Ethnic Stereotype Formation and Its Impact on Sojourner Adaptation: A Case of “Belt and Road” Chinese Migrant Workers in Montenegro

Abstract

Ethnic stereotypes are cognitive markers that are formed and modified because of inter-cultural contact with a new cultural group. There is now much empirical evidence that explicates how stereotypes of ethnic groups can impact individuals' acculturation experiences. However, what is unknown is how previously nonexistent ethnic beliefs are formed as a result of contact with the local culture. One hundred seventy-four (N = 174) overseas Chinese construction workers were contacted through the Chinese Consulate in Montenegro and agreed to participate in the present study. The online questionnaire asked workers to describe Montenegrin majority members in terms of five characteristics. These traits formed the stereotype markers that were classified as positive, neutral, or negative. Sojourners also answered questions that measured perceived cultural distance, social exclusion, knowledge of Montenegrin culture, feelings of social exclusion and their sociocultural adaptation. Results show that both positive and negative stereotypes are correlated with less social exclusion and better socio-cultural adaptation. Perceived cultural distance, knowledge of host culture and length of stay was mediated by stereotypes on adaptation outcomes. Interestingly longer sojourn did not lessen the type of stereotype, nor did it reduce cultural distance. Contribution to the stereotype literature and practical understanding of how Chinese sojourners see majority members will be discussed.

Full text

International Journal of
Environmental Research
and Public Health
Article
Ethnic Stereotype Formation and Its Impact on Sojourner
Adaptation: A Case of “Belt and Road” Chinese Migrant
Workers in Montenegro
Alexander S. English 1, *, Xinyi Zhang 2, Adrian Stanciu 3, Steve J. Kulich 2,*, Fuxia Zhao 2and Milica Bojovic 2


Citation: English, A.S.; Zhang, X.;
Stanciu, A.; Kulich, S.J.; Zhao, F.;
Bojovic, M. Ethnic Stereotype
Formation and Its Impact on
Sojourner Adaptation: A Case of
“Belt and Road” Chinese Migrant
Workers in Montenegro. Int. J.
Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18,
9540. https://doi.org/10.3390/
ijerph18189540
Academic Editor: Paul B. Tchounwou
Received: 7 August 2021
Accepted: 28 August 2021
Published: 10 September 2021
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Copyright: © 2021 by the authors.
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This article is an open access article
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Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
1Department of Psychology and Behavioral Science, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou 310027, China
2SISU Intercultural Institute, Shanghai International Studies University, Shanghai 200083, China;
xinyizhang513@gmail.com (X.Z.); blueye77@163.com (F.Z.); milica.bojovic.93@outlook.com (M.B.)
3GESIS—Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, 200083 Mannheim, Germany; Adrian.Stanciu@gesis.org
*Correspondence: AEnglish@zju.edu.cn (A.S.E.); Steve.Kulich@gmail.com (S.J.K.)
Abstract:
Ethnic stereotypes are cognitive markers that are formed and modified because of inter-
cultural contact with a new cultural group. There is now much empirical evidence that explicates
how stereotypes of ethnic groups can impact individuals’ acculturation experiences. However, what
is unknown is how previously nonexistent ethnic beliefs are formed as a result of contact with the
local culture. One hundred and seventy-four (N= 174) overseas Chinese construction workers were
contacted through the Chinese Consulate in Montenegro and agreed to participate in the present
study. The online questionnaire asked workers to describe Montenegrin majority members in terms
of five characteristics. These traits formed the stereotype markers that were classified as positive,
neutral, or negative. Sojourners also answered questions that measured perceived cultural distance,
social exclusion, knowledge of Montenegrin culture, feelings of social exclusion, and their sociocul-
tural adaptation. Results show that both positive and negative stereotypes are correlated with less
social exclusion and better socio-cultural adaptation. Perceived cultural distance, knowledge of host
culture and length of stay was mediated by stereotypes on adaptation outcomes. Interestingly longer
sojourn did not lessen the type of stereotype, nor did it reduce cultural distance. Contribution to the
stereotype literature and practical understanding of how Chinese sojourners see majority members
will be discussed.
Keywords: cultural learning; Chinese migrant worker; cultural distance; psychological; adaptation;
sociocultural adaptation; stereotype formation
1. Introduction
In the uncertain global economic climates, many would welcome the opportunity
of a new job offer. However, the offer at hand comes with the challenging condition of
relocating for a few years to a country that you have limited or no prior knowledge of. You
do not know what the local culture entails, nor do you have any preexistent information
about the local population. As a short-stay immigrant in the country (sojourner) you will
nonetheless have to find ways of coping with challenges such as experiencing periods of
homesickness or communicating effectively with locals; the job entails that you will have to
make choices on how to acculturate and adapt in some ways to local realities [
1
]. This is not
an uncommon proposition in our age of global mobility, but some cognitive and affective
dynamics, especially aspects related to prior knowledge or pre-departure perceptions,
are understudied [
2
]. Intercultural sojourns originating from or between non-western
countries are also understudied. This paper offers some key answers as to how sojourners
come to “know” their local communities and how that knowledge might impact their
adaptation process.
The literature extensively documents extensively affective and behavioral changes
that sojourners must undergo when crossing cultures [
3
,
4
]. In contrast, the cognitive
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189540 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijerph

