) and nonpoint sources (e.g., agricultural and urban run-off, artisanal and
small-scale gold mining emissions) have continued to be discharged into the ocean environment,
affecting marine biota, commercial fish and traditional seafoods (Beiras, 2018; Bowen, 2014; Frid &
Caswell, 2017; Landrigan et al., 2020). These chemical mixtures include both legacy pollutants (e.g.,
POPs, trace metals, hydrocarbons) and new emerging contaminants of concern such as forever
chemicals (Per-and Polyfluoroalkyl Substances-PFAS), flame retardants, pharmaceuticals and personal
care products (PPCPs), and microplastics (see the following section) (Alava, 2019a, 2019b). Excessive
nutrient and fertilizer loads from agricultural lands, as well as aquaculture and mariculture, have
generated eutrophication and harmful algal blooms (HABs) or “red tides” (Anderson et al., 2002).
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Spillovers from sewage, livestock farms, and urbanization transport pathogenic viruses, bacteria and
parasites, becoming insidious biological pollution that increasingly trigger emerging infectious diseases
(EID) (Grange et al., 2021; Hatcher et al., 2012; Tuholske et al., 2021), and compromise marine fauna
and subsequently human health and well-being (Landrigan et al., 2020).
2.1.2 Impacts and Distribution
The siege of ocean pollution impacts various aspects of human well-being in coastal populations.
Human activities including oil and gas exploration and exploitation, oil pipeline construction and
operation, shipping and transportation, aquaculture operations, desalination plants, and coastal cities
with inadequate liquid and solid waste management generate pollution footprints (e.g., oil spills,
mercury contamination, sewage emissions, plastic pollution) that jeopardize health, food security,
livelihoods and human rights in coastal communities (Andrews et al., 2021; N. J. Bennett et al., 2021;
Halpern et al., 2019; Landrigan et al., 2020). For example, the consumption of seafood containing high
concentrations of methylmercury can damage the brain development of unborn fetuses and babies,
reducing IQ and increasing risks for autism, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and
learning disorders (ATSDR, 1999; Landrigan et al., 2018). Numerous chemical substances that are
released into the ocean, including phthalates, bisphenol A, flame retardants, and PFAS, have the
potential to affect the nervous system, disrupt endocrine functioning, reduce fertility, and increase
cancer risk (Colborn et al., 1997; Landrigan et al., 2018, 2020). HABs produce biotoxins (e.g., domoic
acid, ciguatoxin) and neurotoxins responsible for paralytic and diarrhetic shellfish poisoning, as well as
ciguatera fish poisoning in marine mammals and humans (Berdalet et al., 2016; Friedman et al., 2008;
Karasiewicz & Lefebvre, 2022; Mudadu et al., 2021). High levels of toxic pollution or HABs in certain
areas or species mean seafood cannot be harvested for either subsistence or commercial uses resulting
in negative food security, recreational and economic consequences (Berdalet et al., 2016; Hoagland &
Scatasta, 2006; Jin et al., 2008). Environmental disasters - such as the Exxon Valdez or Deepwater
Horizon oil spills - can also have substantial economic impacts (e.g., for the fishing and tourism
industry (Chang et al., 2014; Gill et al., 2012; Picou et al., 2009)) while also producing serious and
persistent psycho-social impacts for coastal populations who are reliant on or culturally connected to
the ocean (Gill et al., 2012; Palinkas et al., 2004). In the worst imaginable cases, environmental
“sacrifice zones” are established in coastal and ocean areas where massive pollution is allowed to
override ecosystem health, human health, and human rights (Boyd, 2022; Lerner, 2012; Quist, 2019;
Randolph, 2021; Valenzuela-Fuentes et al., 2021).
Historically marginalized groups, groups that rely on subsistence harvesting or small-scale
fisheries, and low-income nations tend to be disproportionately exposed to and impacted by increasing
chemical and biological contamination in the ocean (Landrigan et al., 2018; Liboiron, 2021), a problem
which perpetuates and exacerbates pre-existing inequalities. For example, the worst social-
environmental impacts and public health effects of pollution are often experienced and absorbed by
Indigenous people, people of color, and women (Landrigan et al., 2018; Liboiron, 2021). Inuit women
from the Arctic are still among the most contaminated humans with POPs such as PCB and PFAS, while
struggling for food safety and security and being affected by underlying health risks due to chronic and
emerging diseases such as breast cancer and endocrine disruption in the face of climate change (AMAP,
2021; Ghisari et al., 2014; Wielsøe et al., 2017). Indigenous populations and small-scale fishers who
consume high amounts of fish or mammals are exposed to the effects of methylmercury on their health
(Donatuto et al., 2011; Probyn, 2018). Afro-American communities, who have tolerated the burden of
colonialism and impacts of top-down government policies for generations, have been
disproportionately impacted by offshore oil and gas exploitation in coastal Louisiana where they have
faced persistent industrial hazards from the myriad of old pipeline infrastructure that impair coastal
marshes and produce health and livelihood impacts (Maldonado, 2018; Randolph, 2021). The global
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nature of the disposal of pollution and other wastes in the ocean reveals patterns of environmental
racism, with the dumping of wastes and the breaking of ships often occurring in the lower income
countries in Africa and Asia (Frey, 2015; Okafor-Yarwood & Adewumi, 2020; Wan et al., 2021). Oil
exploration and exploitation also tends to be more polluting in lower income countries - such as
Ecuador, Nigeria or Nicaragua - where corporations take advantage of governance gaps (Alava & Calle,
2013; Allen, 2011; Andrews et al., 2021; Arif, 2019; O’Rourke & Connolly, 2003).
A major reason that marginalized groups tend to experience worse impacts is because they are
often not adequately consulted or included in decision-making processes. On Canada’s west coast, for
instance, consultation processes have tended to exclude and/or marginalize Indigenous people and
local stakeholders voices and perceptions when assessing and predicting the socio-ecological risks of
pollution impacts from developments (i.e., oil pipeline construction and shipping) imposed on them by
the federal government (Alava, 2019b; Alava & Calle, 2017). There are countless other examples of
where Black populations, Indigenous Peoples, and communities of color have been inadequately
considered, consulted or provided with the opportunity to provide Free, Prior and Informed Consent
(FPIC) when polluting industries and infrastructures are built (Castleden et al., 2017; Maldonado, 2018;
Rosyida et al., 2018). These colonial and racist acts fail to recognize ancestral ocean ownership and
tenure rights, inclusion of marginalized communities in decisions, respect for human rights, and
consideration of social and health impacts in the formulation of pollution prevention approaches.
2.2 Plastics and marine debris
2.2.1 Issue and Drivers
The oceans are undergoing dramatic changes from the chronic and widespread impacts of
escalating marine debris (Coe & Rogers, 2012; Haram et al., 2020). Ocean plastics are by far the largest
component, contributing as much as 80-95% of global marine debris (Bergmann et al., 2015, 2017;
Thevenon et al., 2015). It is estimated that around 4.8 to 12.7 million metric tons (MMT) of plastic
waste per year are discharged into the ocean (Jambeck et al., 2015). The majority (~80%) of marine
plastic litter comes from land-based sources (Jambeck et al., 2015; Kershaw & Rochman, 2015; L. C. M.
Lebreton et al., 2017). As much as 0.8-2.7 MMT of plastic enters the ocean through rivers, with ~80% of
that coming from 1656 rivers (Meijer et al., 2021). Most of this plastic enters the ocean due to improper
disposal, and lack of sound solid waste management (Jambeck et al., 2015; Meijer et al., 2021; UNEP,
2021b). The remaining 20% of marine litter is ocean-based and comes from fisheries, nautical activities
and aquaculture (Thevenon et al., 2015). The fishing industry is responsible for 500,000-1 MMT of
plastic fishing gear and derelict nets (“ghost nets”) polluting the ocean (Macfadyen et al., 2009; WWF,
2020). Fishing gear is a particular issue as abandoned, lost and discarded nets continue to pose
enormous ecological (i.e. continuing to catch valuable fish; endangered fauna e.g. sharks, sea turtles,
marine mammals) and socioeconomic problems (E. Gilman, 2015). The amount of plastic waste in
aquatic ecosystems is projected to nearly triple by 2040 if meaningful actions to mitigate and combat
plastic pollution are not implemented (Borrelle et al., 2020; The Pew Charitable Trusts & SYSTEMIQ,
2020).
