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Citation: Zare, Hossein, Nicholas S.
Meyerson, Paul Delgado, Michelle
Spencer, Darrell J. Gaskin, and
Roland J. Thorpe Jr. 2022. Association
between Neighborhood and Racial
Composition of Victims on Fatal
Police Shooting and Police Violence:
An Integrated Review (2000–2022).
Social Sciences 11: 153. https://
doi.org/10.3390/socsci11040153
Academic Editor: Thomas McNulty
Received: 31 December 2021
Accepted: 23 March 2022
Published: 1 April 2022
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social sciences
Review
Association between Neighborhood and Racial Composition
of Victims on Fatal Police Shooting and Police Violence:
An Integrated Review (2000–2022)
Hossein Zare 1, 2, * , Nicholas S. Meyerson 1, Paul Delgado 3, Michelle Spencer 1, Darrell J. Gaskin 1
and Roland J. Thorpe, Jr. 4
1Department of Health Policy and Management, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health,
Baltimore, MD 21205, USA; nmeyers3@jh.edu (N.S.M.); mspenc35@jhu.edu (M.S.); dgaskin1@jhu.edu (D.J.G.)
2
Global Health Services and Administration, The School of Business, University of Maryland Global Campus,
Adelphi, MD 20774, USA
3Center for Health Sciences, College of Osteopathic Medicine, Oklahoma State University,
Tulsa, OK 74107, USA; pdelgad2@jhu.edu
4Department of Health, Behavior, and Society, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health,
Baltimore, MD 21205, USA; rthorpe@jhu.edu
*Correspondence: hzare1@jhu.edu
Abstract:
Police violence is a multidimensional issue that requires consideration of the violent events
and how these events reflect systemic oppression. Violence and policing practices are influenced by
race and ethnicity, place/neighborhood, structural inequality, and racism. We performed an inte-
grated literature review to critically evaluate the current evidence, focusing on the racial composition
of communities and neighborhoods and its association with police-involved violence and fatal shoot-
ings between 2000 and 2022. We used Scopus and Web of Science to include peer-reviewed articles in
English that studied racial/ethnic differences in police-involved violence in the United States between
January 2000 and February 2022. We excluded prior systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and articles
on drug-related arrests. Using a PRISMA approach from 651 identified articles, we included 37 arti-
cles. Our findings showed that racial/ethnic minorities are disproportionately stopped, experience a
higher probability of arrest, and are more commonly subjected to police-involved fatal shootings.
Victims are more likely to live in neighborhoods with lower income and distressed communities of
color, higher poverty ratios, and the highest levels of criminal violence. Citizens reporting of negative
interactions with police is strongly associated with race/ethnicity. Maintaining the highest standards
of professional practice consistent with the law and protections guaranteed by the Constitution
may reduce police violence. In addressing police violence, policymakers not only need to consider
the multidisciplinary nature of vulnerability to address the needs of vulnerable populations and
create a collaborative environment but also to control police violence. Considering community-based
approaches, encouraging training to interact with minority individuals, and adjusting the racial
composition of the police officers by the racial composition of communities are other strategies; more
importantly, prioritizing strategies to reduce social inequality and structural racism are crucial.
Keywords:
police violence; racism; neighborhoods; arrests; fatal shooting; systematic review;
inequality; vulnerability
1. Introduction
The video-recorded death of George Floyd at the hands of police has increased tension
between communities of color (non-White populations) and police departments across
the nation. This killing along with other more recent killings of unarmed Black men
(Rummler 2020) by police highlights the systemic problem of police violence and racism
in law enforcement that has plagued communities of color. Racial/ethnic disparities in
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci11040153 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/socsci
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 2 of 21
police violence and brutality exceed what is covered by the media. Despite representing
13% of the general population, (United States Census Bureau 2020) between 2013 and
2018, Black individuals compromised 27.5% of victims in police-involved fatal shootings
(Siegel et al. 2019). These problems make it difficult for police departments to effectively
serve communities of color. Moreover, violent crimes have increased in communities
where police violence has incited protests and initiated calls for police reform (Mesic et al.
2018;Rummler 2020). Exposure to media further shapes citizens’ perceptions of police
misconduct, creating concerns about police behaviors and practices (Arnio 2021), and thus
resulting in a climate of distrust between citizens and the police that makes it challenging
for communities to address violent crimes (Roh and Robinson 2009).
Studies have shown that Blacks and Hispanics are more likely than non-Hispanic
Whites to be subject to more intensive law enforcement practices (Arnio 2021;Lauten-
schlager and Omori 2019;Siegel et al. 2019). Explanations for such racial/ethnic disparities
have focused on the minority threat hypothesis (Roh and Robinson 2009), which suggests
a higher likelihood of social control (i.e., policing) among those living in lower-income
and distressed communities of color (Bonner 2014), with higher rates of poverty, higher
residential segregation (Sytsma 2015), and higher levels of violent crime.
Lastly, neighborhoods undergoing gentrification experience social disorganization that
has resulted in a higher number of crimes reported with Black suspects being arrested, often
lacking probable cause (Lanfear et al. 2018). The majority of Black neighborhoods are more
likely to be labeled as crime-ridden regardless of the actual crime rate. Moreover, Black
individuals experience a disproportionate number of frisks where no contraband is found
(Hannon 2020). In communities of color, the racial composition of police departments is
often not reflective of the community they serve (Tillyer 2018). As a result, Black individuals
are more likely to be fatally shot by police of opposite/different races (Tregle et al. 2019)
and are 3.23 times more likely than White individuals to be killed (Schwartz and Jahn 2020).
The combination of low-income, socio-economically disadvantaged neighborhoods
with a high proportion of the non-White population creates areas with the most vulnerable
population—groups of people more likely to suffer from structural violence. Structural
violence includes social, economic, and political processes and can produce social inequality
(CHERC 2022). The complexity of vulnerability makes it hard to implement a collaborative
approach to address vulnerability (Keay and Kirby 2018). Scholars have acknowledged the
significance of vulnerability in police violence. Vulnerability is twofold: (1) Some theorists
posit that cognitive bias, specifically implicit racial bias, influences an officer’s behavior.
The “associations between blackness on the one hand and violence and dangerousness
on the other, compound African Americans’ exposure to police violence” (Carbado 2015).