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 2 of 16
domain of cultural adaptation has been insufficiently investigated and research needs
to clarify such processes as cognitive heuristics (stereotypes) when acculturating to new
places [
5
]. For instance, what is cultural adaptation like for vastly different ethnic groups
with no prior knowledge of the country where they will be working in? We are interested
in exploring the idea that sojourners who have little or no previous cultural knowledge
might accurately form ethnic stereotypes which could lead to better psychological and
sociocultural adaptation. In this present study, we focus on the case of Chinese migrant
workers in Montenegro and their reported stereotypes of the local majority members.
China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a way to enhance regional con-
nectivity and collaboration with neighboring and strategic partner nations and increase
involvement in international investment and infrastructure development in more than
60 other nations. One important BRI-related pact is with the Central and Eastern European
countries (CEEC) and Montenegro was one of the first countries of those 16 to become
an active partner. Agreeing on strategic development needs, approximately 3000 Chinese
workers were relocated in Montenegro for approximately 36 months to build
165 km
of
roads, 48 tunnels, and 107 bridges and viaducts with the intention of connecting Mon-
tenegro with bordering Serbia (see Figure 1). The intended construction connects the
two nations, and as the project progressed the workers had to move farther away from
major cities in self-sustaining worker encampments. The project created a unique context
of intercultural relations wherein a group of sojourners live, work, and speak their native
language while being de facto in a foreign country of which they have little to no previ-
ous knowledge. This paper investigates the cognitive heuristics-adaptation of Chinese
sojourners in Montenegro and whether this mediates their cultural adaptation.
Figure 1.
Map depicting the CBI project in Montenegro. Note. Red colored line show the Montenegrin
highway construction project conducted by Chinese sojourners. As the project developed, Chinese
workers were relocated farther away from the local population.

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 3 of 16
1.1. Cultural Adaptation among Sojourners
Cultural adaptation is an outcome in the acculturation process—the process by which
immigrating individuals change or adapt aspects of the self-due to experiencing contact
with the host culture [
4
]. Traditionally in the literature, the migrant is seen as an agentic
actor who faces the choice between how much of the origin culture to maintain and how
much of the host culture to adopt [
1
]. Depending on individual (or group) choice and
unconscious actions, an acculturation orientation follows. For example, the migrating
individuals tend to choose separation by maintaining their origin culture and discarding
elements of the host culture, integration (keep origin and adopt host), assimilation (drop
origin and adopt host), and marginalization (drop both origin and host).
Adaptation means that migrating individuals have identified effective ways to cope
with the initial distress and novelties related to the new living conditions, norms,
or environment of the new country [
3
,
6
,
7
]. Cultural learning is the motor that triggers
these processes leading to more adaptation; it is oftentimes referred to as “getting to know”
a culture [
3
,
8
]. Migrating individuals are exposed to novel cultural information and there-
fore learn new ways of being, thinking, or affectively relating to the reality that prevails in
their host country [9,10].
Sojourners are voluntary migrants who relocate to other countries for a predeter-
mined period [
4
,
11
]. They can be tourists, exchange students, or skilled workers (expats).
Sojourners experience the process of learning a new culture similarly to other migrant
typologies: they seek out new culturally relevant information, engage in intercultural
learning opportunities, and observe and imitate the majority members [8,12].
The literature has concerned itself almost exclusively with sojourners (or migrants in
general) who possess prior knowledge about their host countries and the local majority
group. Tourists choose a destination because they know what the country offers regarding
landscape or “tourist attractions”. International students decide on a country because they
are aware of its education system, culture, or traditions. Expats are also offered choices
regarding relocation and must similarly seek to gain basic knowledge on how to function
in the new business (and if they have families, also the social and educational) culture and
pick up some survival local language.
Another category of sojourners is workers (“blue-collar”, laborers), who due to the
nature of their contracts, generally must live, work, and interact amongst themselves
(in company provided camps/enclaves); for example, the Chinese construction workers of
the BRI employed in Montenegro. They may not have completely “chosen” to make this
move but rather were assigned to do so by their companies. Having limited opportunities
to interact with the local culture and population and usually possessing no prior knowledge
of the culture nor of the population, in what ways does their cultural adaptation unfold?
It is worth noting that this condition is not what is normally theorized in adaptation models,
whether individuals to choose to adopt a separation strategy or another orientation, most
acculturation frameworks assume or imply individuals or groups have agency.
1.2. Ethnic Stereotype Formation Is the Missing Link in Cultural Adaptation
Ethnicity is generally regarded to be at the forefront of individuals’ identity during
intercultural contact since it represents an extension of the culture that people belong to
(i.e., Chinese, Montenegrins) [
3
,
4
,
13
]. Understanding one’s or others’ ethnicity is central for
a sojourner’s cultural adaptation. Not only does ethnicity assist a person in dealing with
the challenge of living in two cultures where two ethnic groups are the majority [
1
], but it
also determines how the majority ethnic group in the host culture treats the person [
14
].
Under the increasingly prominent condition of bi-ethnic individuals (people belonging
to two cultures), those whose identity draws a greater sense of fulfillment from the host
culture than the origin culture report better cultural adaptation in terms of wellbeing or
feeling of belonging [
15
]. One explanation is that the beliefs people associate with their own
and others’ ethnicity lead into appropriate behavior and feelings towards self and other or
the ethnic group that the other represent [16] (also see Social Identity Theory). Having no