The concerns around marine plastics stem from their persistence, accumulation and toxicity in
the environment, as well as their long-term effects on ocean health, ecosystems, marine biodiversity
and humans (Bergmann et al., 2015; T. S. Galloway et al., 2017; Jambeck et al., 2015; L. C. M. Lebreton
et al., 2017; UNEP, 2021b). The persistence and effects of ocean plastics need to be understood in the
context of different types and sizes of plastics that enter the marine environment. The most common
types of plastic include polyethylene (PE), polypropylene (PP), polystyrene (PS), polyvinylchloride
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
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(PVC), polyethylene terephthalate (PET), and polyurethane (PUR) resins; and polyester, polyamide,
and acrylic (PP&A) fibres (Geyer et al., 2017; Gibb, 2019). An estimated ~40-42% of all non-fibre
plastics are used in single-use packaging, which is predominantly composed of PE, PP, and PET (Gibb,
2019). The plastics entering the oceans are of different sizes - ranging in size from macro (e.g., plastic
traps, plastic bottles and bags, styrofoam, nets) to micro (e.g., micro-beads from hygiene products,
fibres from clothing). Most of the macroplastics do not degrade, but rather deteriorate, fragment and
disintegrate into micro- and nano-particles, thus accumulating in the marine environment (Chamas et
al., 2020; Sheth et al., 2019). Much of the plastic waste that enters the marine environment also persists
for a very long time. As a result, plastics are not just found in coastal regions, but also accumulate in
certain areas such as the Great Pacific Garbage Patch (L. Lebreton et al., 2018), the North Atlantic
subtropical gyre (Law et al., 2010), and the deep sea (Kane et al., 2020; Mountford & Morales Maqueda,
2019). Most (~95-99%) plastics do not remain on the surface of the ocean, but are found within the
seawater column and marine bottom sediments (Choy et al., 2019; Eriksen et al., 2014; Kooi et al.,
2017; Mountford & Morales Maqueda, 2019; Sebille et al., 2020). Some plastic products also contain
and release dangerous chemicals (e.g., plasticizers and flame retardants) into the marine environment,
and plastic marine litter can also attract and absorb chemicals from the surrounding seawater
(Bergmann et al., 2015; T. S. Galloway et al., 2017; UNEP, 2016, 2021b). However, the amount of
chemicals contained in plastics and/or microplastics in the ocean and transferred to food webs is
currently considered to be small or negligible compared to the chemical concentrations found in food,
seawater and organic particles that originate from other land-based sources of pollution (Bakir et al.,
2016; Diepens & Koelmans, 2018). Yet, there are major gaps in our knowledge about the behavior and
breakdown of plastic in the ocean and where it eventually ends up (Cózar et al., 2014; Sebille et al.,
2020).
Ocean plastics affect the marine environment and life in a variety of ways. Different types,
shapes and sizes of plastics can be ingested by and cause lethal and sub-lethal effects in various marine
species of seabirds, fish, and mega-fauna (e.g., cetaceans, pinnipeds, large filter-feeding sharks, sea
turtles), as well as in invertebrates such as corals (Bergmann et al., 2015; Courtene-Jones et al., 2019;
Germanov et al., 2018; Jamieson et al., 2019; López-Martínez et al., 2021). This unfortunately is not a
new phenomenon, with marine fauna collected in the mid-1970s already clearly having plastics within
their stomachs (Courtene-Jones et al., 2019). In addition, microplastics and nanoplastics with
associated chemical substances or additives that may well cause changes in gene and protein expression,
produce inflammation, disrupt feeding behavior, decrease growth, change brain development, reduce
filtration and respiration rates, and alter the reproductive success and survival of fish and other marine
organisms (Azevedo-Santos et al., 2019; Botterell et al., 2019; Everaert et al., 2018; Fulfer & Menden-
Deuer, 2021; Jovanović, 2017; Marn et al., 2020; Zeldovich, 2019). Research has shown that a number
of microorganisms, including pathogens, colonize plastic to form biofilms and microbial communities
in the marine environment with potential negative impacts for both fish and human health (Zettler et
al., 2013). For example, fish-related pathogens (Viršek et al., 2017), the Cholera pathogenic bacteria
Vibrio cholerae (Kirstein et al., 2016), and harmful algal species have been found hitchhiking on plastic
debris (Artham et al., 2009). There is also emerging evidence to suggest that marine plastics may
reduce atmospheric oxygen production by inhibiting the growth and functioning of Prochlorococcus
a photosynthetic microorganism that produces around 10% of atmospheric oxygen (Zeldovich, 2019).
Plastics can also interfere with the health and functioning of marine ecosystems (i.e., notably,
mangroves, seagrasses, corals and salt marshes) and the production of ecosystem services (Beaumont et
al., 2019; UNEP, 2021b).
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2.2.2 Impacts and Distribution
Ocean plastics may impact human health and well-being in both direct and indirect ways.
Human health may be affected by the negative impacts of marine plastics on marine fisheries and
biodiversity - which are an essential source of food and nutrition, including a rich source of omega-3
fatty acids, selenium, iron and vitamins (Lloret et al., 2016), and a well-spring of biomedical discovery
(Lloret, 2010). In addition, the ingestion of plastics by marine species - including fish, bivalves and
crustaceans - presents a food safety risk for humans when contaminated seafood enters the human food
chain (T. Galloway, 2015; M. Smith et al., 2018). The bioaccumulation and biomagnification potential of
microplastics in marine food webs is also possible depending on the residence time and elimination rate
of plastic particles in organisms exposed (Alava, 2020; Diepens & Koelmans, 2018; Hamilton et al.,
2021; Nelms et al., 2018). However, the exact nature and scale of the risks posed to humans by
consumption of micro- and nano-plastic contaminated seafood and associated toxic chemicals are still
uncertain (Cox et al., 2019; O’Neill & Lawler, 2021; Santillo et al., 2017; M. Smith et al., 2018;
Walkinshaw et al., 2020). Evidence suggests that consumption of plastics may be particularly harmful
to women’s reproductive health as a source of immunotoxic and endocrine disrupting chemicals (R.
Kumar et al., 2022; O’Neill & Lawler, 2021). Furthermore, microplastics have been found in human
placenta and blood (Leslie et al., 2022; Ragusa et al., 2021) and potential risk for carcinogenesis
induction in humans has been suggested (R. Kumar et al., 2022; Revel et al., 2018). Marine plastics can
also act as vectors for pathogens, even potentially SARS-CoV2 (Alava et al., 2022), which may also have
harmful consequences for human health (Kirstein et al., 2016; Oberbeckmann et al., 2015; Zettler et al.,
2013). All of the research on plastics implies potential health risks for humans - yet, the empirical
evidence of actual health impacts resulting from marine plastics is still limited (Barboza et al., 2018).
Another concern is the economic impacts of marine plastics. Marine plastics can produce
economic costs through reducing the profitability or viability of various economic activities - for
example, through the reduction in harvestable marine resources for small-scale fishers, effects on
aquaculture productivity, impacts on coastal agriculture machinery and livestock, or a reduced market
for marine ecotourism due to the aesthetic and ecological impacts of plastic pollution (Aretoulaki et al.,
2021; Newman et al., 2015; Thushari & Senevirathna, 2020). Broader economic losses to marine
industries have been estimated at US $10.8 billion annually for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) region (McIlgorm et al., 2020) and US $6-19 billion for 87 countries in Europe, Asia, Africa, the
Middle East, the Americas and Oceania (Deloitte, 2019). Furthermore, Beaumont et al (2019) roughly
estimate a loss of 1-5% in marine ecosystem services delivery due to plastics, which equates to US $500-
$2500 billion annually. There are also additional and ongoing economic costs associated with waterway,
beach or ocean cleanup, as well as impacts on boat engines, marinas and ports, which are often borne
by coastal communities and individual businesses rather than by producers (Newman et al., 2015;
UNEP, 2016, 2021b).