(2) Other
theorists argue that vulnerability is exhibited by the frequency of police contact
and repeated interactions. Regardless of orientation, disadvantaged populations are in a po-
sition of vulnerability, perpetuating their risk of being victims of police violence. Carbado’s
provisional model of causes draws attention to several factors that leave racial/ethnic
minorities vulnerable to repeated police interactions (Carbado 2015). Repeated interac-
tions heighten the risk of police violence in several ways: (1) it entrenches stereotypes
of racial/ethnic minorities as criminals, (2) increases the likelihood of arrest and/or in-
volvement in the criminal justice system, and (3) strains police-community relations and
cooperation (Carbado 2015).
The issues mentioned above highlight the importance of addressing police behaviors,
looking at residents’ experiences with police, and understanding the role of neighborhood
contexts, the racial composition of police departments, and the racial composition of the
population. Our research has shown that no comprehensive study on deep literature has
been published. The purpose of the present integrative review was to critically evaluate the
current evidence focusing on the racial composition of communities and neighborhoods and
its association with police behaviors on the rates of arrests, fatal shootings, the occurrence
of violence, and stop-and-frisk. Based on this review, we include recommendations for
policy solutions to reduce police violence in communities of color.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 3 of 21
2. Materials and Methods
To conduct this integrative review, we followed the steps proposed by Moher et al.
(Moher et al. 2009)—Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses
(PRISMA)—which includes identification, screening, eligibility, and including articles for
analysis. The literature searches were conducted in February 2022 for publications between
January 2000 and February 2022.
2.1. Inclusion Criteria
For studies to be included, they had to meet the following criteria: peer-reviewed
article, published in English, published between the years 2000 and 2022, included police-
involved violence as the substantive focus, and included racial/ethnic differences of police-
involved violence and neighborhood characteristics—at least as a substantive focus. We
examined all systematic reviews and meta-analyses obtained in our search and subse-
quently conducted a citation search of their references. We identified any relevant studies
not retrieved by our initial electronic search. We made no exceptions to any populations.
2.2. Exclusion Criteria
The following articles were excluded: conducted outside of the US, focused on drug
arrests, nonempirical, or with an outcome outside the relevance of this study.
We excluded systematic reviews, meta-analyses, or studies that focused on irrelevant
outcome measures (e.g., trauma symptoms, obesity, and sexually transmitted infections),
and articles that measured elements of police use of force, such as the use of restraints,
verbal commands, or threats to use weapons.
2.3. Data Sources and Search Strategy
We conducted a broad, literature search through two electronic databases: SCOPUS
and Web of Science. We also hand-searched the references in meta-analyses and systematic
reviews. Table 1lists the databases and respective search strategies, and Figure 1reports
the study selection process using the PRISMA flow diagram (Moher et al. 2009).
Table 1. The search strategy was used for each electronic database.
Electronic Database Search Strategy
Scopus
TITLE-ABS-KEY ((“police-involved violence” OR “policing”) AND (“race” OR “ethnicity” OR “racial”)
AND (“community violence” OR “arrest” OR “crime” OR “shooting”)) AND PUBYEAR AFT 1999 AND
LANGUAGE (English) AND (LIMIT-TO(AFFILCOUNTRY, “United States”))
Web of Science
(TS = ((“police-involved violence” OR “policing”) AND (“race” OR “ethnicity” OR “racial”) AND
(“community violence” OR “arrest” OR “crime” OR “shooting”)) AND PY = (2000–2022) AND CU = USA)
AND LANGUAGE: (English)
Our search yielded 651 unique citations (591 articles from the initial electronic search
and 60 articles from the manual citation search (hand-searching) of references in meta-
analyses, and systematic reviews) after duplicates were removed. We excluded 547 articles
by screening the titles and abstracts using the study eligibility criteria; after removing
duplicates, 104 articles were selected for full-text review of eligibility. Finally, 36 articles
were selected for qualitative synthesis.
Two independent reviewers (N.M. and P.D.) used the eligibility criteria to screen the
titles for preselection. In case of disagreement between the two reviewers, we resolved
conflicts using consensus and a discussion with a third reviewer (H.Z.).
From this screen, 651 citations were determined to be not relevant to this qualitative
synthesis. Abstracts were obtained for the 151 remaining citations. From this second review,
68 citations were determined to be not relevant. In total, 36 studies were determined to meet
the inclusion criteria. We used EndNote (EndNoteTM 20) to organize the list of references.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 4 of 21
Soc.Sci.2021,10,xFORPEERREVIEW4of21
Figure1.Distributionofarticlesusedforthequalitativeanalysis.
Screening
Included Eligibility Identification
Arrests
(n = 6)
Stops/stop-and-
frisk.
(
n = 15
)
Violence and Fatal
Shootings
(
n = 15
)
36 Studies included in
qualitative synthesis
(with 5 from hand search)
Abstracts assessed for
eligibility
(n = 151)
Full text assessed for
eligibility
(n = 104)
Records screened
(n = 649)
Records excluded based on screening
for exclusion criteria (n = 498)
Records excluded due to subject
matters (n = 48):
(a) Opinion based articles
(b) Irrelevant outcome assessed
(c) Systematic review
(d) Meta-analysis
Records excluded in the following
categories (n = 68):
(a) Violence and Fatal shooting (n = 47)
(b) Arrest (n = 12)
(c) Stops/stop-and-frisk (n = 9)
SCOPUS
(n = 349)
Web of Science
(n = 413)
Hand-Searching
(n = 60)
Figure 1. Distribution of articles used for the qualitative analysis.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 5 of 21
Relevant articles were manually reviewed for content analysis. Reviewers assessed
and coded data source, location, sample size, study type, key findings, and limitations.
During this review, studies were categorized into one of three domains based on the
outcome of interest: (1) arrests, (2) violence and shootings, and (3) stops/stop-and-frisk.
Reviewers examined the content of the paper rather than the frequency of key terms.
3. Findings
Among the selected articles, we identified 24 panel studies, 7 cross-sectional studies,
and 5 time-series studies. Appendix Aincludes the study characteristics of the selected
articles. Further, 27 studies used official records (e.g., police department data); 8 studies
used crowd-sourced data (e.g., Mapping Police Violence); 1 study used both official records
and crowd-sourced data datasets; 1 study used systematic observations. We categorized
selected studies into three main categories: (1) number of arrests, (2) incidents of violence
and fatal shootings, (3) stops/stop-and-frisk. In the next section, we provide brief findings
of our review.