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 4 of 16
prior knowledge of the local ethnic group is an obvious gap in the sojourner’s ability to
navigate the new-to-them reality. In this case, we argue, ethnic stereotype formation is a
precondition for cultural adaptation [5].
Ethnic stereotype formation is a socio-cognitive event that occurs due to a process
of culture learning. Ethnicity is a learned ascription—through socio-cultural interactions
individuals become aware of both their ethnic belonging and of what other ethnic groups
exist in society as well as what each stands for in aspects such as status and agency [
17
].
The formation of ethnic stereotypes can be traced back to early socialization [
18
] and to
first encounters with members of a novel ethnic group [5].
Stanciu and Vauclair [
5
] proposed that through cultural learning, migrating individu-
als incorporate the stereotype-relevant information they learn in host cultures into preex-
istent stereotypical beliefs—the so-called stereotype accommodation hypothesis [
19
,
20
].
Migrants can adjust, for example, the stereotype they previously held about the majority
ethnic group towards an understanding of the culture of the local population in their host
country. Crisp and Turner [
21
] described the ability of people to form accurate understand-
ings of the ethnicity of others despite limited or inaccurate preexistent knowledge of what
the ethnicity stands for. Cultural contact can associate with ethnic stereotype formation
and reconciliation of any inaccurate preexistent stereotype content (stereotype formation
and stereotype accommodation are used interchangeably in this paper).
Sojourners with prior knowledge of the majority ethnic group in their host countries
“only” need to learn what the local beliefs about the group are [
22
,
23
]. We would thus
expect sojourners with previous cultural knowledge to adapt more effectively, yet this
relationship has not yet been examined in the literature [
24
]. For instance, the stereotype
accommodation hypothesis does not explicitly state that previous cultural knowledge
implies more effective adaptation, but it nonetheless indicates that possessing knowledge
of the ethnic category would lead to less information to process and expedite the socio-
cognitive adaptation [
20
]. Sojourners with no previous knowledge of the majority ethnic
group are likely to seek out relevant cultural knowledge and try to understand what the
group stands for and what values and beliefs are important to them. We would expect
sojourners in these situations to experience a greater cognitive burden in the acculturation
process resulting in greater acculturative difficulties or stress.
Further factors which influence stereotype formation among sojourners include cul-
tural distance and duration of stay in the host country [
5
]. Cultural distance is the difference
between two cultures in terms of overt aspects such as language, traditions, or food as well
as covert aspects such as beliefs, norms, or values [
25
,
26
]. Two major conceptualizations
of cultural distance exist: objective cultural distance refers to national indices covering
domains such economics and cultural values [
27
] while perceived cultural distance (PCD)
refers to the relationship between subjective indicators that individual sojourners en-
counter [
28
,
29
]. Generally, the greater cultural distance one feels, the more acculturative
challenges one experiences in his or her cultural adaptation [
3
,
30
]. Nonetheless, some
studies have not found such effects [
31
] including one within the Chinese context [
32
].
The stereotype accommodation hypothesis states that greater cultural distance implies a
large pool of inconsistent/novel stereotype-relevant information that immigrants must
navigate and therefore decide on whether to integrate these into preexistent beliefs.
The duration of stay in the host country also affects stereotype formation by facilitating
opportunities to learn about novel cultural information. A longer stay in the host country is
typically an indicator of a better sociocultural adaptation [
4
]. With a longer stay, sojourners
have opportunities to gain more information inconsistent with any of their preexisting
stereotypes, resulting in a modification of the initial stereotype [
5
,
20
]. Similarly, with a
longer stay, sojourners become aware of social categories that are entirely new to them and
some of the stereotypical beliefs associated with these categories (e.g., understanding the
concept of Manelisti in Romania [33]).

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 5 of 16
1.3. The Present Research
The present research examines whether ethnic stereotype formation mediates the
relationship between adaptation of sojourner Chinese skilled workers in Montenegro and
their psychological and sociocultural adaptation outcomes. No previous research has
addressed these themes or considered these intergroup relations. A reason for doing this
study is the typical assumption in the research that migrants possess at least some prior
knowledge of the host culture and local population. The case of Chinese skilled workers in
Montenegro is unique in that they have likely neither migrated by choice, nor have had any
cultural preparation or pre-knowledge of the context they are sent to, and are also bound
by the nature of their contract to work and live almost exclusively amongst themselves.
In the case of large-scale Chinese construction projects in BRI countries, workers are
mostly confined to their work location (even unique from “typical expat” compounds
where “white-collar” workers can choose what levels of society of the local culture to
mix with). Focusing on the construction site and project progress, a physical relocation
away from the local culture and population is often necessitated, so that these Chinese
sojourners experience few opportunities for intercultural contact with locals. To check
this assumption, data for the present research was collected during the third year of the
construction project, so the Chinese workers in Montenegro had at least in theory some
opportunities for intercultural contact from their prolonged stay [5].
Ethnic stereotype formation is ideally a topic for longitudinal research endeavors.
However, research adopting a cross-sectional approach is likewise acceptable and some-
times even desired [
34
]. Here we operationalize ethnic stereotype formation in ways similar
to classical research on stereotype content [
35
], as we seek to meet the criteria for emic cul-
tural research [
36
]. We suggest that collecting free descriptions is one way to approximate
the formation of stereotype content toward a previously unavailable ethnic category. It is
important to note that stereotype valence (positive attitude or negative attitude) is outside
of our research focus or design. Though that would be pertinent for research following
the contact hypothesis [
37
], in this context, extensive contact is limited. Therefore, we
consider the collection of ethnic stereotypes (evidence that they have been formed and can
be articulated) as expressing the density/richness of stereotypical traits associated with
encountering a novel ethnic category [38].
The first set of hypotheses concern the formative effects of the acculturation experi-
ence on ethnic stereotypes held by Chinese sojourners in Montenegro. Under the term
acculturation experience, we here understand processes that involve (a) perceiving the
cultural distance between the origin and host culture, (b) knowing the local culture, and (c)
the duration of stay in the host country. Given the two vastly different ethnic groups, we
expect that:
Hypothesis 1a (H1a).
Greater perceived cultural distance will be associated with both more
positive and more negative-connoted ethnic stereotypical traits.
Hypothesis 1b (H1b).
Having more knowledge of the local culture will be associated with more
positive and more negative-connoted ethnic stereotypical traits.
Hypothesis 1c (H1c).
A longer stay in the host culture will be associated with more positive and
more negative-connoted ethnic stereotypical traits.
Next, we hypothesize that the formed ethnic stereotype will be a predictor of Chinese
sojourners’ adaptation in terms of psychological and socio-cultural aspects. Psychological
adaptation indicates the absence or resolution of stress-related symptoms caused by the
acculturation process, such as having good mental health and feelings of being in the right
place [
3
]. Here, we operationalize psychological adaptation as the absence of perceived
social exclusion [
6
]. Sociocultural adaptation is the ability of migrating individuals to

