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“Pero si a mí me ha ido bien con estas reglas del juego”. Narrativas de primo manifestantes de derecha contra el cambio social en Chile
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Abstract
Artículo a publicar en el dossier “Los nuevos actores sociales en América Latina: rupturas, continuidades y transformaciones”, coordinado por Manuel Antonio Garretón y Esteban Torres, en la Revista Anuario de la Historia Virtual, Argentina, en junio de 2022.
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There are two milestones that marked Chilean politics during 2020: the COVID-19 pandemic, and the constitutional plebiscite. While the former was an absolutely unexpected phenomenon that forced an important turn in the country's political agenda, the result of latter was foreseeable yet surprising. In fact, the plebiscite was likely to end in a triumph of the option in favour of constitutional change, but the forcefulness of the result was surprising. In this article we look at both milestones in detail. On the one hand, we examine how the government in particular, and the political system in general, reacted to the emergence and development of the pandemic. On the other hand, based on a representative face-to-face survey of the population - which was carried out just after the plebiscite - we empirically show that the “Reject” vote is largely explained by the factors used in comparative studies to predict support for populist radical right (PRR) forces, while the “Approve” vote is characterized by high heterogeneity in ideological and sociological terms. In summary, the evidence presented here reinforces previous findings that show an increase in tensions within the centre-right bloc and, in turn, suggests that in Chile the conditions are ripe for the establishment of a populist radical right force.
El 18/O ha sido explicado como resultado de la desigualdad y también como el desacople entre las promesas del sistema neoliberal y las experiencias cotidianas de abuso. Mirando el movimiento "desde adentro", a partir de entrevistas con manifestantes primerizos, que le dieron masividad al octubre chileno, este artículo avanza otra explicación: la calle se llenó de personas convocadas por sus propias experiencias y problemas; solo una vez reunidas, fortalecieron sus miradas políticas. Es decir, no fue la política la que provocó el estallido, sino que la protesta llevó a articular políticamente el descontento social. Este importante texto forma parte de una serie de artículos basados en una investigación del equipo "Escucha Activa" del COES.
El 18 de octubre 2019 se detonó en Chile un conjunto de eventos que en pocas semanas cuestionaron, en profundidad, muchas de nuestras certidumbres colectivas. El país se ha visto enfrentado a su más grave crisis social desde hace décadas.
Un conjunto heterogéneo de disputas y demandas han desestabilizado el lugar de la economía de mercado; han expresado nuevos anhelos de integración y protección social; han constituido a la violencia, en sus muy distintas manifestaciones, en una realidad de inevitable análisis; han interrogado las fronteras de lo público, lo estatal y lo privado; han cuestionado formas tradicionales de ejercicio de autoridad y de regulación social; han revelado la fuerza del empuje hacia la re-definición de la relaciones entre los individuos, y entre estos y las instituciones.
¿Cuáles son las razones de la amplitud e intensidad de estos acontecimientos? ¿Cuáles los procesos que les subyacen y anteceden? ¿Bajo qué formas y en qué lugares estos procesos se produjeron? ¿Quiénes fueron sus principales actores? ¿Qué horizontes – todavía inciertos– se han abierto? ¿Qué nos dicen de la sociedad las formas de politización que han tenido estas demandas?
Este libro, resultado de un trabajo colectivo realizado por veintiún investigadoras e investigadores del Centro Núcleo Milenio Autoridad y Asimetrías de Poder (NUMAAP), procura aportar a dar respuesta a estas interrogantes. Ajeno a todo dogmatismo o eclecticismo, asumiendo el riesgo de la interpretación ante sucesos en curso, pero sostenido en largos años de investigación empírica, su objetivo es proporcionar, desde distintas disciplinas de las ciencias sociales, elementos para la comprensión de nuestra historia social.
The appeal of meritocracy is plain to see, because it appears to promote equality of opportunity. However, in this paper we argue that meritocracy is also a deeply elitist project. Firstly, we place Michael Young in context to show how his critique of meritocracy should be understood as a socialist vision to ameliorate class divides. Secondly, we show how economic inequality in the UK has not generated systematic resistance: in fact, inequality and belief in meritocracy have gone hand in hand. Thirdly, we argue that people see their own lives as meritocratic rather than ascribed, and that such values are deeply embedded in popular life. We offer two explanations for how such views have come about, and show how they have helped construct a more unequal society.