3.1. Association between Neighborhood and Racial/Ethnic Composition of Victims on the Number
of Arrests
Racial/Ethnic Composition of Victims. Regardless of setting (i.e., national vs. city level),
Black individuals were more likely than White individuals to be arrested (Beck 2019;Lanfear
et al. 2018;McCormack and Hirschel 2021;Schuck and Rabe-Hemp 2017). These disparities
were most pervasive in suburbs, as Black individuals were arrested for quality-of-life
offenses (disorderly behaviors in public) 4.5 times more often than White individuals, while
in cities, Black individuals were arrested 2.7 times more often than White individuals (Beck
2019). Further, in suburbs with less than 2% Black residents, the Black–White disparity
was more pronounced (>5
×
more often), compared with suburbs with greater than 16%
Black residents (<2
×
more often) (Beck 2019). A newly published study in Minnesota
showed that between 2012 and 2016, the proportion of Black residents in census tracts was
correlated with the number of police incidents (Hardeman et al. 2021).
Changes in community demographics may lead to changes in police activity; for
example, when White individuals moved into a typical gentrifying community in New York
City, police made fewer street stops (9% less) and fewer proactive arrests (11% less) (Beck
2020). Additionally, a national study found that for every 1% increase in the proportion of
Black residents, there was a 27% increase in disorder arrests and a 46% increase in arrests
for marijuana possession (Schuck and Rabe-Hemp 2017).
Neighborhood context. Neighborhood context can influence interactions and police
decision making (Klinger 1997;Novak et al. 2002). Police–citizen interactions that occur
in disorganized communities (i.e., higher crime rate, a higher proportion of residents in
poverty, high levels of residential mobility) are more likely to result in more coercive
and severe dispositions (Klinger 1997;Novak et al. 2002;Smith 1984,1986;Smith et al.
1984). Moreover, this effect does not differentiate by the arresting officer’s race (Brown and
Frank 2006). A study conducted in Cincinnati, Ohio, found no significant difference in the
association of arrest outcomes and neighborhood disorganization between White and Black
officers (Brown and Frank 2006).
The probability of arrest was further influenced by location. Among serious incidents,
with a White reporter in a majority White neighborhood, the probability of arrest of a Black
suspect was 95% (the highest found in the study). The situation with the lowest probability
of arrest (73%) was for nuisance incidents, with a Black reporter, a Black suspect, in a
disadvantaged neighborhood (Lanfear et al. 2018).
Racial/Ethnic Composition of Police Officers. Individual-level data about police officers
have not been included in many nationwide datasets (Holmes 2022); as a result, the impact
of the racial composition of police officers on arrests has been rarely reported. A new study
published in 2021 showed that “White offender and a Black victim were 4.7% less likely to
result in arrest, while comparable incidents with White interracial couples were 13.9% more
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 6 of 21
likely, and Black interracial couples were 32.2% less likely to result in arrest” (McCormack
and Hirschel 2021). Based on our findings, the most important predictors of the number of
arrests are the victim’s race/ethnicity, the proportion of Black residents, and place/location.
3.2. Association between Neighborhoods and Racial/Ethnic Composition of Victims on Police
violence and Fatal Shooting
Race or ethnicity differences. The interactions with law enforcement and the mortality
risk from police fatal shootings vary by race. The risk of being killed by police, relative to
non-Hispanic White men, is between 3.2 and 3.5 times higher for Black men, and between
1.4 and 1.7 times higher for Hispanic men (Edwards et al. 2018). Between 2012 and 2016,
police accounted for more than 10% of all fatal shootings in rural areas and about 7% in
metropolitan areas (Edwards et al. 2018). Across all census divisions, Black men have
the highest risk of being killed by police in the Pacific and West North Central States; for
Hispanic men, the risk of mortality by fatal police shooting is greatest in the Mountain
States (Edwards et al. 2018).
Gender differences. When looking into the gender differences, the death rate among
women due to police violence is much lower than among men (Gaston et al. 2021). Nev-
ertheless, we see a race disparity with police officers killing 1.89 Black women for every
Hispanic woman and 1.48 Black women for every non-Hispanic White woman (Gaston
et al. 2021).
Neighborhood differences. Community violence and neighborhood racial and ethnic
contexts have been reported as meaningful indicators of shootings by an on-duty officer
involved (Arnio 2021). Disadvantaged neighborhoods with high violent crimes often tend
to be heavily policed. A one-unit increase in the logged violent crime rate increases the risk
of Hispanic men being killed by police 2.31 times more often and the risk of Black men
1.60 times more often. Among women, Hispanic victims are at a higher risk when there
is increasing violence at the neighborhood level (Gaston et al. 2021). Compared with the
logged violent crime rate, residential instability is a positive predictor of Black civilians
being killed by police. A one-unit increase in residential instability increases the risk of
police killings by 41% for Black men and 11% for Black women (Gaston et al. 2021). In
disadvantaged Black neighborhoods, use-of-force incidents per population appear to be
reported at a higher rate with increased severity (Lautenschlager and Omori 2019). In
addressing police violence, the fatal shooting local context is an important element to be
considered in order to understand police behavior (Arnio 2021).
As the violent crime rate of an area increases, police-involved activities may be per-
ceived as an additional threat. A one standard deviation increase in the violent crime rate
was associated with nearly a 0.5-point increase in the predicted number of police fatal
shootings (Smith 2003). This is especially pronounced when the victim is Black, where
an increase in violent crime rate was associated with a 97% increase in the incidence of
police-fatal shootings (Holmes et al. 2019). Threat perceptions, however, can differ signif-
icantly across races. Among victims of police shootings, an individual is 3.5 times more
likely to be Black and unarmed and 1.7 times more likely to be Hispanic and unarmed than
non-Hispanic White and unarmed (Ross 2015). Further, victims are as likely to be Black
and unarmed as they are likely to be non-Hispanic White and armed (Ross 2015).
These findings offer support for the minority threat hypothesis (Smith and Holmes
2014), which suggests that the percentage of Black and Hispanic residents is positively
associated with the number of sustained excessive force complaints.
Police fatal shootings. Since 1 January 2015, 6214 people have been killed in police-
involved incidents (TSO 2013). Despite representing 13% of the general population (United
States Census Bureau 2020), Blacks (3.6 per 100,000) were killed more than twice as fre-
quently as non-Hispanic Whites (1.5 per 100,000) (The Washington Post 2021). As research
and media highlighted these disparities, there was considerable contention over how they
can be addressed. Moreover, studies tend to disagree on risk factors that relate to police
shootings and intervention efforts. Policy implications have typically focused on enhancing
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 7 of 21
officer training to interact with minority individuals (Siegel et al. 2019). Studies posit
that the neighborhood’s racial composition is what matters, not the suspect’s race (Helms
and Costanza 2020;Siegel et al. 2019;Siegel 2020;Smith 1986). For example, for every
one-unit increase in the Black and Hispanic population at the county level, the rate of police
shootings increased by 1.5 and 1.6, respectively (Helms and Costanza 2020). Similarly, for
every one-unit increase in the Black and Hispanic population in census tracts, the rate of
police shootings increased by 2.7 and 1.01, respectively (Arnio 2021).