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 6 of 16
operate in the new country in terms of dealing with novelty across domains of life, which
include weather, food, and societal norms [6]. We predict:
Hypothesis 2a (H2a).
More ethnic stereotypical traits (a better formed ethnic stereotype) will be
associated with a greater absence of perceived social exclusion.
Hypothesis 2b (H2b).
More ethnic stereotypical traits (a better formed ethnic stereotype) will be
associated with better sociocultural adaptation.
Further hypotheses for this study concern the indirect effects that the acculturative
experience can have via the formed ethnic stereotype on the cultural adaptation of Chinese
sojourners. If knowing who the local population is and what they allegedly stand for is
indeed pivotal in the cultural adaptation process, then we expect a replication of the existent
literature on the effects of the acculturative experience on sojourner adaptation [
3
,
4
]. That
is, we predict that:
Hypothesis 3a (H3a).
A greater perceived cultural distance will be indirectly associated with
greater feelings of social exclusion and worse sociocultural adaptation.
Hypothesis 3b (H3b).
More knowledge of the host culture will be indirectly associated with a
greater absence of social exclusion feelings and with better sociocultural adaptation.
Hypothesis 3c (H3c).
A longer duration of stay in the host culture will be indirectly associated
with a greater absence of social exclusion feelings and with better sociocultural adaptation.
2. Methods
2.1. Participants and Procedures
Data was collected as part of a larger study on mutual cultural adaptation and per-
ceptions on Chinese in Montenegro and Montenegrin sojourners in China. Questionnaires
were distributed in the participants’ native language and data was collected through an on-
line survey. Given the difficulty of recruiting this sample, workers were contacted through
the Chinese Embassy in Montenegro in December 2017. An embassy official directed
the fifth author to the one of the head engineers at the Head Camp of the China Road
and Bridge Corporation (Montenegro Branch in Podgorica, Montenegro). After several
step-by-step confirmational emails to ensure our university project proposal and aims (IRB
board approval and to confirm the project did what it aimed to do), the head of the China
Road and Bridge Corporation (Montenegro Branch) granted us access via social media
contact distribution to Chinese workers who were in Montenegro currently working on
the highway project. Head engineers recruited their team members from their various
sites to complete the survey online. No personal information was collected about team
members or the head engineer. The purpose of this project was to understand perceptions
of Montenegrin life and cultural adaptation.
Before participants started the questionnaire, researchers provided a digital informed
consent form to ensure they were aware that their answers were fully protected. In total,
there were 174 Chinese (average age was 29.08, SD = 6.19, 90.2% male, average stay in host
culture was 18.9 months SD = 12.6). Of the entire sample, 91.4% of them reported working
on the construction site, while the rest reported “other”.
2.2. Analytical Procedure and Power Analysis
Unless otherwise specified, we used a significance level of
α
= 0.95 and all tests were
performed double-sided. All analyses were done using SPSS and AMOS v.20. We had a
three-stage analytical procedure that was applied to the latent stereotype model, which
includes both negative and positive stereotypes. First, Hypotheses 1a–c were examined
through calculating simple Pearson correlation coefficients. Second, Hypotheses 2a,b
tested the direct effect of PCD, knowledge of host and length of stay on stereotypes. Third,

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 7 of 16
for Hypotheses 3a,b a mediational model tested how the latent stereotype variable mediated
the relationship between our antecedent variables (PCD, knowledge of host, length of stay)
and dependent variables (see Figure 2). To identify evidence for model fit, we used the
following thresholds:
α
with an associated p> 0.05, Comparative Fit Index (CFI) value is
greater than 0.90 and the Root-mean-square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) is between
0.08 and not less than 0.06 [
39
]. Direct and indirect effects (a
s
and b
s
) are estimated with
bootstrapping (5000 iterations) with 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals.
Figure 2. Theorized mediation model, where Xs are the predictors, M is the mediator and Ys are the outcome variables.
In Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), power analysis has generally focused on
RMSEA [
40
] and involves the evaluation of the probability that one can detect effects that
are viable in the population [
41
]. This measure of model of fit (or misfit) is observed per
degree of freedom based on the fit function [
42
]. For the convention of power gradients
above 0.80, the model fit should have a RMSEA of 0.80 or below. Given this basic threshold,
our model and sample were adequate to find small and medium effect sizes.
2.3. Measurement
Demographics: Participants first completed basic demographic information (age, gender)
and background information (length of stay and purpose of sojourning to Montenegro).
Ethnic stereotypes: Participants freely wrote down five open-end associations related
to Montenegrins in Mandarin Chinese [
35
,
43
]. Three Chinese-English bilinguals inde-
pendently coded these open-ended answers as negative (
−
1), neutral (0), or positive (1)
stereotypical traits. For example, “polite” and “smiling” were rated 1, “quiet” was rated
0, and “lazy” and “stubborn” were rated
−
1. The results presented here are based on a
consensual coding by three independent researchers with ks
>
0.80. Finally, two stereotype
indices were created by summing each participant’s positively- and negatively connoted
traits. Higher scores on the stereotype measurement implies more diverse content of
stereotypes along the positive or negative dimensions.
Perceived cultural distance, sociocultural adaptation, and knowledge of host coun-
try: Perceived cultural distance and sociocultural adaptation were measured using the
Perceived Cultural Distance (PCD) Scale and the Sociocultural Adaptation (SCA) Scale [
6
],
both including 12 items concerning questions on, for example, climate and food and drinks.
Participants responded based on a 7-point Likert scale (from 1—very similar, to 7—very
different) (PCD;
α
= 0.88). The SCA items asked how difficult it was for them to adjust
in terms of the 12 aspects, also based on a 7-point Likert scale (from 1—very difficult,
to 7—very easy) (SCA;
α
= 0.91). Participants were also asked about the level of their
knowledge of host country in terms of five characteristics of Montenegro including: geog-
raphy, history, politics, economy, and culture [
24
]. Their answers were recorded on a Likert
scale (1—nothing, 7—a lot). Item examples are: “What do you know about the country’s
geography and “What do you know about the country’s politics?” A compiled score of all
the items was created (α= 0.88).