We analyse the Chilean Spring of 2019-2020 – the fiercest social outburst in Chile during the last three decades. After discussing the combined role of long-standing grievances, political attitudes, and cultural change in triggering the outburst, we study the interplay among peaceful and violent protests and criminal activity. We argue that brutal police repression and governmental mismanagement contributed to deepening the crisis once it exploded. We conclude by describing the attempts of the political class to cope with the crisis and speculate about its potential political consequences, especially for the Chilean party system.
Meritocracy is used by governments in many societies as an ‘effective’ way to represent social justice and legitimise – explain away – class inequality. By focusing on a small number of working-class students who achieve academic ‘success’ and have reached elite universities in an ideal meritocratic environment – Chinese schooling – this paper aims to discuss the relation of meritocracy to upward social mobility and class domination. Our analysis raises questions about the notion of ‘success’ in a meritocratic environment and suggests the operation of a new form of symbolic domination in relation to these working-class high-achievers. Through their ‘successes’ at school, they are distanced from their working-class localities and histories, while they also remain outside of the middle-class sensibilities that they aspire to – they become a ‘third class’ whose core values reside in meritocracy itself. There is no transcendence of class here rather a different form of distinction and exclusion.
La idea de meritocracia está relacionada con la distribución de bienes y beneficios basada en el talento y esfuerzo individual, constituyendo un principio que legitima la distribución desigual de los recursos en sociedades modernas. Pese a las constantes referencias a la meritocracia en la investigación de desigualdad y estratificación social en sociología, existen pocos intentos conceptuales y empíricos que busquen entender hasta qué punto los individuos perciben y prefieren la meritocracia, así como también sus consecuencias. La presente investigación propone un marco conceptual y empírico para el estudio de las percepciones y preferencias meritocráticas que, posteriormente, es relacionado con una serie de variables relativas a la desigualdad social. Utilizando datos de la encuesta chilena “Justicia social y participación ciudadana” (N= 1.245), los resultados del análisis sugieren que las preferencias y percepciones de la meritocracia son constructos distintos y que quienes perciben un adecuado funcionamiento de la meritocracia también perciben menos desigualdad social.
In a classical typology, Polanyi distinguishes three basic modes of economic integration: competitive market exchange, redistribution, and reciprocity. While markets are dominant in modern capitalism, redistribution and reciprocity are-to varying extent-also part of its institutional architecture. Asking whether such institutional differences are mirrored in distinct "moral economies", we investigate ordinary citizens' support for market competition, redistribution, and reciprocity across 14 capitalist economies. Combining data from three comparative surveys, we analyze, first, the extent to which these principles are supported by citizens and whether they cluster into distinct "moral economies"; second, whether these norms are anchored in formal institutional settings; and finally, how privileged and disadvantaged groups differ in their support. While support for market competition is strong across countries, it is to varying degrees complemented by support for redistribution and reciprocity. We identify a competition-dominated, an embedded, and a strongly embedded moral economy. The interplay of formal institutions and people's social-structural position partly explains differences in popular support.
Available open access at the publisher web site: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23251042.2016.1227417. Environmental politics in advanced industrialized countries have been characterized as a dynamic interaction of two opposing movements: an original movement of progressive environmentalism and a countermovement of conservative opposition to environmental and energy-transition policies. This study analyzes an additional dynamic based on the emergence of clean-energy conservatism in the United States. We develop an explanation of the emergence of this additional dynamic and examine the reasons conservatives give for supporting clean energy, the variety of their frames, differences from comparison organizations and policy outcomes. Clean-energy conservatism has emerged, in part, as a dissenting response to the alignment of conservatism with support for fossil fuels. Although clean-energy conservatives seek to redefine clean energy policy according to conservative ideology, they differ from comparison conservative organizations over climate change and air quality. Clean-energy conservatives can claim some policy victories, but because they work in broad coalitions with environmentalists and others, it is difficult to assess their influence. The case of clean-energy conservatism is used to develop the theory of environmentalism and social movements by deepening the conceptualization of ‘counter-countermovements,’ and we also suggest the general value of considering the varieties of conservatism in future environmental sociology research.
Sharp social inequalities in Latin America persist not only as a result of structural elements, but also because people justify and legitimate them in everyday life. Thus, to overcome inequalities it is necessary that individuals subjectively perceive them as unjust. This is an issue that is especially relevant in Chile, one of the first countries to experience neoliberalism in the 1970s. More than social inequalities as such, which are widely studied by Latin American sociology, this article analyzes social justice as a subjective judgment about inequalities. On the basis of the findings of an empirical game-based research project, the article examines the justice criteria used by ordinary people regarding differences between members of society. The authors argue that according to these subjective criteria, social justice refers to aspects that differ from neoliberal discourse about distributive justice based on equality of opportunity and that procedural justice is also key in ordinary discourses about social justice.