However, results are contradictory at city levels (Holmes et al. 2019;Siegel et al. 2019;
Smith 2003). A study conducted in large cities (>100,000 residents) found that the propor-
tion of Black or Hispanic residents was not significantly related to police fatal shootings
(Holmes et al. 2019); however, another study, which also considered large cities, found
that one standard deviation increase in the proportion of Black residents was associated
with a
0.33 point
increase in the predicted number of police fatal shootings (Smith 2003).
Seemingly, the defined geographic location and severity of police shootings impact the sig-
nificance of findings. The Black dissimilarity index (fewer Black residents) was associated
with a 106.3% increase in the incidence of police fatal shootings (Holmes et al. 2019). With
increasing numbers of Black residents in a geographic area, there may be a greater standard
of accountability held by the population or the minority threat perception may be reduced
(Siegel et al. 2019;Smith and Holmes 2014).
As Siegel et al. (2021) reported, the main predictors of a police shooting in a census
track are “higher levels of economic disadvantage and general firearm violence”. The
predictors at the city level are different; for example, “lower proportion of Black residents,
less overall racial residential segregation, and higher rates of property crime”. The main
predictors are “a higher gap between the Black and White population in educational
attainment” at the state level (Siegel et al. 2021). As reported by Siegel, we see how the
economically disadvantaged racial composition of a population and crime rates may define
the police behavior and emphasize the importance of all policy-level interventions to
control police fatal shootings.
Police militarization. A study reported that increasing the size of Black and Hispanic
populations in place increased the likelihood of acquiring surplus military equipment,
with higher rates among areas with a greater percentage of Black individuals (Ramey and
Steidley 2018).
The racial composition of police officers. A study has shown that racial conflict shapes
police use of fatal force (Gaston et al. 2021). For example, Pyo reported a positive association
between the share of Black officers and a reduction in police-involved deaths of Black
residents. He estimated that “one unit increase in the percentage of Black officers is
associated with decreases in the incident rate ratio (IRR) of police-involved deaths of
Black residents by about 2.1 percent” (Pyo 2022). These findings show that addressing
police violence considering the racial composition of the place/neighborhood and police
department is a meaningful policy to reduce the rate of police fatal shootings, specifically
when the victim is of the opposite race.
3.3. Association between Neighborhood and Racial/Ethnic Composition of Victims on the Number
of Stops or Frisks
Racial composition of victims. Traffic stops have been identified as one of the most
common sources of contact with police. In 2018, about 20 million Americans experienced
police contact as a result of a traffic stop (Harrell and Davis 2020). Research suggests that
in crime hot spots, race is often considered when police officers conduct a discretionary
search during a stop, and police stop and search made White people feel safer in their
neighborhood in comparison with Blacks (Mulaphong and Cheurprakobkit 2021). For
example, for every 10% increase in Black or Hispanic residents, there is a 4.2% increase in
the odds of an officer drawing his gun during a stop (Kramer and Remster 2018). A similar
finding has been reported in New York City hot spots; for example, the percentage of the
population that is Black has the highest influence on Black stops (Newberry 2021).
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 8 of 21
Non-Hispanic White drivers are stopped at a lower frequency than racial/ethnic
minority drivers, and Black drivers are targeted at a higher rate, possibly contributing to
a disparity in discretionary searches. Among stops conducted closest to crime hot spots,
young Black drivers were 2.4 times more likely to experience a discretionary search than
similar non-Hispanic White and Hispanic drivers (Briggs and Keimig 2016;Stults et al.
2010). Additionally, traffic stops that resulted in fruitless searches did not find cause to make
an arrest and were four times more likely to occur to Black drivers than to White drivers
(Baumgartner et al. 2021). A study in New York City reported that implementation of
marijuana enforcement highlights the disparities of street-level policing where officers stop
Black drivers on suspicion of marijuana possession at a rate of 14.83 per 1000 population,
while non-Hispanic White drivers are stopped only 1.96 times per 1000 population (Geller
and Fagan 2010). Black drivers have 27% higher odds than Whites of experiencing force
applied by an officer (Kramer and Remster 2018).
Racial composition of police officers. Consistent with the minority-threat hypothesis, stops
that result in searches are greater among Black drivers than among non-Hispanic White
drivers (Novak and Chamlin 2008;Zhao et al. 2019). Although officer demographics change
across patrol districts, research suggests that search rates are higher among White male
officers with fewer years of service when encountering Black drivers. A study conducted
in Chicago documented that Black and Hispanic officers made far fewer stops and arrests
than White officers, and were less likely to use force, especially against Black civilians (Ba
et al. 2021).
White male officers are 2.2 times more likely than other officers to arrest a Black
driver and 4.4 times more likely to conduct a fruitless search (Baumgartner et al. 2021).
Conversely, Black officers search drivers less than half as often, compared with White
officers. Nevertheless, Black officers are nearly four times more likely to conduct a search
among Black drivers than among White drivers (Baumgartner et al. 2021;Wilkins and
Williams 2008). In White communities, White male officers are more likely to search Black
drivers; searches are least likely to occur in stops involving a Black officer and a White
driver. It is important to mention that in predominately Black areas, stops of White drivers
by White officers are the most likely to result in a search (Rojek et al. 2012).
4. Discussion
We used two electronic databases to conduct this integrated literature review. We
included 30 peer-reviewed articles (13 studies at the national level and 17 studies at the state
level (e.g., NY, CA, TX)) to provide support regarding the existence of structural racism in
police-involved violence. Our findings emphasized the crucial roles of the racial composition
of communities and law enforcement officers, and of community neighborhoods.
4.1. Factors Were Associated with Higher Rates of Police Violence
Victim Race/Ethnicity. The most important factor reported by almost all reviewed
articles was “race/ethnicity”. Blacks and Hispanics were more likely to be stopped, frisked,
arrested, and killed by police (Edwards et al. 2018;The Washington Post 2021).