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 8 of 16
Perceived social exclusion: Participants indicated how excluded they felt in general by
the local population in their host country [
24
]. Five items were provided, and the responses
were recorded on a Likert scale (1—strongly disagree, 7—strongly agree). Item examples
are: “I feel as if most of the people in my host country do not want to mix with me”
and “I have the impression that most of the people in my host country prefer to avoid me”.
A composite score was created over the answers on the five items (Cronbach α= 0.81).
3. Results
As it can be seen in Table 1, the positively connoted traits of “friendly” (47.1%)
and “warm-hearted” (36.2%) as well as “polite” (20.7%) were the most endorsed positive
traits and surpassed negatively reported traits. Chinese sojourners described only one
negative trait, which is that Montenegrins are allegedly “lazy” (21.3%). All other negative
traits can be considered as exceptions to the rule as their frequency is much lower. Also,
noteworthy is that the tenth most frequent positive trait, “optimistic,” was shared by a
greater number of Chinese sojourners (8.0%) than the second most frequent negative trait,
“stubborn,” which was shared by 7.5% of the sample. Overall, the Chinese seem to perceive
their host country nationals mostly in a positive manner with one striking exception—lazy.
Table 1. Stereotype content of Montenegrins mentioned by the Chinese sojourners.
Stereotype Content Frequency %
Positive traits
1友好/友善(Friendly) 82 47.1
2热心肠/热情(Warm-hearted) 63 36.2
3有礼貌(Polite) 36 20.7
4漂亮(Beautiful) 26 14.9
5生活悠闲/惬意/休闲(Relaxed) 21 12.1
6好客(Hospitable) 20 11.5
7微笑(Smiling) 16 9.2
8注重生活/懂生活/享受生活(Enjoying life) 16 9.2
9善良/和蔼/亲切(Kind) 15 8.6
10 乐观(Optimistic) 14 8.0
Negative traits
1懒/懒散/懒惰(Lazy) 37 21.3
2固执/倔强(Stubborn) 13 7.5
3穷(Poor) 11 6.3
4迟到/不守时(Unpunctual) 7 4.0
5不守信用(Dishonest) 6 3.4
6不灵活/一根筋/轴(Inflexible) 5 2.9
7吹牛(Boastful) 5 2.9
8自大(Arrogant) 4 2.3
9不友好(Unfriendly) 3 1.7
10 自我(Egoistic) 3 1.7
This table reports the 10 most positive and negative traits after 3 independent coders confirmed positive and
negative traits. “Friendly”, “warm-hearted” and “polite” accounted for the majority of positive traits, while
negatively, only “lazy” was reported by 20% of the sojourners.
3.1. Test of Hypotheses 1—Correlations
Table 2provides an overview of descriptive analysis and correlation between the
variables in this study. Both positive stereotypes and negative stereotypes were negatively
related to perceived cultural distance (r=
−
0.23, p< 0.01; r=
−
0.32, p< 0.001) and to social
exclusion (r=
−
0.29, p< 0.001, r=
−
0.26, p< 0.001). Meanwhile, they were positively
related to SCA (r= 0.22, p< 0.01, r= 0.23, p< 0.01). Only the positive stereotype factor was
positively related to knowledge of the host country (r= 0.20, p< 0.01).

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 9 of 16
Table 2. Descriptive statistics and correlations.
Variable αM SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1 Positive stereotype ~ 3.12 1.46 - 0.70 *** −0.23 ** 0.20 ** −0.15 * −0.29 *** 0.22 ** −0.11
2 Negative stereotype ~ −0.90 1.21 - −0.32 *** 0.08 −
0.22 **
−0.26 *** 0.23 ** −0.11
3 PCD 0.88 4.88 0.91 - −
0.24 **
0.20 ** 0.03 −0.20 ** 0.03
4Knowledge of
host country 0.88 3.08 0.86 - 0.17 * −0.08 0.24 ** 0.02
5 Length of stay ~ 18.94 0.66 - −0.02 −0.01 0.01
6 Social Exclusion 0.81 2.28 0.98 - −0.42 *** 0.03
7 SCA 0.91 4.70 0.92 - −0.07
8 Age ~ 29.07 6.19 -
Note. PCD = Perceived cultural distance. SCA = Sociocultural adaptation. Length of stay is measured in months. * p< 0.05, ** p< 0.01,
*** p< 0.001.
3.2. Test of Hypotheses 2—Direct Effects
Our results (Figure 3) reveal that knowledge of the host country positively predicted
stereotypes (B= 0.206, SE = 0.072; p= 0.010). Perceived cultural distance negatively
predicted stereotypes (B=
−
0.171; SE = 0.066; p= 0.013). Length of stay negatively predicted
stereotypes (B=
−
0.151, SE = 0.065; p= 0.005). This finding suggests that workers who
lived in the host country longer and had less PCD also reported more stereotypes towards
majority members. Those with more knowledge of Montenegro had better articulated
stereotypes towards locals.
Figure 3.
Latent stereotype structural model (
χ2
(8) = 13.092, p= 0.109, CFI = 0.976; RMSEA = 0.061).
Note: All reported estimates are standardized. * p< 0.05, ** p< 0.01, *** p< 0.001. Using model
modification indices, knowledge of host country and negative stereotype were a significant path that
was included in the final model (discussed more below).
Meanwhile, stereotypes predicted social exclusion (B=
−
0.478; SE = 0.191; p= 0.030),
and sociocultural adaptation (B= 0.536; SE = 0.327; p= 0.020). Workers with a more
nuanced stereotype felt less excluded and more adapted in Montenegro.
3.3. Test of Hypotheses 3—Indirect Effects
For the following factors, all indirect effects are reported in Table 3.
Table 3.
Indirect effects of study predictors on social exclusion and sociocultural adaptation in a sample of Chinese sojourner
workers in Montenegro.
Social Exclusion Y1Sociocultural Adaptation Y2
Latent Stereotype Model Indirect effect Indirect effect
Knowledge of host country (×1) −0.098 * [−0.261, −0.006] 0.110 * [0.000, 0.302]
Perceived cultural distance (×2) 0.082 * [0.010, 0.247] −0.092 * [−0.272, −0.001]
Length of stay in host country (×3) 0.072 ** [0.022, 0.192] −0.081 * [−0.191, −0.005]
Note. Paths are depicted in Figure 2. These results are based on cross-sectional data and thus should be interpreted as correlational rather
than causal evidence. Brackets represent values of 95% confidence intervals from a bootstrap test. * p< 0.05, ** p< 0.01