In general, plastic pollution on land disproportionately affects communities that are
economically or politically marginalized - the same is likely true in the marine environment where the
impacts of marine plastic pollution are felt differently across socio-economic, race, gender, age and
geographical contexts (Simon et al., 2021; UNEP, 2021b). The effects of plastics on fish and marine
megafauna threatens the food security of those who are most reliant on fish including small-scale
fishers and Indigenous communities (Barboza et al., 2018; Hicks et al., 2019; Santillo et al., 2017; Selig
et al., 2019; M. Smith et al., 2018). Though distribution is not calculated, the effects of economic losses
to industries and ecosystem services likely fall disproportionately on those whose livelihoods and well-
being are most closely tied to coastal activities and resources. Children may well be more vulnerable
and sensitive to plastics and associated chemicals exposure in the marine environment as they are
developing both physically and mentally, and thus less resistant to lingering effects that might impact
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their health in the long term (P. Kumar, 2018; WHO, 2017). Children may also never experience and
enjoy coastal areas, beaches and marine ecosystems free from plastics now and in the future.
Marine plastics also have a global dimension. Liboiron (2021) challenges us to think about
plastics as a form of colonialism enabled by global capitalist expansion. The amount of plastic waste
generated per capita by individuals in many low- and middle-income countries is substantially less than
individuals from high-income countries (Euromap, 2016; UNEP, 2021a). Fifteen countries account for
73.9% of the plastic waste that is exported, 11 of these countries are from the OECD (Pedra & Gonçalves,
2020). However, many Low- and Middle-Income Countries are unable to adequately manage their own
plastic waste let alone the burgeoning amount of plastic waste shipped from High-Income Countries
(Ritchie & Roser, 2018). The UN Special Rapporteur on Toxics underscored how this issue compounds
due to the lack of adequate reception and processing facilities in lower income countries (Orellana,
2021). When combined with local gaps in waste management, this leads to substantially greater land-
based inputs of plastics into the ocean with associated increases in environmental and societal impacts
for populations in lower income countries (Pedra & Gonçalves, 2020; UNEP, 2021b, 2021a).
2.3 Climatic and global environmental change
2.3.1 Issue and Drivers
Due to increased greenhouse gases (GHGs) from human activities, the concentration of carbon
dioxide (CO2) in the Earth’s atmosphere has increased, the temperature has warmed, and weather
patterns have changed (IPCC, 2019, 2021). The science is clear that the cause of these climate changes is
human activities, including GHG emissions from combustion of fossil fuels (e.g., coal, oil, and natural
gas) for industrial uses, transportation, and energy, deforestation and land conversion, agriculture and
livestock, and the production and use of equipment and products containing GHGs (e.g., nitrous oxide,
fluorinated gases) (IPCC, 2021). Furthermore, a substantial portion of GHGs are produced by nations
with larger economies and higher per capita incomes (Bindoff et al., 2019; Lamb et al., 2021).
Global climate change is producing numerous and substantial changes both direct impacts
and knock-on effects - in marine and coastal environments (Bindoff et al., 2019; IPCC, 2019). The ocean
has steadily warmed and at a greater rate than the atmosphere, influencing nutrient cycling, decreasing
primary production, shifting the geographic distribution of organisms, leading to range expansions of
tropical species, and impacting the growth and reproduction of fish stocks (Bindoff et al., 2019; du
Pontavice et al., 2020; Morley et al., 2018; Pinsky et al., 2020; Poloczanska et al., 2016). It is estimated
that as much as 20-30% of CO2 emitted over the last few decades has been taken up by the ocean,
leading to acidification with coinciding impacts on calcification processes and growth of shellfish and
coral reefs, as well as loss of oxygen which contributes to hypoxic and anoxic areas (“dead zones”),
exacerbating oxygen minimum zones (OMZ), and HABs (Bindoff et al., 2019; Branch et al., 2013;
Gattuso et al., 2013; Townhill et al., 2018; Trainer et al., 2020). Many coastal regions are experiencing
“weather wilding” with increasing extreme weather events, changing seasons, and shifting rainfall
patterns (T. Knutson et al., 2020; T. R. Knutson et al., 2021). Sea level rise is leading to inundation,
flooding and saltwater intrusion in coastal areas (Kirezci et al., 2020; Rahimi et al., 2020; Vitousek et
al., 2017). A higher prevalence of marine heatwaves is leading to mass mortality events and producing
detrimental impacts on ecosystems, biodiversity, and ecosystem services (Frölicher et al., 2018; Oliver
et al., 2021; Smale et al., 2019). Changing temperatures, rising seas, salinity and acidification combined
are stressing coastal ecosystems, including mangroves, saltmarshes, seagrass meadows, and coral reefs,
and pushing some beyond their tipping points and ability to adapt (Bindoff et al., 2019; Doney et al.,
2012; E. L. Gilman et al., 2008; IPCC, 2022; Klein et al., 2022; Sippo et al., 2018).
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2.3.2 Impacts and Distribution
The litany of climate change impacts and knock-on effects described above are having
substantial but differentiated implications for coastal communities and ocean-dependent populations
around the world. Extreme weather events, coastal inundation and erosion, saltwater intrusion, marine
heatwaves and HABs can have detrimental effects on economic benefits from the fisheries, aquaculture,
agriculture and tourism sectors (Bindoff et al., 2019; Misana & Tilumanywa, 2019; Narita et al., 2012;
Oppenheimer et al., 2019; Ritzman et al., 2018; K. E. Smith et al., 2021). Shifts in the abundance,
productivity and location of fish stocks and shellfish from warming oceans and acidification are
affecting fisheries jobs, revenues, and food security for many coastal populations (Cheung et al., 2010;
Doney et al., 2020; Fernandes et al., 2017; Lam, Cheung, Reygondeau, et al., 2016; Narita et al., 2012;
Tigchelaar et al., 2021). Rising sea levels, combined with increased storm and flooding events, are
harming community infrastructure, housing and health in both rural areas and urban centers (Heberger
et al., 2011; Liwenga et al., 2019; Rahimi et al., 2020; Ryan et al., 2016) and leading to forced retreat or
migration away from the ocean (Ahmed & Eklund, 2021; Dannenberg et al., 2019; Dasgupta et al.,
2022; Hauer, 2017; Schwerdtle et al., 2018). Climate change impacts on ecosystems can undermine
provisioning, regulating, cultural and supporting ecosystem services that are fundamental for human
well-being (Doney et al., 2012; E. J. Nelson et al., 2013; Singh et al., 2019; Smale et al., 2019). In short,
climate change threatens the human rights of coastal populations and nations to food, livelihoods,
health and physical security (Ahlgren et al., 2014; Elver & Oral, 2021; Levy & Patz, 2015).
There is substantial evidence that different racial, ethnic, gender, age and socio-economic
groups experience the impacts of climate related changes to a greater or lesser extent (Benevolenza &
DeRigne, 2019; Bindoff et al., 2019; Dankelman & Jansen, 2010; Flores, Collins, et al., 2021; N. Islam &
Winkel, 2017; Thomas et al., 2019). For example, pre-existing social and structural inequalities tend to
situate Black populations, women and the poor in more vulnerable positions when it comes to coastal
flooding, storms, and other hazards related to climate change (Ahmed & Eklund, 2021; Gotham et al.,
2018; Hardy et al., 2017). Communities and groups (e.g., small-scale fishers or Indigenous Peoples)
who have a high level of resource dependence - either for livelihoods or food security - will also be more
susceptible to changes to ecosystems, ecosystem services and fisheries brought on by climate change
(Guillotreau et al., 2012; Lauria et al., 2018; Marushka et al., 2019). Similarly, groups with lower
adaptive capacity - due to less access to financial resources, lack of alternative livelihood options, or
structural barriers - will experience greater impacts (Cinner et al., 2018; Senapati & Gupta, 2017).