Community racial/ethical composition. Communities’ racial composition was another
predictor of police-involved violence. A one-unit increase in the Black population increased
the rate of police shootings of Black residents in 1.5 to 2.17 more occurrences, with a similar
number of occurrences (1.0 to 1.6) involving the shooting of Hispanic residents. A one
percent increase in the proportion of Black residents was associated with a 27% increase
in disorder arrests; a 10% increase in the proportion of Hispanic residents was associated
with a 4.2% increase in the odds of police drawing their guns (Kramer and Remster 2018).
Police racial/ethical composition. Minority populations are more likely to be arrested and
targeted by police of different races. White officers are more likely to charge Black drivers
by 2.2 times (Baumgartner et al. 2021), and Black drivers are more likely to be searched by
White officers in communities at a higher percentage of a White population (Rojek et al.
2012). Demographic correspondence between government employees and the local people
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 9 of 21
can lead to more favorable minority groups (Riccucci and Van Ryzin 2017). Police forces
with a higher minority composition result in fewer excessive force complaints and fewer
fatal encounters with officers (Kennedy et al. 2017). Deploying Black officers instead of
White officers yields 12.55 fewer stops of Black civilians per 100 shifts (Ba et al. 2021). In
addition to race/ethnicity, an officer’s gender is an important element to reduce police
force and arrests (Ba et al. 2021) and can “greatly improves racial fairness with limited
detriment to the policing efectiveness” (Liberatore et al. 2021).
Racial and income segregations. Racial and income disparities are two other predictors
of fatal shootings by police. Communities of color living in areas with lower median
income, higher poverty ratio, and a higher crime rate suffer more from fatal police shoot-
ings. A
10-point
increase in economic disparity was associated with a 40% increase in
the
Black–White
fatal police shooting ratio (Mesic et al. 2018). Structural racism has been
highlighted through segregation, economic disparity, and employment disparity (Holmes
et al. 2019;Johnson et al. 2019).
Structural inequality. Furthermore, violence including police violence needs long-term,
multilevel interventions at local and nationwide levels to address some structural inequal-
ity such as an income gap (Khullar and Chokshi 2018) and wage disparities (Zumbrun
2014). Economically disadvantaged Black and Hispanic neighborhoods continue to experi-
ence a disproportionate number of stop-and-frisk practices (MacDonald and Braga 2019).
Structural racism can thus be highlighted through segregation, economic disparity, and
employment disparity (Holmes et al. 2019;Johnson et al. 2019). For example, a 10-point
increase in economic disparity was associated with a 40% increase in the Black–White
fatal police shooting ratio (Mesic et al. 2018). Long-standing structural racism proliferates
social and health inequities that are reflected in this Black–White disparity (Holmes et al.
2019). As emphasized by the American Historical Association (AHA 2020), policymakers
should consider different strategies to prioritize neighborhoods and communities that
suffer more from law-enforcement officers who violated norms not only of good policing
but of human decency.
Place of residence and neighborhood deprivation. Disparities are most pervasive in suburbs
and cities than in rural and small cities; the characteristics of neighborhoods influence
police decisions to implement social control policies such as more arrests, upgrades in crime
classifications, and actions taken on reported crimes (Lum 2011). Black and Hispanic neigh-
borhoods continue to experience a disproportionate number of stop-and-frisk occurrences
(MacDonald and Braga 2019). A one-unit increase in residential instability increases the
risk of police-involved killing by 41% for Black men and by 11% for Black women (Gaston
et al. 2021). Neighborhood context can influence interactions and police decision making
(Klinger 1997;Novak et al. 2002). Studies have highlighted that a neighborhood’s racial
composition is more important than the suspect’s race (Helms and Costanza 2020;Siegel
et al. 2019;Siegel 2020;Smith 1986). With increases in the number of Black residents, we see
higher police-reported crime than with increases in the number of White residents (Lodge
et al. 2021).
4.2. Policymakers Debate Which Strategies and Policies to Implement to Reduce Structural Racism
Neighborhood and community-centered strategies. Blacks and Hispanics are more likely
to be searched, frisked, arrested, and subjected to force (Cooley et al. 2019;Otey 2016).
Policymakers may consider neighborhoods as an influence indicator of police interactions
with communities. Long-term safety strategies (education, local restorative justice services)
may help reduce structural racism (APHA 2020;Webster et al. 2013). The development
of these strategies that consider “disparity in racial disparities” is an essential element
to address police-involved violence and racial inequality. Demographic changes due to
gentrification in a neighborhood are another crucial element that may influence police
reaction to communities (Beck 2020). Historically, White, middle-class people typically
have few negative interactions with police, and they demand more policing, to keep
the environment safe in addition to protecting their properties. As a result, and under
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 10 of 21
directions and influence of police administrators, city officials, and real estate developers,
police may stop and arrest more non-White residents, considering that gentrification’s effect
on policing and its complicated impact on public safety are important issues to address
when assessing the violence in a community.
Strategies to ensure community safety without reliance on armed law enforcement and gun
policy. Police departments located in areas with a higher rate of Black and Hispanic pop-
ulations are more likely to use military equipment (APHA 2020). The National Defense
Authorization Act of 1990 and 1991 authorized the transfer of excess Department of Defense
property to federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. This program is referred
to as the 1033 Program. The ongoing debate between defenders of 1033 programs and
social activists (non-defenders) on implementing police militarization against communities
of color raises many questions regarding the best approach to utilizing military materi-
als (APHA 2020). Policymakers should consider the association between implementing
military materials and community safety and police interactions with minority groups.
Gun politics. A study reported that lobbying efforts by gun rights advocates such as
the National Rifle Association (NRA) have created a dichotomy to frame the gun debate:
gun militarism and gun populism (Carlson 2020). Gun militarism justifies aggressive law
enforcement of criminals with guns, whereas gun populism promotes gun access among
law-abiding citizens (Carlson 2020). Despite gun policies seemingly providing color-blind
regulations on who can access, purchase, and carry a gun, racial presumptions in how
police departments enforce laws raise considerable concerns (Carlson 2020). Policymakers
may consider differential enforcement of gun regulations among racial/ethnic minorities.
There is evidence—namely, the case of Philando Castile (Julie Bosman 2017)—that law-
abiding Black gun owners are being treated unjustly or have been treated as criminals even
with legal permission to own a gun. Efforts to draw attention to cases similar to this may
help us return back to trusting communities of color.
Technology. Using conducted electrical weapons (aka CEWs or TASERs
®
) has resulted
in higher rates of minority population deaths: 500 deaths from 2001 to 2014 by CEWs,
with 90% occurrence in unarmed populations. Using this less-lethal weapon in people
with preexisting cardiac conditions or other pretexting conditions may result in death.