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 10 of 16
Knowledge of Host Country to Adaptation Outcomes
Knowledge of host country was indirectly and negatively associated with social
exclusion (B=
−
0.098, p=0.035, CI 95% [
−
0.261,
−
0.006]). It was indirectly and positively
associated with sociocultural adaptation (B= 0.110, p= 0.049, CI 95% [000, 0.302]). Perceived
Cultural Distance to Adaptation Outcomes
Perceived cultural distance was indirectly and positively linked with social exclusion
(B= 0.082, p= 0.025, CI 95% [0.010, 0.227]). It was indirectly and negatively associated with
sociocultural adaptation (B=
−
0.092, p= 0.043, CI 95% [
−
0.272,
−
0.001]). Length of Stay to
Adaptation Outcomes
Length of stay was indirectly and positively linked with social exclusion (B = 0.072,
p= 0.007, CI 95% [.022, 0.192]). It was indirectly and negatively linked with sociocultural
adaptation (B=−0.081, p= 0.022, CI 95% [−0.191, −0.005]).
4. Discussion
The present research investigation addressed how stereotypes can mediate the accul-
turation relationship between antecedent variables and adaptation outcomes for temporary
work migrants. Analyses confirmed Hypotheses 1–3. Stereotypes were associated with
sociocultural adaptation and social exclusion. The mediation model also confirmed that
stereotypes mediated the relationship between knowledge of host culture, perceived cul-
tural distance, length of stay, and adaptation outcomes.
In sum, this study used data from a group of Chinese workers who had little prior
knowledge of Montenegro prior to sojourning, yet during their stay they were asked to
characterize the local people in numerous ways. Regardless of the type of stereotype
(positive or negative), possessing some stereotypes impacted the relationship between
three antecedent variables (cultural distance, cultural knowledge, and length of stay)
and adaptation outcomes (social exclusion and sociocultural adaptation). Novel in and of it-
self, this study also attempted to identify how a minority group formed stereotypes toward
a majority host group, which has not been addressed in the acculturation literature [
44
].
We discuss the contributions, limitations, and practicalities in further detail below.
4.1. Prior Knowledge Is Needed in Establishing Ethnic Stereotypes
The results of the mediation analysis corroborate past evidence on migrants’ cul-
tural adaptation while it adds extra layers of complexity. Indirect effects of perceived
cultural distance, for instance, perfectly reproduced findings that a greater perceived cul-
tural distance was associated with a greater feeling of social exclusion as well as a lesser
sociocultural adaptation [
45
]. In the literature up to this point, feelings of exclusion or
a lack of sociocultural adaptation have been attributed to more negative images of the
majority population [
46
]. However, the novelty of our study is the finding that this can
happen irrespective of the ethnic stereotype associated with the local host population.
Chinese sojourners felt socially excluded and reported less sociocultural adaptation in
Montenegro regardless of if they had a more nuanced stereotype, either positive or nega-
tive, toward Montenegrins. Therefore, it seems probable that a greater cultural distance is
not automatically associated with lesser adaptation via more negative opinions of the local
host population. It is more likely that a greater cultural distance means lesser knowledge
about who and what the local host population stand for [
5
], and as a result, the migrating
individual gains a sense of misplacement and exclusion.
Another important finding was the association between knowledge of the host country
and negative stereotypes. In our model fit testing, modification indices suggested including
this pathway. The greater the knowledge of the host country, the fewer negative stereotypi-
cal attributes. This seems to go slightly in the direction of the contact hypothesis which
states that maintained contact with a group will result in decreasing prejudice against that
group [
47
]. While this finding is very preliminary, exploratory analyses could consider the
role of the contact hypothesis further.