The present article reviews a number of works available, both in Europe and the United States, and proposes two shifts in the analysis of collective mobilizations. First, it takes as guiding principle the notion of inherited experience of the phenomenology and hermeneutics. To understand what happens in collective mobilizations it is necessary to investigate about actors’ contexts of experience. Second, rather than focusing attention on social movements, aspiring to the status of collective subjects, attention is shifted to problematic situations. Trying to define and control them, different actors become mobilized, come into complex relationships of cooperation and conflict, and shape public arenas focused on public issues. The general objective of this article is not to invalidate existing models, but rather to reorganize them under a different perspective. Keywords : Mobilizations - collective action - social experiences - nets.
This article asks how ordinary people in Germany perceive and legitimize economic disparities in an era of rising income inequality. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents from higher and lower social classes, the paper reconstructs the ‘moral economy’ that underlies popular views of inequality. While respondents agree with abstract inegalitarian principles—i.e. income differentiation based on merit—they are concerned with specific instances of inequality, especially poverty and wealth. These are criticized because they are seen to imply intolerable deviations, both upwards and downwards, from a way of living presumed as universal, thereby fostering a segregation of life-worlds and social disintegration. Thus, perceptions of injustice do not seem to be based on the existence of income inequality as such, but rather on the view that economic disparities threaten the social bond.
We argue that the preference for the merit principle is a separate construct from hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies (i.e., system justification beliefs, prejudice, social dominance orientation), including descriptive beliefs that meritocracy currently exists in society. Moreover, we hypothesized that prescriptive beliefs about merit should have a stronger influence on reactions to the status quo when hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies are weak (vs. strong). In 4 studies, participants' preference for the merit principle and hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies were assessed; later, the participants evaluated organizational selection practices that support or challenge the status quo. Participants' prescriptive and descriptive beliefs about merit were separate constructs; only the latter predicted other hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies. In addition, as hypothesized, among participants who weakly endorsed hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies, the stronger their preference for the merit principle, the more they opposed selection practices that were perceived to be merit violating but the more they supported practices that were perceived to be merit restoring. In contrast, those who strongly endorsed hierarchy-legitimizing ideologies were always motivated to support the status quo, regardless of their preference for the merit principle.
Inequality is on the rise: gains have been concentrated with a small elite, while most have seen their fortunes stagnate or fall. Despite what scholars and journalists consider a worrying trend, there is no evidence of growing popular concern about inequality. In fact, research suggests that citizens in unequal societies are less concerned than those in more egalitarian societies. How to make sense of this paradox? I argue that citizens’ consent to inequality is explained by their growing conviction that societal success is reflective of a meritocratic process. Drawing on 25 years of International Social Survey Program data, I show that rising inequality is legitimated by the popular belief that the income gap is meritocratically deserved: the more unequal a society, the more likely its citizens are to explain success in meritocratic terms, and the less important they deem nonmeritocratic factors such as a person’s family wealth and connections.
«No lo vimos venir», afirmaron muchas personas luego del 18 de octubre. Para Carlos Ruiz, esta declaración no es sino una reacción de la élite, que miró con estupor todo lo que vino durante los días posteriores a la revuelta social. Sin embargo, el estallido no solo fue la furia. Trajo consigo algo mayor, asegura el sociólogo y autor de este libro: el surgimiento de un nuevo pueblo.
Who is entitled to have rights? This essay examines how right-wing movements attempt to prevent individuals, especially women and members of LGBT groups, from accessing equal rights through the use of terms such as “moral worth” and “family values.” At the core of our discussion of the backlash against social rights in Latin America is the need to compare and contrast the case examined here with similar movements outside the region. The vast enterprise of studies on right-wing movements in Western Europe rarely travels outside a few national boundaries. Eastern Europe and the United States are occasionally included. For the most part, right-wing movements are not seen as comparable. Sometimes the reason for excluding Latin America is expressly stated, particularly because the historical experiences are so distinct—for example, the long duration of personal or military dictatorships. Interpretations of right-wing movements in Latin America by scholars outside the region tend to view them as associated with the period of authoritarian rule in the 1970s and 1980s or misunderstand them as having little impact on political life (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996, 1630). Analysis within the region has tended to focus on right-wing political parties, religious groups, or the military (Fortes 2016, Goldstein 2019; Hunter 1997; Luna and Rovira 2014). There are few studies of right-wing movements comparing regions. Latin America is thus seen as largely irrelevant to the comparative study of right-wing movements.