Policymakers should consider developing policies to limit the use of CEWs specifically on
elderly and unarmed targets (Trimel 2021).
Wearing body-worn cameras (BWCs) has significantly reduced officers’ use of force.
In addition, using the body-worn camera is encouraging and produces evidence, and
protects officers from assault and false allegations (Kahn and Martin 2016). There is no
agreement, however, on the effectiveness of using the BWCs. A recent study among
142 police
departments has shown that BWCs have “negative and small treatment effects
on arrest rates and null effects on the racial disparity between numbers of Black and White
arrests” (Pyo 2021). These findings imply that officers may become slightly more cautious
in the use of arrests after wearing BWCs, but BWCs do not change their overall disparate
treatment of Black versus White suspects (Pyo 2021). Similarly in a randomized control
trial in the District of Columbia, the authors reported that using BWCs had no significant
effect on police use of force (Yokum et al. 2017).
Training. Higher policing experience and more training resulted in better outcomes
on officers’ decisions to use force, specifically their decisions under the influence of uncon-
scious biases—such as the “associations between Black individuals and criminality” (Smith
2015). Officers who spent more time on the force reduced their search rate by 6% points for
each year of service. A few states have recently enacted legislation requiring in-service and
advanced training standards to be employed; for example, Vermont (The Law Enforcement
Act. No. 147), California (Public Employment: Peace Officers: Act No. 2020–322), and
Georgia (Office of Public Safety Officer Support: Act No. 569). Policymakers may consider
similar policies specifically for states with higher rates of Black and Hispanic populations
or states with higher racial segregation.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 11 of 21
Legislations. Soon after the death of George Floyd, some states passed legislation to
increase police departments’ accountability, enhance transparency in policing, reduce bias
against race, limit the use of unreasonable or deadly force or a chokehold, and encourage
training in critical incident stress management for the benefit of public safety officers. By
the time of this study, most states have not passed legislation to reduce police violence
(NCSL 2021), specifically for states with a higher rate of violence, such as Arizona, Texas,
and Florida. With an increase in the use of lethal force toward all populations (Whites and
son-Whites) even after an uprising occurs (Cunningham and Gillezeau 2021), there is an
urgent need by policymakers to address police violence.
Addressing vulnerability. Police violence is a manifestation of a structural problem (Car-
bado 2015). Police culture can further perpetuate risk. Privilege and immunity afforded by
society create a system that automatically justifies violence by officers (Carbado 2015). The
systemic racism exhibited through practices—such as broken windows policing, individual-
level vulnerability, police culture and training, and a legal system that minimizes officers’
accountability—contribute to the cycle of legitimizing police violence. Experts believe that
the multidisciplinary and diverse nature of vulnerability requires a collaborative approach
from sharing information to collaborating on decisions and coordinating interventions
(Keay and Kirby 2018;TSO 2013). Policymakers should facilitate collaboration between
organizations at local and national levels to address police violence and understand the
needs of vulnerable populations.
Limitations. The studies analyzed in the present literature review were retrieved from
two academic online databases: Scopus and Web of Science. Our findings are limited to
peer-reviewed articles published between 2000 and January 2022 using the search terms
identified in Table 1. As we excluded the grey literature, we may have left out some
theoretical discussions on the subject. Although we limited publication data, we did not
specify the dates of data collection. Historical police practices may no longer be relevant to
the current landscape. We did not include any articles outside of the four main subject areas
of interest. There is the potential for publication bias leading to fewer studies showing null
or negative results. Finally, we did not include studies reviewed in the grey literature.
5. Conclusions
Studies reviewed in this integrative review have documented that people of color are
more likely than Whites to be searched, frisked, arrested, have force used against them,
and fatally shot by police.
Many questions remain around the socio-ecological model, such as the role of indi-
vidual factors (age, sex, interaction between gender, age, and race of victims), community
and neighborhood factors (such as the role of social circles and families, racial segregations,
and social vulnerability on the occurrence of violence), societal factors (such as the role
of policies, police training, law/regulation on police and peoples’ behaviors), and factors
associated with law enforcement officers.
Policymakers should seek ways to improve racial justice by slowing down the num-
ber of violent occurrences and arrests—specifically fatal shootings by police officers—in
areas with high proportions of minority residents. In addressing police violence, poli-
cymakers need to consider the multidisciplinary nature of vulnerability to address the
needs of vulnerable populations and create a collaborative environment to control police
violence. These policies include, but are not limited to, community-based approaches to
eliminate structural racism, reduce military materials, and encourage training to interact
with racial/ethnic minority individuals. Collecting individual demographic data for police
officers and adjusting the racial compositions of the police department are other strategies
that may improve the racial disparities on police fatal shootings.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 12 of 21
Author Contributions:
Conceptualization, H.Z.; methodology, H.Z. and R.J.T.J.; software, N.S.M.
and P.D.; validation, H.Z. and R.J.T.J.; investigation, H.Z., N.S.M. and P.D.; resources, N.S.M. and
P.D.; writing—original draft preparation, H.Z., N.S.M. and P.D.; writing—review and editing, H.Z.,
N.S.M. and P.D., M.S., D.J.G. and R.J.T.J.; supervision, H.Z.; project administration, H.Z.; funding
acquisition, H.Z. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding:
This research was supported by the Bloomberg American Health Initiative (BAHI). Hossein
Zare received award from BAHI.
Institutional Review Board Statement:
This study was reviewed by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg
School of Public Health Institutional Review Board and not qualify as human subjects research as
defined by DHHS regulations 45 CFR 46.102, and does not require IRB oversight.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: Not applicable.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 13 of 21
Appendix A. Studies of the Association between Neighborhood Characteristics and Racial/Ethnic Differences in Police-Involved Violence,
Published between 2000 and 2022
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
Beck, 2019, Crime
and Delinquency
(1) Uniform Crime Report (UCR),
(2) Decennial Census, and
(3) American Community Survey
US 1038
suburbs and 50 cities
Blacks were arrested 4.5 times more often than Whites in suburbs and
2.7 times more often in cities. Results suggest that as Blacks become more
common in a neighborhood, arrest rates become less unequal. Additionally,
more poor families in a suburb were positively associated with more
racially disproportionate arrests.
Beck, 2020, City
and Community New York City Open Data Portal New York City,
NY
2038
census tracts
When more White people moved into the typical gentrifying neighborhood,
police made fewer street stops (9% fewer) and fewer proactive arrests (11%
fewer) but more order maintenance arrests (5% more).