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 11 of 16
We were unable to find direct associations between duration of stay in the host country
and indicators of cultural adjustment (social exclusion and sociocultural adaptation) despite
existing literature predicting such associations [
48
]. This is an immediate consequence of
the type of sojourners we examined—Chinese workers in Montenegro who, due to the
nature of their contracts, had limited opportunities for contact with the local host culture
and population.
As we stated in the Introduction, the minimal assumption in the current literature has
been that migrants (sojourners, long-term migrants, etc.) have at least some opportunities
to interact and connect with members of the local population and therefore learn about their
culture. In contrast, by being enclosed with their ethnic group, working and going about
social activities amongst each-other, Chinese sojourners in Montenegro had restricted access
to otherwise normally-existing cultural learning channels. As highlighted in Table 1, we
found that generally Chinese sojourners generally reported favorable, positive stereotypes
about Montenegrins and little uniformity in regards to negative stereotypes. This itself is
remarkable given their relocation assignment. This result also supports a recent qualitative
study on Chinese working abroad in Indonesia and Sudan [
49
]. Researchers found the
working environment to be highly similar to that in China and that their living environment
was a shared dormitory with other Chinese and a full-time chef recruited from China.
This Chinese enclave also represented a simulated Chinese home where workers never
lose touch with their homeland but might feel excluded from host culture communities.
In contrast, Western expats also share a similar “bubble type” experiences; however; we
might expect cross-cultural adjustment experiences to be more diverse and less constrained
to one’s home-country community.
Nonetheless, the mediation analyses revealed one striking finding, namely, the du-
ration of stay in the host country was indirectly associated with indicators of cultural
adjustment when we considered Chinese workers’ stereotypical beliefs about their lo-
cal host population. This finding is remarkable in the sense that, whether positive or
negative, a stereotype about a Montenegrin explained that the effects of social exclusion
and sociocultural adaptation were due to a longer stay as opposed to more perceived
cultural distance.
Interestingly, ethnic stereotypes did not become more positive or negative as a result
of inter-ethnic culture learning. This might be due to evidence provided in the sample
that the same stereotype is shared to a greater extent by many sojourners even with longer
stays in Montenegro. Perhaps the lesser heterogeneity and cohort effects influence their
perceptions of the local population. Past research may have focused more on individual-
level determinants, but it is possible that this robust set of shared stereotypes could be a
characteristic of collectivist groups [
50
]. This contributes to the stereotype accommodation
theory, as it seems to be a degree of sharing of stereotypical traits—a result of learning
about the local cultural group.
Considering the effects of possessing knowledge of the host country, results revealed
a direct association with sociocultural adaptation but no association with feelings of social
exclusion. Admittedly, in retrospect, one might have argued that knowledge of a coun-
try’s climate or politics cannot impact one’s feelings of being excluded or not. This is
because the elements of the association (predictor and outcome) correspond in fact to two
distinct theoretical frameworks [
3
]. Knowledge of the host country should “in theory”,
and here “in practice”, be associated with a greater “doing well” (sociocultural adaptation)
—the more information migrants possess about the reality in the host country, the bet-
ter their adaptation will be in terms of being able to navigate that reality (speaking the
language, adapting to the local climate, etc.). Feelings of exclusion, on the other hand,
refer to skills in dealing psychologically (feeling well) with stress due to living abroad [
1
],
which should again “in theory”, and “in practice” here, be predicted by perceived cultural
distance, among other factors. We did find, however, indirect and positive associations
with both indicators of cultural adjustment when we considered the ethnic stereotypes
held by our participants toward the local Montenegrins.

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 12 of 16
The indirect effects of knowledge of the host country on feelings of being socially
excluded and sociocultural adaptation were exclusively via positive stereotypes and in
both cases their ultimate impact was positive. This is a counter-intuitive finding—why
should knowing about a country’ politics, for instance, matter in a process of forming
stereotypical knowledge about an ethnic group? We suggest that knowing about the host
country is to also know about who its members are and what they stand for. In the context
of migration, forming stereotypical content about a novel, or previously unknown, social
category resembles in many ways the process of forming stereotypical content in early
socialization [
51
]. People rely on external kinds of information from others in develop-
ing schemata or patterns that can be subsequently used in categorizing and implicitly
stereotyping others [52].
Although Chinese sojourners have developed both positive and negative stereotypical
beliefs about the host Montenegrin population, possessing knowledge about the host
country was only associated with positive beliefs. It is still unclear as to why this was
the case; there are three possible explanations. The first explanation implicates the origin
culture of the present study’s mostly-homogenous participants—the Chinese culture, which
is known to be conflict aversive, to deal with problems indirectly [
53
,
54
] and to pursue
politeness and harmony [
55
,
56
]. As a consequence, the study’s finding might be applicable
only to the present sample (or similar Chinese cultural background groups). This study
showed that the more knowledge of Montenegro Chinese sojourners possessed, the greater
was their willingness to express only positive beliefs associated with the local population.
In prejudice research, this would be interpreted as participants tending to suppress any
genuine negative associations with a target group, despite negative associations being
present [57].
The second explanation is that only positively connoted stereotypes are active in
psychological mechanisms that transfer existent knowledge of the host country into cultural
adaptation and feelings of inclusion into that country. This explanation stems from research
on the contact hypothesis which holds that, for example, increased contact with members
of other ethnic groups can lead to more positive beliefs associated with them and less
discrimination toward them [
58
]. Contact need not be direct to impact beliefs and behavior
toward an interacting individual or group but can also be by extension (knowing someone
who directly knows a member of the other group) or imagined [
59
]. It is probable that,
in the case of Chinese sojourners who work and live together, members of the group
contributed to stereotypes of the local host population. For instance, young new arrivals
could be acquiring trait information from other colleagues and not from the host culture.
Research on ‘cultural brokers’ or liaisons suggest that new arriving expats often get host-
culture information from other expat colleagues, social contacts at bars or social events,
and social media sources [60].
The third, and currently the more intuitive explanation, is that the result is due to
chance, a social desirability bias, or face-giving given that the data was collected via
links to Chinese embassy officials. It is possible that construction workers responded in a
way that alluded to positive experiences and that only after observational or longitudinal
evidence could demonstrate a more conclusive set of results. Though it raises interesting
questions that further research should explore, we advise prudence in reading too much
into the finding.
4.2. Contributions and Implications
This study contributes to a large gap in the stereotype literature by examining how
the concept of stereotype accommodation can manifest and influence short-term migrants’
(sojourners’) acculturation. We argue that migrants integrate the stereotype-relevant in-
formation that they learn in their host culture into preexisting stereotypes and that these
perspectives on inter-ethnic stereotypes then deepen their knowledge of host culture society.
Literature has noted that stereotypes can lead to detrimental effects for migrants, yet in