A partir de diversos enfoques de investigación y de una encuesta realizada a cerca de 700 líderes de la coalición Chile Vamos, este libro es una formidable exploración al carácter y comportamiento de los partidos de derecha chilenos: la Unión Demócrata Independiente, Renovación Nacional, Evópoli y el Partido Regionalista Independiente. La organización y financiamiento de los partidos, las distintas sensibilidades que conviven en ellos, la coordinación de las campañas electorales, su relación con los think tanks conservadores y los vínculos religiosos son algunos de los temas abordados en estas páginas, en las que el lector también podrá encontrar una perspectiva histórica y una visión de futuro, renovada si se quiere, en un escenario cada vez más exigente en cuanto a participación, igualdad y distribución del poder (Fondo de Cultura Económica).
Los capítulos reunidos en el presente volumen realizan contribuciones importantes y originales a un campo cada vez más prominente, debido a sus altos estándares de calidad y a las formas en que abordan temas de gran importancia para la política comparada, así como a su estudio en profundidad de la experiencia política chilena. (...) Estas son contribuciones valiosas tanto para el estudio de la política chilena y latinoamericana, como para los debates académicos más amplios en ciencia política. (...) Estos trabajos establecen así un nuevo estándar para la investigación sobre los partidos latinoamericanos de centro-derecha y derecha (Kevin J. Middlebrook, Institute of the Americas, University College London)
Right-wing think tanks and their transnational networks in Latin America are barely known, and scarcely documented.1 Close scholarly investigation into their activities, structure, connections, impacts, and ideology is non-existent. This article aims at contributing to fill this gap, by adding insights into the most prominent organizations and networks based in Mexico. This preliminary information is useful to gauge more accurately the scope of the organizations and networks, and their ability to influence policy and the political process.
La seule dénonciation globale des inégalités sociales ne suffit pas, car toutes les inégalités ne se " valent " pas : certaines sont visibles, d'autres moins, certaines sont perçues comme injustes, d'autres non. Il faut donc pouvoir décrire et mesurer les inégalités sociales, mais aussi savoir ce que nous en faisons et comment elles affectent plus ou moins profondément la vie et l'action des individus. En effet, si la conscience des inégalités semble s'accentuer, elle ne débouche pas pour autant sur des formes d'action collective véritablement intégrées et organisées. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, il faut savoir comment ceux qui les subissent vivent avec les inégalités sociales, comment ils s'en accommodent plus ou moins, comment l'expérience des injustices est construite... Il faut aussi connaître les principes de justice mobilisés par les individus pour comprendre quelles peuvent être leurs réactions face aux injustices. Les sciences sociales, leurs analyses et les critiques qu'elles développent sont susceptibles de nous aider à y voir plus clair et à peser sur la vie politique et sociale. C'est là tout l'objectif de ce livre original, qui contient les contributions des meilleurs spécialistes de la question.
The acceptance of income differences varies across countries. This article suggests belief in three narratives of modernity to account for this: the “tunnel effect,” related to perceptions of generational mobility; the “procedural justice effect,” related to the perceived fairness in the process of getting ahead; and the “middle-class effect,” related to perceptions of the social structure of society. The importance of the suggested narratives is tested by means of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) 2009 module, which includes 38 countries. The finding is that belief in the three narratives can account for a considerable part of the cross-national variation. Beliefs in procedural justice and the existence of a middle-class society clearly go together with high acceptance of current income differences, while the “tunnel effect” is more complex. In general, belief in generational mobility goes together with acceptance of current income differences. But personal experience of such upward social mobility actually lowers acceptance of current income differences, especially if overall generational mobility in society is believed to be backward. The framework explains most country-cases, which points to the existence of general patterns. But the models also indicate that the Philippines, and to a lesser extent the US and France, are special cases.
Focusing on the working-class experience of gentrification, this book re-examines the enduring relationship between class and the urban. Class is so clearly articulated in the urban, from the housing crisis to the London Riots to the evocation of housing estates as the emblem of ‘Broken Britain’. Gentrification is often presented to a moral and market antidote to such urban ills: deeply institutionalised as regeneration and targeted at areas which have suffered from disinvestment or are defined by ‘lack’. Gentrification is no longer a peripheral neighbourhood process: it is policy; it is widespread; it is everyday. Yet comparative to this depth and breadth, we know little about what it is like to live with gentrification at the everyday level. Sociological studies have focused on lifestyles of the middle classes and the working-class experience is either omitted or they are assumed to be victims. Hitherto, this is all that has been offered. This book engages with these issues and reconnects class and the urban through an ethnographically detailed analysis of a neighbourhood undergoing gentrification which historicises class formation, critiques policy processes and offers a new sociological insight into gentrification from the perspective of working-class residents. This ethnography of everyday working-class neighbourhood life in the UK serves to challenge denigrated depictions which are used to justify the use of gentrification-based restructuring. By exploring the relationship between urban processes and working-class communities via gentrification, it reveals the ‘hidden rewards’ as well as the ‘hidden injuries’ of class in post-industrial neighbourhoods. In doing so, it provides a comprehensive ‘sociology of gentrification’, revealing not only how gentrification leads to the displacement of the working class in physical terms but how it is actively used within urban policy to culturally displace the working-class subject and traditional ways of life in an attempt to create the neoliberal subject. It reveals the novel forms of displacement this causes and develops an original typology of displacement from this. The book also demonstrates that gentrification is not always a zero-sum game for working-class residents, who at times rework gentrification processes, on their own terms for their own gains.