Climate change adaptation and mitigation programs can further marginalize local populations when
their needs and voices are not taken into account. Managed retreat, for instance, can have disruptive
public health implications, including declining mental health, social capital, food security, water supply,
and access to health care, that disproportionately affect Indigenous people (Dannenberg et al., 2019). In
Bangladesh, climate adaptation projects have excluded and further marginalized women and minorities,
and worsened income inequality (Sovacool, 2018).
Certain geographies, regions and countries, are also more exposed to climate change’s effects.
For example, low-lying coastal areas with high populations - which are particularly prevalent in Asia
(China, India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, & Vietnam) and Africa (Egypt and sub-Saharan countries) - will
be more highly exposed to sea level rise, coastal inundation and flooding (Dasgupta et al., 2022;
Neumann et al., 2015; Oppenheimer et al., 2019). Sea level rise is also threatening human security and
leading to outmigration from Pacific island and atoll countries (Barnett & Adger, 2003; Campbell &
Warrick, 2014). Nations in Africa, Asia, Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands that are near the Equator
and with a high reliance on fisheries may be both more exposed and more susceptible to livelihood and
food security impacts (Asch et al., 2017; Holbrook et al., 2021; Lauria et al., 2018; Tigchelaar et al.,
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2021). Many large coastal cities in low- and middle-income countries - such as Lagos (Nigeria), Manila
(Philippines), and Bangkok (Thailand) - are situated in floodplains and may have lower institutional
capacity to be able to adapt (Araos et al., 2016; Elias & Omojola, 2015; Porio, 2014; Saito, 2014). Coastal
populations in Equatorial and Arctic regions may experience some of the most extreme changes in
temperature and species composition (Asch et al., 2017; Ford et al., 2019; Holbrook et al., 2021; Lam,
Cheung, & Sumaila, 2016). Notably, the impacts of climate change tend to be experienced to a greater
extent in lower income countries, and by those less responsible for producing carbon and causing
climate change (Bindoff et al., 2019; Lamb et al., 2021).
2.4 Ecosystem, biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation
2.4.1 Issue and Drivers
Marine ecosystem services, which describe the benefits people obtain from marine ecosystems
(G. C. Nelson et al., 2005), are essential for coastal communities, small-island developing states, and
Indigenous communities, because they provide food and medicine, livelihood opportunities and income,
carbon sequestration, defense against extreme weather, and contributions to cultural heritage and
identity, among many other benefits (Barbier et al., 2011; Blythe et al., 2020; Cisneros-Montemayor et
al., 2016; Costanza, 1999; M. M. Islam et al., 2020; Woodhead et al., 2019). Coral reefs, for example,
support the livelihoods, food and nutritional security, and well-being of hundreds of millions of people
who rely both directly and indirectly on reefs (Cabral & Geronimo, 2018; Coral Triangle Initiative,
2009). Coastal wetlands provide global storm protection valued at $447 billion per year (Costanza et al.,
2021). Seagrasses, tidal marshes, and mangroves are essential and effective carbon sinks (Howard et al.,
2017). Importantly, marine ecosystem services are neither homogeneous nor static; rather, people
access a variety of ecosystem services for different reasons through diverse mechanisms that shift over
time (Grantham et al., 2022; Hicks & Cinner, 2014; Lau et al., 2020).
From pole to pole, the capacity of marine ecosystems to provide ecosystem services is declining
due to pressures on ecosystems and biodiversity (Barbier, 2017; Brauman et al., 2020; Jouffray et al.,
2020). Over the last several decades, 50% of salt marshes, 35% of mangroves, 30% of coral reefs, and
19% of seagrasses have been lost or degraded (Barbier, 2017; Dunic et al., 2021; Romañach et al., 2018).
The Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services’ (IPBES) recent
global assessment report indicates that 72% of the indicators developed and used by Indigenous peoples
and local communities to monitor changes in ecosystem services showed negative trends (Purvis et al.,
2019). Human activities threaten many of the world’s remaining marine ecosystems and the benefits
they provide (Bindoff et al., 2019). These activities include overfishing [detailed in Section 2.5.1],
climate change [detailed in Section 2.3.1], and various forms of ocean and coastal development (Defeo
& Elliott, 2021; IPBES, 2019). Rapid coastal development is increasing demands on coastal and ocean
spaces (Sengupta et al., 2020). This often takes the form of building over or removing natural habitats,
building out into the sea, or hardening the coast to prevent coastal erosion (Defeo & Elliott, 2021;
Mallette et al., 2021). Sandy beaches, for example, which provide recreation and food, protect
livelihoods, and maintain water quality, are under pressure from sand mining to support the
construction industry (Hackney et al., 2020), sewage input from urban, industrial, and agricultural
activities (Rech et al., 2014), and sea-level rise and erosion (Bindoff et al., 2019). The rapid expansion of
coastal aquaculture is driving the degradation and conversion of mangroves and agricultural commons
into privatized monocultures (Blythe et al., 2015; Jayanthi et al., 2018). Seagrass dredging to expand or
alter coasts for commercial use is undermining their capacity to support a variety of ecosystem services
(Fraser et al., 2017; Nordlund et al., 2016).
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2.4.2 Impacts and Distribution
Globally, as marine habitats and ecosystem services decline, so too does human well-being in
coastal populations and communities (Blythe et al., 2020; Cullen-Unsworth et al., 2014). Coastal
infrastructures, economies, livelihoods, food security, and public health are vulnerable to the effects of
degrading ecosystems on ecosystem services (Hernández-Delgado, 2015; IPBES, 2019). Non-white and
low- and middle-income communities bear a disproportionate share of the impacts of declining
ecosystem services (Chaplin-Kramer et al., 2019). For example, low-income countries are more
vulnerable to food insecurity resulting from degraded coral reefs (Hughes et al., 2012). Furthermore,
tropical fisheries catch potential is projected to decline by 40% over the next three decades, which will
create disproportionate harm for people who rely heavily on marine protein as they do in many Pacific
Island Nations (Bell et al., 2009; Lam et al., 2020). Indigenous peoples also experience
disproportionately high impacts of declining marine ecosystem services that are essential for food
security and cultural continuity (Parsons et al., 2021). Of particular concern, nature is declining most
rapidly where nature’s contributions to people are the greatest (Chaplin-Kramer et al., 2019).
Locally, case studies demonstrate that changing or declining marine ecosystem services, and
responses to these changes, are often skewed in ways that produce greater harm for marginalized
groups and communities. In Kenya, female fish traders have experienced increased hardship resulting
from declining fish stocks while some (male) individuals have benefited (Masterson et al., 2018). The
convergence of a record-breaking oil spill and the COVID-19 pandemic created extensive damage to
seagrass meadows, local livelihoods, and public health in Brazil (Magalhães et al., 2021). In many cases,
environmental degradation intersects with centuries of colonization to block Indigenous peoples from
realizing the benefits of ecosystem services (Friess, 2016; Wieland et al., 2016; Wilson, 2021). For
example on the Central Coast of British Columbia Canada, colonial disruption of Indigenous practices
has led to decreases in the size and abundance of rockfish populations, undermining food security and
cultural practices of First Nations (Eckert et al., 2018). In the Canadian Arctic, climate change and
ecosystem shifts are driving change in the distribution, abundance, and health of beluga, which is
central to the economics, diets, and culture of Inuvialuit (Loseto et al., 2018).