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 13 of 16
our study, we find that not only do both positive and negative stereotypes lead to more
sociocultural adaptation, but also to fewer feelings of being excluded.
What may not have been adequately differentiated in past literature are the goals
or purposes of specific migrant groups: the “immigrant” disposition has generally been
assumed to be the preferred condition of expats, and typically, acculturation is seen as an
ongoing cultural learning process by adding new culturally relevant knowledge to existing
knowledge [
8
]. Yet certain types of cultural exchanges in globalization and new interna-
tional strategies such as the BRI may be drawing our attention to specific or new types of
sojourners, the study of which might advance theories on antecedents and outcomes of
cultural adaptation or sojourner adjustment profiles.
In practical terms, this research investigation provides understandings of migrant
workers’ lives in a unique cultural context. Chinese BRI has been seen with mixed reactions
on the international stage and in varied local contexts. On one hand, Chinese projects
provide much-needed technical expertise and support for poor or developing countries,
but this development can come at a cost to some of these nations if this incurs debts or
substantial loan payments back to China in the future. In addition, some countries’ media
have reported that the BRI has not brought employment to local workers because most
Chinese projects self-fund, self-hire, and bring their equipment from China.
There is clearly a broad range of responses to the BRI. Though these issues are noted,
press reports from Montenegro seem to have been more positive than negative—BRI
projects like this one in Montenegro do bring huge economic advantages and conveniences
to the country (such as the first cross-nation highway). Based on these contributions,
trading, and manufacturing between other CEEC countries are expanding and improving
relations with China—this BRI project has certainly helped expand bilateral relations and
also bring more Montenegrins to China (whose adjustments are also being studied).
5. Limitations and Conclusions
One important limitation in this study is that it is a cross-sectional study, which limits
the testing of some potentially interesting causal predictions (e.g., concerning the rela-
tionship between acculturation variables, stereotype formation and adaptation outcomes).
The nature of this post-hoc, single-set of self-reported data also does not allow us to
test causal relationships proposed in the Stanciu and Vauclair stereotype accommodation
model, nor does it yet allow us to reach robust conclusions on stereotype formation, both
of which are interesting lines of inquiry for future research.
Second, the data is self-reported only; and might reflect how respondents say they
are adapting, not how they might actually be adapting in practice. In other words, there
may be a cognitive bias at play (e.g., “If I say everything’s fine, then everything really will
be fine”). One obvious answer is follow-up qualitative, preferably ethnographic, research
within the same cohort to juxtapose “adaptation as imagined” with “adaptation as reality”
which might include watching the day-to-day interactions of the construction workers
with Montengrins.
Third, since the only way to collect this data was through social media links provided
through official channels at the Chinese Embassy in Montenegro, it is possible that there
is a response bias or social desirability effects. While data from a rare temporary migrant
population was collected, this sample is also limited in its representativeness for other
sojourning groups (e.g., international students and expats).
A factor that was not investigated or considered in this study is the role of education
and training in stereotype formation. It is common practice in international expatraite
assignments for companies to offer predeparture training or post-arrival programs for
employees to learn about local cultures, we have no knowledge if some or all the sojourners
in this study already had some or any cultural training. Previous studies have highlighted
the importance of this factor [61,62], so future designs could consider how to include this.
Finally, another consideration is the possibility that, assuming the workers are not
too familiar with the Montenegrin culture, as their migration was rather unplanned, their

Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2021,18, 9540 14 of 16
stereotype characteristics might be a measure capturing the initial stages of stereotype
formation, given the lack of previous knowledge. A longitudinal study to measure trajec-
tories across individuals would provide evidence to support this claim. In sum, we hope
this exploratory study can be viewed with caution but also open some important lines of
research to explore the development of stereotypes among varied types of sojourners in
diverse conditions to capture perception processes toward host country populations.
This present study sought to examine the experiences of Chinese construction workers
building a major highway that is already connecting Montenegro with Serbia/Europe and
reflecting generally positive bilateral Sino-Montenegrin relations. Our study showed that
regardless of positive or negative stereotypes, the possession of some salient stereotype
will lead to better adaptation and less social exclusion. Cultural distance, knowledge of
host culture and time in Montenegro were all shown to be mediated by stereotypes and
had a direct effect on their overall experiences. In conclusion, this study should be seen as
a building block in stereotype formation literature that complements the growing number
of studies in non-western cultural settings.
Author Contributions:
Conceptualization: M.B., S.J.K. and A.S.E.; Methodology: M.B., S.J.K.
and A.S.E.; Software: X.Z., F.Z.; Validation: A.S.E.; Formal analysis: X.Z., F.Z. and A.S.E.; Investi-
gation, M.B.; Resources, M.B. and S.J.K.; Data curation: M.B.; Writing—original draft preparation,
A.S.E., X.Z., A.S.; Writing—review and editing, A.S.E., A.S.; Visualization, A.S.E., X.Z.; Supervision,
A.S.E.; Project administration, A.S.E. and S.J.K.; Publication funding acquisition, S.J.K. All authors
have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement:
The study was conducted according to the guidelines of
the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Shanghai International Studies University (SISU)
Institutional Review Board (IRB) Research Project Protocol # 2017-UNI-0221 Entitled “International
Migration: Study of Cultural and Life Adaptation.
Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Data Availability Statement:
Data and material associated with the manuscript are made avail-
able on the https://osf.io/quhzp/?view_only=5727e58945bf454ea371f04534e4ac90 (accessed on
20 July 2021).
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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