We examine in a laboratory setting how direct participation in choosing a principle of distributive justice and a tax system impinges on subjects' attitudes and subsequent productivity when they participate in a task, produce income, and then experience losses or gains according to the tax system. Experience with a redistributive principle and its associated taxation system in a production environment does not detract from overall acceptance of the distributive principle, particularly for subjects who participate in choosing the principle. Participation in discussion, choice, and production increases subjects' convictions regarding their preferences. For these subjects (especially recipients of transfers) productivity rises significantly over the course of the experiments. No such effect is evident for subjects who do not participate in setting the regime under which they are to labor. The results' implications for questions of democratic participation and the stability of income support programs are drawn.
Social movements typically do not operate in isolation. Rather, movements engage with an opposing movement over social and / or political change. In this paper, I ask to what extent must opposing movements be intertwined and reactive over the framing of issues? While scholarly attention has tended to focus on frames as movement outcomes I treat frames as “in motion,” constantly subject to interpretation in a context of competing messages. I argue that movements must attend to the claims of an opposing movement when voter resonance is at stake. I use the case of the Christian Right and the gay, lesbian, and bisexual movement in conflict over an antigay ballot initiative in Cincinnati, Ohio, to explore framing in a competitive context. Using qualitative data, I contend that movement actors must consider and react to an opposing movement over frame strategies because policy success may depend on how messages are articulated and how they are received.
When the Rosa Parks Prize was awarded to a conservative Argentine senator in 2009 for her outspoken opposition to contraception, sterilisation and abortion, it was clear that something odd was happening. This paper documents the appropriation of 'human rights' discourses by conservative Catholics in Latin America, where the recent success of reproductive and sexual rights social movements has generated a significant backlash. It specifically traces an effort by Catholic legal scholars to justify what they term 'a distinctively Latin American approach to human rights' while ignoring decades of human rights activism by others. Opponents of reproductive and sexual rights are deploying rights-talk selectively and strategically, it is argued, using this as secular cover to advance pro-life and pro-family policies.
This book deals with class not as a matter of dollars or statistics but as a matter of emotions. Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb isolate the “hidden signals of class” through which today’s blue-collar worker measures his own value against those lives and occupations to which our society attaches a special premium. The authors uncover and define the internal, emotionally hurtful forms of class difference in America now becoming visible with the advent of the “affluent” society.
Perceiving our society as one that judges a human being against an arbitrary scale of “achievement,” that recognizes not a diversity of talents but a pyramid of them, and accords the world’s best welder less respect than the most mediocre doctor, the authors concentrate on the injurious game of “achievement” and self-justification that result.
Examining intimate feelings in terms of a totality of human relations within and among classes and looking beyond, though never ignoring, the struggle for economic survival, The Hidden Injuries of Class takes a step forward in the sociological “critique of everyday life.” The authors are critical both of the claim that workers are melting into a homogenous society and of the attempt to “save” the worker for a revolutionary role along conventional socialist lines. They conclude that the games of hierarchical respect we currently play will end in a fratricide in which no class can emerge the victor; and that true egalitarianism can be achieved only by rediscovering diverse concepts of human dignity to substitute for the rigidly uniform scale against which Americans are now forced to judge one another- and validate themselves.
Movement-countermovement interaction is an ongoing feature of contemporary social movements and, indeed, of contemporary politics. Yet the interplay of contending movements is understudied and undertheorized. This article begins to remedy this deficit by arguing that new work on political opportunity structure provides important insights and significant theoretical leverage for this study. Through a review of the literatures on countermovements and political opportunity, this article argues that this interaction increases when states enable but do not satisfy challengers. This article presents a general framework of theoretical propositions for understanding the interplay of movements and their opponents to animate and guide subsequent research.
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