Efforts to support the conservation of ecosystem services can also further marginalize certain
groups while benefiting others. Marine protected areas, for example, can benefit tourism operators
whereas local fishers are largely excluded (Brain et al., 2020) or fail to consider the gendered impacts of
spatial enclosures on gendered access to resources (Baker-Médard, 2017). Even where payments for
ecosystem services programs explicitly aim to address unequal distribution of the costs and benefits of
ecosystem services, local communities and Indigenous people rarely benefit from offset or conservation
projects (Daw et al., 2011).
2.5 Fisheries declines
2.5.1 Issue and Drivers
At the global scale, wild fish stocks are in decline. The percentage of fish stocks that are fished at
biologically unsustainable levels increased from 10% in 1974 to 34.2% in 2017 (FAO, 2020). The long-
term trend in global capture fisheries has been relatively stable since the mid-1990s, despite increases
in fishing effort over the same period (Bell et al., 2017). In addition, the mean trophic level of the
species groups targeted has declined over time, a phenomenon described as “fishing down the food web”
(Pauly et al., 1998; Pauly & Palomares, 2005). Not only does this phenomenon imply overfishing, but
increased fishing at low trophic levels has particular, reverberating impacts on marine biodiversity and
ecology (A. D. M. Smith et al., 2011). Yet, declines are not distributed evenly across the world’s oceans;
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the status of fisheries resources varies significantly by geography and by species and is closely related to
the level of fisheries management (Pauly et al., 2020).
Fisheries declines are driven by a variety of factors. Overfishing is driven by increasing global
demand for seafood linked to higher incomes, urbanization, and a focus on healthier diets, as well as
illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing (FAO, 2020). Some destructive fishing methods
produce downstream effects that further threaten the viability of coastal and offshore fisheries. For
example, industrial bottom trawling is especially damaging to coastal habitats (Duplisea et al., 2011),
results in high bycatch (Chuenpagdee et al., 2003), and produces significant greenhouse gas emissions
(Parker et al., 2018), contributing to global climate change and its associated impacts on the geographic
distribution of organisms and the growth and reproduction of fish stocks [detailed above]. Bycatch
products from bottom trawling are a major contributor to the fishmeal and fish oil industry (Steadman
et al., 2021), most of which is destined for aquaculture feed (Naylor et al., 2021), in an ironic system
whereby wild fish are used to rear higher-value farmed fish. Though major gains have been made in
aquaculture feed efficiency in the past twenty years, the dependence on marine ingredients persists and
demand continues to increase as aquaculture expands (Naylor et al., 2021). Fisheries targeting low-
value fish to serve this market can considerably impact wild fish populations and marine ecosystems
through the capture of juvenile fish and loss of biodiversity (Cao et al., 2015; Naylor et al., 2021; Zhang
et al., 2020). The use of the ocean and coasts for mining, logging, infrastructure development, coastal
tourism, and aquaculture pose further threats to fish habitat and populations while also limiting access
to small-scale fishers who rely on these areas for their livelihoods (Bavinck et al., 2017; Carver, 2019;
Cohen et al., 2019; Österblom et al., 2020; Said et al., 2017).
2.5.2 Impacts and Distribution
Declines in wild fisheries, the degradation of fish habitat, and inadequate management of fish
stocks directly threaten the livelihoods, food and nutritional security, and cultural practices of the
millions of people who rely on fisheries daily. For example, in 2017, fish consumption accounted for
17% of the world’s animal protein consumption (FAO, 2020). Small-scale fisheries and aquaculture
produce more than half of the global fish catch and two-thirds of aquatic foods used for human
consumption, and associated value chains support over 100 million full- and part-time jobs (FAO,
2020). An additional 53 million people worldwide rely on seafood for subsistence, supporting 379
million household members, or around 7% of the global population (FAO, 2021). Fish is a key source of
micronutrients, which are essential to human health, as micronutrient deficiencies underlie nearly half
of all deaths in children under 5 years of age (Hicks et al., 2019). The depletion of fish stocks can also
have devastating effects on human well-being (Cullen-Unsworth et al., 2014), Indigenous ecological
knowledge and management (Ferguson & Bells, in press), and culturally significant harvesting practices
(Ferguson, 2021). Marine fisheries are key contributors to national economies as well, generating
US$ 80 billion dollars in export revenues for lower-income countries (FAO, 2016). Yet overfishing leads
to fisheries’ economic underperformance, and rebuilding depleted stocks has the potential to generate
long-term economic benefits that outweigh the costs (U. R. Sumaila et al., 2012). Efforts to catch and
export cheap fish to growing global markets in the face of declining stocks have also led to extreme
forms of human exploitation, including the enslavement of fishworkers on industrial vessels (Clark &
Longo, 2021; Sparks & Hasche, 2019), which co-occurs with IUU fishing and overharvesting (EJF,
2015; Selig et al., 2022).
Impacts are not equally distributed across the planet, with small-scale fishing communities and
lower income nations bearing the heaviest burdens. Small-scale fisheries produce almost half the fish
consumed in low- and middle-income countries (FAO et al., in press; Tilley et al., 2021) and directly
employ 90% of those working in fisheries (FAO, 2018), an estimated 60 million peopleapproximately
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40% of whom are womenwith a further 53 million fishing for subsistence (FAO et al., in press; Tilley
et al., 2021). Seafood is of particular importance to food and nutritional security in countries such as
Bangladesh, Cambodia, Ghana, Nigeria, and in the Pacific Islands, where fish is by far the most
frequently consumed animal-source food (Belton & Thilsted, 2014). In many low-income countries,
seafood is also a key source of micronutrients critical to human health (Golden et al., 2016; Hicks et al.,
2019), and exporting fish to supply distant markets often leads to the loss of nutritional benefits to local
people (Short et al., 2021). Large-scale industrial fisheries, in contrast to small-scale actors, are highly
subsidized, employ relatively few people, have high discard rates, and can undermine the catches of
small-scale fishers (Österblom et al., 2020; U. R. Sumaila et al., 2016; Zeller & Pauly, 2019).
Furthermore, industrial fishing is highly concentrated in higher-income nations with distant water
fleets that operate in the waters around and within the economic exclusive zone (EEZ) of lower-income
nations where they overharvest commercial fish and undermine local food security and livelihoods
(FAO, 2020; Mansfield, 2004). Higher-income countries comprise 78% of trackable industrial fishing
within the national waters of lower-income countries (McCauley et al., 2018). The crisis of IUU fishing
is most highly visible in western Africa, where it has been estimated that IUU fishingmostly by foreign
vesselsaccounts for between one third and one half of the total regional catch (Watkins, 2014), driving
several food species toward extinction (Daniels et al., 2016).
Coastal Indigenous peoples and women tend to be especially vulnerable to fisheries declines.
Coastal Indigenous groups are highly dependent on marine resources for food and cultural practices yet
tend to be marginalized from fisheries access and management (N. J. Bennett et al., 2018; Capistrano &
Charles, 2012; Österblom et al., 2020). Per capita consumption of seafood is 15 times higher in coastal
Indigenous communities, on average, compared to non-Indigenous country populations (Cisneros-
Montemayor et al., 2016), and fish is the primary source of food in many Indigenous communities in
the Pacific (Charlton et al., 2016). Women are also more vulnerable than men to fisheries declines. As
women tend to dominate lower-value, non-harvest, and informal parts of seafood supply chains,
including invertebrate gleaning, processing, and marketing, they tend not to be counted in fisheries
statistics (Harper et al., 2020; Kleiber et al., 2015), to be marginalized from fisheries management
(Österblom et al., 2020), and to not receive the same level of government support as men following a
crisis (Naggea et al., 2021). The “invisibility” of these roles in value chains can also mask labor
trafficking, peonage systems, health and sanitary issues, and unsustainable and illegal fishing,
perpetuating the cycle of social and environmental abuses (Moreto et al., 2020). Furthermore, gender
intersects with other social identities to produce unique relations between people and fisheries, which
can increase or decrease a fisher’s vulnerability and capacity to adapt to environmental change (Erwin
et al., 2021; Mangubhai et al., 2021). Recent studies have examined how gender interacts with ethnicity
(Lau & Scales, 2016), class (Novak Colwell et al., 2017), individual decision-making (Kusakabe &
Sereyvath, 2014), religious denomination and place of birth (Rohe et al., 2018), nationality (Yingst &
Skaptadóttir, 2018), and marital status (Ferguson, 2021) to shape fishers’ access to and control of
marine resources. Gender and Indigenous identity also intersect to create unique vulnerabilities to
fisheries declines for Indigenous women and girls, for example, threatening the transfer and use of
traditional ecological knowledge for managing fisheries sustainably (Ferguson & Bells, in press).