Brown and Frank, 2006,
Justice Quarterly
Systematic social observations of
street-level officers Cincinnati, OH 614 encounters
White officers were more likely to make an arrest than Black officers.
However, when controlling for other factors, Black officers were more likely
to arrest Black suspects than White officers. Community disorganization
was not associated with arrest decisions for either Black or White officers.
Lanfear, Beach and
Thomas, 2018, Journal of
City and Community
Seattle Police Department Records
Management System (RMS)
incident reports
Seattle, WA 191,604 incidents
Crimes reported by White individuals in changing neighborhoods were
more likely to result in the arrest of Black targets. Nonetheless, probable
cause was more likely to be found with a Black reporter compared with a
White reporter—with the exception of nuisance crimes.
Pyo, 2021. American Review
of Public Administration Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) US
142 local police departments
from January 2013 to
December 2016
To examine the effect of body-worn cameras (BWCs) on police arrest
behaviors, the study used the UCR data from 142 local police departments
between 2013 and 2016.
The study showed that the “total arrest rates decreased to a small extent
through the influence of BWC implementation” by decreasing
misdemeanor arrest rates in municipalities with high crime rates or a high
proportion of non-White residents.
Schuck, and Rabe-Hemp,
2019, Race and Justice
Law Enforcement Management
and Administrative Statistics
(LEMAS) survey
US
1218
US police
departments
Community crime rate was associated with an increase in arrests for
disorder, marijuana, drunkenness, and liquor law violations among Blacks.
Community disadvantage and instability were associated with an increase
in marijuana and liquor law arrests among Blacks.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 14 of 21
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
Shooting
Arnio, 2021,
Justice Quarterly
Houston Police Department data
of on-duty officer-involved
shootings
Houston, TX 267
shooting incidents
The racial context (percent Black and percent Hispanic) of neighborhoods
was observed to be associated with the propensity for officers to discharge
their weapons, controlling for other factors.
Helms and Costanza, 2020,
Journal of Ethnicity in
Criminal Justice
Killed by Police database US 3081
US counties
There was a positive association between the population size of Blacks or
Hispanics and police killings.
Holmes, Painter, and
Smith, 2018,
Justice Quarterly
Supplementary Homicide Reports
US 230
cities
A one standard deviation increase in the Black dissimilarity index was
associated with a 106.3% increase in the incidence of police fatal shootings.
The ratio of minority officers to minority citizens was not related to police
fatal shootings.
Johnson et al., 2019, Social
Science and Medicine
Fatal Encounters, Killed by Police,
and LEMAS US 1762
fatal police shootings
Areas high in inequality had a 1.6 higher relative odds of police fatal
shootings for men of color.
Menifield, Shin, and
Strother, 2019, Public
Administration Review
Killed by Police database US 1952 nonaccidental fatal
police shootings
There was no evidence that violent crime rates, poverty, or city size
influence fatal shootings of racial/ethnic minorities. As the percentage of
the Hispanic population increased in an area, victims of fatal shootings
were increasingly likely to be Black, compared with White.
Mesic et al., 2018, Journal of
the National
Medical Association
Mapping Police-Involved Violence
US 50 states
A state racism index was created; for every 10 point increase in this index,
the Black–White disparity ratio of police shootings of suspects unknown to
be armed increased by 24%.
Pyo, 2022. Urban
Affairs Review
Law Enforcement Management
and Administration Survey
(LEMAS), 2016 LEMAS
Body-Worn Camera Supplement
(LEMAS-BWCS), Uniform Crime
Reporting (UCR)
US 326 US local police agencies
A one-unit increase in the percentage of Black officers was associated with
a 2.1 percent decrease in the incident rate ratio (IRR) of police-involved
deaths of Black residents. These findings suggest a negative association
between the percentage of Black officers and police fatal shootings of
Black residents.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 15 of 21
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
Ross, 2015, PLoS ONE US Police Shooting Database US 721
cases
When subjects were armed, Blacks were 2.94 times more likely to be shot
and Hispanics were 1.57 times more likely to be shot than Whites. When
subjects were unarmed, Blacks were 3.49 times more likely to be shot and
Hispanics were 1.67 times more likely to be shot than Whites.
Siegel et al., 2021. Race and
Social Problems
Mapping Police-Involved Violence
US The 75 most populous cities
in the database
The study reported three significant predictors of the likelihood of any fatal
police at census-tract, city, and state levels including “higher levels of
economic disadvantage and general firearm violence” in the census-tract
level, “lower proportion of Black residents, less overall racial residential
segregation, and higher rates of property crime” at the city level, and “a
higher gap between the Black and White population in educational
attainment” at the state level.
Siegel, Sherman, Li, and
Knopov, 2019, Journal of the
National Medical Association
Mapping Police-Involved Violence
US 1354
fatal police shootings
Level of racial residential segregation was a significant predictor of the
Black–White disparity in fatal police shooting rates at the city level. In a
5-year period, the overall rate of fatal police shootings was 21.9 per 100,000
for Black people, compared with 6.3 per 100,000 for White people, with an
overall ratio of 3.5.
Smith, 2003, Policy
Studies Journal
UCR and Supplemental
Homicide Reports US 179
cities
As the proportion of Black citizens increased in a city, the number of police
fatal shootings increased. The proportion of minority citizens to officers
was not statistically significant.
Ramey, and Steidley, 2018,
Criminology
DoD’s Defense Logistics Agency
Law Enforcement Support Office
1033 Program
US 11,764
local police departments
Law enforcement participation in the 1033 Program results from higher
violent crimes and lower drug arrests. The minority threat also plays a role,
as the agencies participating in the 1033 Program are in geographic areas
with higher Black and Hispanic populations.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 16 of 21
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
Stops/Frisks
Briggs and Keimig, 2017,
Race and Justice
Minneapolis Police Department
proactive traffic stops
Minneapolis,
MN
39,547
stops
Results indicate that stops of Black drivers were more likely to include a
discretionary search than among White drivers with similar characteristics.
These disparities increased with distance from a hot spot up to 1 mile,
before slightly decreasing; however, disparities remain. Among stops
closest to hot spots, young Black drivers were 2.4 more times likely to have
a stop including a discretionary search than similar White drivers.
Baumgartner et al., 2020,
Policy Studies Journal
Traffic stop data provided by
Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Police Department
Charlotte, NC 88,056
stops
White male officers were nearly 2 times more likely to conduct a fruitless
search than other officers. Black male drivers were nearly 5 times more
likely to be searched and 2.5 times more likely to be arrested than other
drivers. Eight targeted characteristics were identified: Black, young, male,
White officer, low years of service, investigatory stop, high
search neighborhood.