Small-scale actors are frequently marginalized in fisheries management (Cohen et al., 2019).
These actors often have relatively limited political power compared to industrial actors, and many
policies intended to enhance the sustainability of fisheries end up targeting small-scale actors, with
negative livelihood effects (Cohen et al., 2019). There has historically been insufficient representation of
lower-income and previously colonized states, as well as marginalized groups (e.g., women, Indigenous
peoples, people of low socioeconomic status) in decisions related to development of the coasts (e.g.,
energy and oil development, aquaculture, conservation) that will impact them and their fisheries
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(Flannery et al., 2018; Kerr et al., 2015; Österblom et al., 2020). International fisheries agreements
have, for instance, been described as primarily commercial deals negotiated by governments behind
closed doors, with few benefits accruing to local economies (Kaczynski & Fluharty, 2002; Le Manach et
al., 2013; Österblom et al., 2020). Capacity-enhancing and harmful subsidies by high-income nations
exacerbate overfishing in the waters of other countries and in the high seas (R. Sumaila et al., 2021; U.
R. Sumaila et al., 2019). Meanwhile, fishing communities tend to have limited or disadvantaged access
to markets, and may have poor access to health, education, and other social services (FAO, 2015).
Colonial legacies, lack of access to or fair allocation of resources and markets, insecure tenure rights,
and a disparity of financial resources and technological capacity all act to uphold and reinforce such
inequalities in fisheries (Österblom et al., 2020). Even efforts to address the high level of IUU fishing by
distant water fleets in Africa have largely constrained small-scale actors, though they support millions
of jobs and are better adapted to meet nutritional needs and provide socioeconomic security for local
populations (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2022).
3 Discussion
This paper draws attention to the environmental injustices that are occurring in the ocean
through characterizing and examining the impacts and distribution of five types of environmental
hazards and harms. In particular, the narrative and qualitative review examines how pollution, plastics,
climate change, biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation, and fisheries declines in the ocean are
impacting various aspects of human well-being in coastal populations. Below, we reflect on the
converging, cumulative, differentiated, and geographically distributed nature of these impacts, and end
with a brief examination of solutions and future research directions.
3.1 Converging, interacting, and cumulative environmental injustices
While this review examines the different categories of environmental hazards and harms
separately, they do not exist or operate in isolation. The various hazards and harms converge, interact,
and produce cumulative environmental injustices for coastal populations. As anthropogenic activities
increase and pressures on the world’s oceans converge (Halpern et al., 2008, 2019; Jouffray et al.,
2020; Nash et al., 2017), they can interact in various ways that are additive, synergistic, or antagonistic
producing combined effects on ocean health, species, and ecosystems (N. J. Bennett et al., 2015; Bundy
et al., 2015; G. C. Nelson et al., 2005; Perry et al., 2010). For example, nutrient run-off from agriculture
or urban centers can combine with warming oceans to exacerbate HABs and increase the size of hypoxic
areas or “dead zones” in the ocean (Gobler, 2020; IPCC, 2019). Climate change, contaminants and
fishing pressure (i.e., overfishing) can interact in ways that increase climate change susceptibility or
increase contaminant exposure in marine food webs with implications for seafood security and safety
(Alava et al., 2017, 2018; Schartup et al., 2019). All of the environmental hazards and harms discussed
in this paper converge to threaten marine biodiversity and ecosystem services (IPBES, 2019).
The overlap and interactions of hazards and harms in the ocean and coastal environment can
also lead to cumulative human exposures to environmental injustices and simultaneous, magnified
impacts on different aspects of well-being (e.g., on health, mental health, livelihoods, food security) for
local populations (Figure 1). Climate-related natural disasters - e.g., tropical storms, hurricanes and
flooding - can lead to increased exposure to infectious diseases and chemical pollutants (Erickson et al.,
2019; Minovi, 2021). Certain regions or groups may be particularly susceptible to cumulative exposures
- for example, Arctic Indigenous communities are bearing the brunt of the combined effects of climate
change, accumulation of POPs and mercury, and oceanic transport of microplastics on fish and marine
megafauna, food security and health (Alava, 2019a; Alava et al., 2017; AMAP, 2021). Furthermore,
marine hazards and harms also converge with other broader social, economic, political, governance and
environmental trends and shocks, including migration and population growth, development of the blue
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economy, shifts in governments, or the emergence and implementation of new policy regimes or
management tools (N. J. Bennett et al., 2015; Defeo & Elliott, 2021; Fabinyi et al., 2022; Freduah et al.,
2017; Ommer & Team, 2007). Each of these changes can place additional pressures on resources or
areas of the marine environment and can have substantive or procedural justice implications for coastal
populations and communities.
3.2 Geographic distribution
This review also reveals how environmental hazards and harms are distributed geographically -
in particular, highlighting both the localized and global nature of environmental justice issues in the
ocean. On the one hand, local environmental injustices are rife in the marine environment - with
exposures and social impacts occurring for coastal communities and populations around the world that
are situated near polluting industries, urban centers, plastic laden rivers, and untreated sewage
outflows (Andrews et al., 2021; Halpern et al., 2008; L. C. M. Lebreton et al., 2017; Meijer et al., 2021;
Tuholske et al., 2021). Proximal environmental injustices related to different industries (e.g., oil and gas,
aquaculture, shipping, ports, desalination plants) may be worse where environmental governance - laws,
policies and the rule of law - are not as strong; yet, localized marine pollution and “sacrifice zones” can
be found in all regions of the world (Boyd, 2022).
On the other hand, many environmental injustices related to the ocean are global - with
exposures and social impacts being experienced around the world or being produced in areas that are
far from the source. The effects of climate change are felt by coastal communities globally, though levels
of exposure to various biophysical changes (e.g., storms, temperatures, sea level rise, acidification and
HABs) and knock-on effects (e.g., declining catches, health outcomes, migration) are greater or lesser in
different regions of the ocean (Bindoff et al., 2019; IPCC, 2019). The health effects of some organic
pollutants - such as methylmercury and POPs (e.g., PCBs, DDT, PFAS) - tend to be concentrated in
certain regions such as the Arctic that are often far (and distant in time) from the original source due to
long-range atmospheric transport and deposition (AMAP, 2021; Ghisari et al., 2014; Probyn, 2018;
Wielsøe et al., 2017). The review also shows that high-income nations are often responsible for
producing environmental injustices in low-income nations - this dynamic is present, for instance, in the
production of GHGs and impacts of climate change (Bindoff et al., 2019; IPCC, 2021; Lamb et al., 2021),
the dumping of pollution (Okafor-Yarwood & Adewumi, 2020), the shipment and circulation of plastic
wastes (UNEP, 2021b), and fishing by distant water fleets (Daniels et al., 2016; McCauley et al., 2018;
Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2022). These examples point to the role of colonialism, racism and capitalism as
human-made political forces triggering and exacerbating environmental injustices at a global scale in
the ocean (Liboiron, 2021; Sultana, 2022). These dynamics may also mean that certain geographies and
lower-income countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are simultaneously dumping grounds for
pollution and plastics and the source of critical natural resources and fish stocks for wealthier nations.