Geller and Fagan, 2010,
Journal of Empirical
Legal Studies
New York Police Department
UF-250 forms
New York City,
NY
375
Precincts
Officers stopped Blacks on suspicion of marijuana possession at a rate of
14.83 per 1000 population; Hispanics were only stopped 5.41 times
per 1000 population, and Whites were stopped only 1.96 times per 1000
population. Black and Hispanic precincts seem to be targeted for marijuana
enforcement at levels above what legal justifications and other precinct
characteristics would suggest are appropriate.
Hannon, 2020, Race
and Justice
Stop and frisk data from
Philadelphia police department
Philadelphia,
PA
362,237
stops
Blacks were 1.9 times more likely to be frisked than non-Blacks. The odds
of being frisked in areas wre violent crime were more pronounced in
non-Black tracts.
Kramer and Remster, 2018,
Law and Society Review
New York Police Department Stop,
Question, and Frisk database
New York City,
NY 2 million police stops
Precinct stop rates were not associated with police use of force, except stops
that occur in high stop rate precincts when potential lethal force is used.
Every 10% increase in percent Black or Hispanic residents was associated
with a 4.2% increase in the odds of an officer drawing his gun during a stop.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 17 of 21
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
MacDonald and Braga,
2019, Justice Quarterly
New York Police Department Stop,
Question, and Frisk database
New York City,
NY
77
precincts
From 2012 to 2015, stop, question, and frisk (SQF) reports by NYPD officers
decreased dramatically, commencing after the Floyd et al. litigation.
However, NYPD SQF reports remained higher in areas with higher levels
of crime. Nevertheless, the findings suggest that court reforms can be an
effective way to reduce racial disparities in SQF reports.
Newberry, 2021,
Applied Geography
New York Police Department Stop,
Question, and Frisk database
New York City,
NY 544,540 stops Crime was a significant predictor for stops of Black individuals.
Gentrification was a significant predictor for stops of Hispanic individuals.
Novak and Chamlin, 2012,
Crime and Delinquency Kansas City Police Department Kansas City,
MO
70
police beats
Search rates increased in areas when the proportion of Black residents was
higher. However, this was only true for White motorists. Social control
increased when a motorist’s racial characteristics were inconsistent with
the neighborhoods’ racial composition.
Roh and Robinson, 2009,
Police Quarterly
Houston Police Department traffic
stops Houston, TX 333,760 traffic stops
Consistent with the minority-threat hypothesis, in diverse neighborhoods
with greater Black or Hispanic residents, police force was more likely to be
deployed. In addition, residents had a higher likelihood of being stopped
and of receiving unfavorable police treatment. Racial profiling was also
identified when pretextual stops in Black communities were used to
investigate more serious offenses. Lastly, Hispanic residents were more
likely to be searched by consent.
Rojek, Rosenfeld, and
Decker, 2012, Criminology
St. Louis Metropolitan Police
Department traffic stops St. Louis, MO 69,543
traffic stops
In White communities, White officers were more likely to search Black
drivers than White drivers. However, in predominately Black areas, stops
of White drivers by White officers were the most likely to result in a search.
Stults, Parker, and Lane,
2010, Journal of Crime
and Justice
Miami-Dade police department
crime reports and US Census data
Miami-Dade,
FL
61,000
police stops
Neighborhood racial composition and levels of violence were consistent
predictors of stop rates among Black and Hispanics. However, because the
majority of Whites in the Miami–Dade area are of Hispanic origin, the
race-biased behaviors by police officers against the Hispanic population
decreased. This suggests that Hispanic and White stop rates are nearly
identical—unlike Black drivers that experience a higher stop rate.
Wilkins and Williams,
2008, Public
Administration Review
San Diego Police Department
traffic stops San Diego, CA 168,901
stop forms
Median income of a division was negatively associated with racial
disparity in vehicle stops. The proportion of White residents in a division
was positively associated with racial disparity in vehicle stops.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 18 of 21
Authors, Publication Year,
and Journal
Study Design Results
Source Location Population
Arrests
Zhao, Yang, and Messner,
2019, Journal of Crime
and Justice
New York Police Department Stop,
Question, and Frisk database
New York City,
NY
2074
census tract
Racial segregation and the likelihood of interacting with police differed
based on the segregation dimension and race of suspects. Segregation
increased the odds of the studied policing outcomes, making Blacks and
Hispanics more vulnerable populations during police contacts.
Violence
Ba, Knox, Mummolo, and
Rivera, 2021, Science
Chicago Police Department stop
and arrest records Chicago, IL 2.9 million patrol
assignments
Compared with White officers, Black officers less often stop, arrest, and
deploy force against all civilians, specifically Black civilians. Effects were
magnified in majority-Black areas.
Edwards, Esposito, and
Lee, 2018, American Journal
of Public Health
Fatal Encounters US 6295 incidents
There was significant variation in expected rates of police fatal shootings
across metropolitan area types, particularly among Black men. Large
central and medium metropolitan areas had a relatively high expected rate
of officer-involved fatal shootings of Black men.
Gaston, Fernandes, and
DeShay, 2021, Crime
and Delinquency
Mapping Police involved violence
and UCR US 580
counties
Regardless of race, violent crime and social disorganization were positively
associated with police fatal shootings of men.
Lautenschlager and Omori,
2019, Justice Quarterly
New York Police Department Stop,
Question, and Frisk database
New York City,
NY 21,680 observations
Rates and degree of force used were higher and more severe in Black
neighborhoods. There was higher low-level policing in poorer
neighborhoods and fewer but more severe incidents in middle-income,
mixed neighborhoods.
Lodge et al., 2021. BMC
Public Health
Newborn Epigenetics
Study (NEST)
Durham, North
Carolina
2681 parent–child from 2005
to 2011
The study showed broad racial disparities in exposure to crime, e.g., the
median White participant was exposed to only 3.6 violent crimes per km2
within 800 m of residence during gestation, compared with 19.4 for the
median Black participant.
Smith and Holmes, 2014,
Social Problems
(1) LEMAS, (2) UCR, (3)
CensusScope, and (4) US Census US 218
cities
Findings offer support for the minority-threat hypothesis, which suggests
that the percentage of Black and Hispanic residents is positively associated
with the number of sustained excessive force complaints. In addition, place
effects are contingent on the existence of a very high degree of
racial/ethnic segregation.
Soc. Sci. 2022,11, 153 19 of 21
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