3.3 Social differentiation and intersectionality of impacts
Exposure to and impacts of environmental hazards and harms are socially differentiated across
axes of identity. Numerous empirical examples in the review above show that different groups (e.g.,
genders, ages, ethnicities, races, classes, livelihoods), and groups at the intersections (e.g., poor women,
unmarried immigrants, women from marginalized ethnic groups, poor and/or Indigenous children) are
more or less exposed to, susceptible to, and impacted by the effects of all categories of environmental
injustices: pollution, plastics, climate change, ecosystem service degradation, and fisheries declines. For
example, Indigenous communities and racial minorities are often more exposed to ocean pollution
(Fredrickson, 2013; Landrigan et al., 2020; Lerner, 2012; Maldonado, 2018). Women often
disproportionately bear climate change impacts, ecosystem service degradation and fisheries declines
(Ahmed & Eklund, 2021; Dankelman & Jansen, 2010; Ferguson & Bells, in press; Masterson et al.,
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
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2018; Nolan, 2019). Groups that depend more on fish and seafood - e.g., small-scale fishing and coastal
Indigenous communities - are more susceptible to all types of environmental harms and hazards
(Cisneros-Montemayor et al., 2016; Guillotreau et al., 2012; Lauria et al., 2018; Marushka et al., 2019).
Children are also affected more - and for the longest period of time - by the impacts of climate change,
pollution, and biodiversity loss (Boyd, 2022; Knox, 2018).
In particular, this review highlights how groups that are socio-economically disadvantaged or
politically marginalized tend to be impacted more and experience fewer benefits. For example, women
and different ethnic groups often lack legal recognition or tenure rights independent of their husbands
(Cohen et al., 2016; Naggea et al., 2021), small-scale fishers can face physical and financial resource
constraints (Senapati & Gupta, 2017), Black populations can face systemic racism (Clark, 2022; Hardy
et al., 2017) and migrants may have lower social capital, legal protection, and adaptive capacity (Cinner
et al., 2015; Ferguson, 2021; Mustofa et al., 2022) - all of which can lead to greater susceptibility to the
impacts of climate change. This dynamic sets up a vicious cycle whereby pre-existing inequalities lessen
a group’s ability to respond to environmental change and lead to greater social impacts, thereby
increasing inequality (Senapati & Gupta, 2017). The research also shows how many responses that are
designed to address environmental injustices can themselves produce socially differentiated impacts
(M.-C. Cormier-Salem, 2017; Dannenberg et al., 2019; Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2022; Sovacool, 2018).
For example, elites often capture more of the benefits of payment for ecosystem service programs (Daw
et al., 2011). Roles in and compensation from disaster recovery work fall along gender and racial lines
(Shtob & Petrucci, 2021; Weber & Messias, 2012).
Finally, much of the literature on socially differentiated impacts focuses on a single axis of
identity, such as gender or ethnicity, and we found very few intersectional analyses (Collins & Bilge,
2020; Crenshaw, 2022) that specifically address environmental injustices in the marine environment. A
few notable exceptions include research by Lau & Scales (2016) on how gender and ethnicity intersect
to shape oyster harvesting in the Gambia, Novak-Colwell et al. (2017) on how power and class operate
differently for men and women adapting to fishing regulations in India, Rohe et al. (2018) on how
gender intersects with religious denomination and place of birth to shape participation in fisheries
management in the Solomon Islands, and Ferguson (2021) on how gender intersects with nationality
and marital status to determine the distribution of costs and benefits of the seafood trade.
3.4 The role of procedural considerations
The review also highlights the role of procedural considerations in the production and
entrenchment of environmental injustices in the ocean. International law and policy and the
environmental justice literature alike underscore the need for recognition and participation of local
people in environmental decision-making processes that impact their lives and well-being (N. J.
Bennett et al., 2019; Schlosberg, 2009; UNECE, 1998; Walker, 2012). The Aarhus Convention on Access
to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental
Matters (UNECE, 1998) and the similar but more recent Escazú Agreement provide legal protection for
the procedural rights of persons in more than 60 States in Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America and the
Caribbean (Escazú Agreement, 2018). Other countries have more general obligations to ensure public
participation due to other human rights and environmental treaties. Yet, the results of our review
suggest that environmental injustices in the ocean are often produced or worsened by lack of
recognition of certain groups and marginalization of their voices and perspectives in coastal
development, siting of infrastructure, disposal of wastes, and allocation of resources (N. J. Bennett et al.,
2021; Castleden et al., 2017; Cohen et al., 2019; Maldonado, 2018; Okafor-Yarwood & Adewumi, 2020;
Österblom et al., 2020; Rosyida et al., 2018). Case studies also emphasize how inadequate
consideration of the social and cultural context and inappropriate approaches to consultation with local
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
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people can lead to policy solutions aiming to address biodiversity and ecosystem service degradation
and fisheries declines that further marginalize already disenfranchised groups. A persistent problem in
fisheries management and policy, for example, is that insufficient attention is paid to the rights and
livelihoods of small-scale fishers (Cohen et al., 2019; Jentoft et al., 2017; Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2022)
and particularly women fishers (Baker-Médard, 2017). The creation of marine protected areas to
protect biodiversity and ecosystem services has long been critiqued for failing to pay attention to justice
and equity considerations (N. J. Bennett & Dearden, 2014; Jones, 2009; Sowman & Sunde, 2018).
Climate change adaptations without attention to social context can be maladaptations for local people
(Bunce et al., 2010; M. Cormier-Salem & Panfili, 2016; Hardy et al., 2017).
3.5 Solutions to environmental injustices in the ocean
The development and implementation of solutions to address environmental justice issues in
the ocean is not an easy task. While an extended discussion of how to address each of the environmental
injustices identified here is beyond the scope of the paper, we would be remiss if we did not quickly
touch on some overarching insights into solutions. Bold, fair and transformative actions and policies are
needed at all scales - from local to national to global - to reduce pollution and plastics, mitigate climate
change, stem the loss of biodiversity and ecosystem services, and address fisheries declines (CBD, 2021;
IPBES, 2019; IPCC, 2019; UN, 2021; United Nations, 2015). Different types of actions are necessary
including policy, technological, corporate, and social changes. As a result, all manner of organizations
have a role in addressing each type of environmental injustice explored here - governments in creating
and enforcing policies to address the problems, the private sector in developing new technologies and
reducing harmful environmental impacts, as well as civil society in reducing consumption and
demanding change. Addressing issues at the source can be more effective and efficient, while also
placing the burden on producers and perpetrators rather than those affected (Boyd, 2022). For
example, policies that ban chemical pollutants, curtail point source pollution, and reduce nutrient flows
in the ocean have been successful at lessening impacts on ocean and human health (Landrigan et al.,
2020). Reducing plastics production, consumption, and improving waste management to turn off the
tap of plastics pollution is easier than attempting to clean up ocean plastics (Owens & Conlon, 2021;
The Pew Charitable Trusts & SYSTEMIQ, 2020; UNEP, 2021b). In this respect, the recent decision to
negotiate a new global treaty on plastics is a promising development (UNEP, 2022; United
Nations Environment Assembly, 2022). Another promising development is the 2021 resolution from
the United Nations Human Rights Council recognizing that everyone has the right to live in a clean,
healthy and sustainable environment (UN, 2021). This fundamental human right is already
incorporated into the legal systems of more than 155 nations, through constitutions, legislation or
regional treaties. Recent court decisions from Argentina and South Africa demonstrate the utility and
benefits of this right, as coastal communities and environmental organizations have won lawsuits
overturning permits granted for offshore oil and gas exploration and development activities due to
impacts on rights to participation, a healthy environment, livelihoods and food (Ruben Oscar Godoy et
al v. Argentina, Exp. No. 58/2022, 2022; Sustaining the Wild Coast NPC et al. V Minister of Mineral
Resources and Energy et al, 2021; C.J. Adams et al v Minister of Mineral Resources and Energy et al,
2022).
Simultaneously, local and place-based actions grounded in human rights are needed to mitigate
community exposure, reduce vulnerability, and proactively adapt to environmental hazards and harms
in the marine and coastal environment. For example, in the context of climate change this might
include employing nature-based solutions to attenuate impacts on communities (Spalding et al., 2014)
or building social adaptive capacity (Cinner et al., 2018). To reduce vulnerability of marginalized
populations to disasters, it may be necessary to move beyond building local resilience to addressing the
systemic issues and inequalities that make exposures and impacts worse for some populations, while
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
18
also constraining their mitigation and response efforts (Flores, Castor, et al., 2021; Flores, Collins, et al.,
2021; Mangubhai et al., 2021). Where ecosystem services have been undermined by past development,
restoration activities might be used to rejuvenate harbors, estuaries, or shellfish beds to return
ecological health and social benefits. However, as has been highlighted in this paper, solutions to
address environmental justice issues should not further marginalize local populations or produce
additional negative social impacts (N. J. Bennett & Dearden, 2014; Brain et al., 2020; Dannenberg et
al., 2019; Sovacool, 2018). To ensure this does not happen, attention is needed to both distributional
considerations (e.g., social impacts, intersectionality) and procedural considerations (e.g., participation,
incorporation of local knowledge, transparency) in the design of solutions (Agyeman et al., 2016; N. J.
Bennett et al., 2019; A. Martin et al., 2020; Schlosberg, 2009). Adopting a human rights-based
approach can contribute to addressing or at least not further entrenching environmental justice issues
(Boyd, 2022). Finally, the literature highlights the role of local “ocean defenders” in responding to
environmental injustices from development activities through a range of resistance activities (i.e.,
political advocacy, demonstrations, protests, communications campaigns, and legal battles) that
challenge practices that endanger marine environments and threaten the human rights and well-being
of coastal populations (N. Bennett et al., in press; Ertör, 2021; Jentoft et al., 2022). Countless examples
from around the world show how local communities, small-scale fishers, Indigenous groups, women
and youth have mobilized against aquaculture, oil and gas, industrial fisheries, seabed mining, coastal
development, and pollution (N. Bennett et al., in press).
3.6 Research gaps and future directions
Finally, we offer a few thoughts on research gaps and future directions. While there is a
substantive body of biophysical research related to each of the environmental injustices covered in this
review, there has been significantly less on the social and distributional impacts of these hazards and
harms, and even less with an explicit environmental justice framing. Future research needs to build on
the excellent and growing body of natural science research through bringing a more explicit
environmental justice angle to research on ocean pollution, plastics, climate change, ecosystem service
degradation, and fisheries declines. Similarly, environmental justice scholars need to pay more
attention to the marine and coastal environment. Further exploration is needed into the specific social
(e.g., health, food, economic, livelihood, social, cultural) and distributional (e.g., geographic,
intersectional) impacts of all of the categories of environmental injustice in the ocean. We recommend a
future systematic review of the state of the evidence on the societal impacts of each individual category
of environmental injustice in the ocean to identify specific gluts and gaps in the evidence. Research on
social impacts needs to be done at different scales (e.g., global, population and community level) which
will necessitate diverse qualitative and quantitative approaches. Mapping of global case studies or
spatial methods might be used to map and characterize the geographic distribution and social impacts
of individual and cumulative hazards and harms in the marine and coastal environment (N. Bennett et
al., in press; Halpern et al., 2008, 2019; Temper et al., 2015). With modern technologies and data, there
is also the potential to develop and conduct more real-time monitoring and predictive modeling of
environmental hazards - including levels of hazards, potential human exposures, and related health
impacts and outbreaks.
Future research on societal impacts should pay greater attention to social differentiation and
intersectionality, including identification of the individual, social and systemic factors that lead to
variation in exposures, susceptibilities, adaptive capacities and impacts among different groups
(Ferguson, 2021; Lau & Scales, 2016; Mangubhai et al., 2021). Additional empirical studies are needed
that characterize how different hazards and harms, as well as other social, economic, political and
governance changes, converge and cumulatively impact local populations (N. J. Bennett et al., 2015;
Bundy et al., 2015; Defeo & Elliott, 2021; Fabinyi et al., 2022; Freduah et al., 2017). Further research is
Bennett et al Environmental Justice in the Ocean
19
also needed that explores the global nature of many environmental injustices in the ocean, including
understanding global drivers, flows among distant geographies, and cross-scalar interactions. There is a
need for deeper examination of the root and proximal causes of environmental injustices - not just
economic and physical drivers, but policy, political and normative ones as well. Such work will allow for
the identification and analysis of possible viable and effective solutions, including specific actions that
governments, corporate actors, and civil society can take to mitigate and address environmental
injustices in the ocean. Finally, there is a need to further document and typify local responses and
resistances to environmental injustices in the ocean that are proactive, adaptive and reactive (N.
Bennett et al., in press; Ertör, 2021; Jentoft et al., 2022). Through doing so, academics and
practitioners can play an important role in supporting resistance efforts, and defending the culture,
ways of life, and human rights of coastal populations.
4 Conclusion
Pollution, plastics, climate change, biodiversity loss, ecosystem service degradation, and
fisheries declines are producing environmental injustices in the ocean, and threatening the world’s
ability to achieve the 2030 UN Sustainable Development Goals. These marine environmental justice
issues are cumulatively and differentially impacting the well-being of coastal populations across
geographies and axes of identity. It is projected that many of these issues will increase in the future.
Rapid, systemic and transformative actions are thus urgently needed at all scales, of different types, and
by all actors to address environmental justice in the ocean and fulfill the human rights of persons living
in coastal communities. Yet, there are also substantial gaps in our knowledge about the social and
distributional impacts of these issues across space and among groups. Filling some of these gaps in
knowledge would enable us to better identify viable solutions and actions that might be taken by
different actors at different scales. In conclusion, we argue for the mainstreaming of environmental
justice in all realms of marine policy and practice - e.g., marine conservation, ocean-based development,
ecosystem-based management and fisheries - including ensuring that attention is paid to both
distributional and procedural considerations. Addressing environmental injustices in the ocean is
critical to the livelihoods, health, culture, rights and well-being of global coastal populations now and in
the future.
Acknowledgements: Primary funding for this research project was provided by the Natural Sciences
and Engineering Research Council’s Canadian Healthy Oceans Network and its Partners: Department
of Fisheries and Oceans Canada and INREST (representing the Port of Sept-Îles and City of Sept-Îles)
(to IMC). JJA acknowledges funding from the Nippon Foundation-Ocean Litter Project and Ocean
Pollution Research Unit at the Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries (IOF), UBC. All authors
acknowledge support from their respective institutions.
Author Contribution Statement: NJB - Conceptualization and Methodology Design; NJB, JJA,
CEF, JB, EM, DB & IMC - Literature Review; NJB, JJA, CEF, JB & EM - Writing original draft; DB &
IMC - Writing review and editing; and, IMC - Funding acquisition.
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The ‘Blue Economy’ is often framed as a revolutionary and transformative approach to marine and fishery development. However, scholars increasingly critique the Blue Economy in hopes that equity‐related concerns can become more prevalent. While these efforts are important, historical materialist perspectives can more deeply challenge the assumptions and limits of economistic thinking. In that vein, Racial Capitalism posits that capitalist markets promote, solidify and rely on racial hierarchy to secure differential value accumulation. This study applies a Racial Capitalist analysis to illustrate how the expansion of capitalist social relations corresponded the re‐solidification of white supremacy to (re)produce systemic inequality in Black maritime labour, and specifically fisheries labour, on the U.S. eastern seaboard. In this case, which occurred across several states and in a critically important marine‐fishery system, the expansion of market relations corresponded with labour exploitation, naturalization of hierarchy and inequitable distribution of socioeconomic harm for Black workers. I identify three lessons from this case that Blue Economy and fisheries scholars should heed; specifically, be wary of market utopianism, technological innovation is not inherently progressive, and systemic exploitation still matters.