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Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 1 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
published: 09 July 2021
doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.576193
Edited by:
Wei-Wen Chen,
University of Macau, China
Reviewed by:
Annabella Osei-Tutu,
University of Ghana, Ghana
Seth Oppong,
University of Botswana, Botswana
Fengyan Wang,
Nanjing Normal University, China
*Correspondence:
Bunmi S. Malau-Aduli
bunmi.malauaaduli@jcu.edu.au
Specialty section:
This article was submitted to
Cultural Psychology,
a section of the journal
Frontiers in Psychology
Received: 25 June 2020
Accepted: 07 June 2021
Published: 09 July 2021
Citation:
Akosah-Twumasi P, Emeto TI,
Lindsay D, Tsey K and
Malau-Aduli BS (2021)
Restrictive Reciprocal Obligations:
Perceptions of Parental Role in
Career Choices of Sub-Saharan
African Migrant Youths.
Front. Psychol. 12:576193.
doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.576193
Restrictive Reciprocal Obligations:
Perceptions of Parental Role in
Career Choices of Sub-Saharan
African Migrant Youths
PeterAkosah-Twumasi1, TheophilusI.Emeto2, DanielLindsay
2, KomlaTsey
3 and
BunmiS.Malau-Aduli1
*
1College of Medicine and Dentistry, James Cook University, Townsville, QLD, Australia, 2College of Public Health, Medical
and Veterinary Sciences, James Cook University, Townsville, QLD, Australia, 3 College of Arts, Society and Education,
James Cook University, Cairns, QLD, Australia
This study employed interpretivist, grounded theory method and utilized semi-structured
interviews to explore how 31 African migrant high school and university students from
eight sub-Saharan African representative countries and currently residing in Townsville,
Australia, perceived the roles of their parents in their career development. The study
ndings revealed that the support (nancial, social and emotional) and encouragement
(sacricial love, role modeling and guidance) received from parents underpinned the
youths’ perceptions of their parents as inuential in their career trajectories. Though
participants acknowledged their indebtedness to parents and the system that nurtured
them, they faced a dilemma conforming to parental preference or personal conviction,
which presented “a fork in the career decision-making road.” Study ndings indicate that
participants’ reactions and strategies for negotiating parental approval differ based on
entry status and gender. Most participants, particularly those with professional entry
status, conformed to their parents’ career choice for fear of failure, while a few who
followed their personal interests negotiated parental approval through dialogue and
educating parents. Male participants with humanitarian entry status opposed their parents’
career preferences and followed their own personal interests. Taken together, all participants
had strong desire to obtain parental approval and whether sought early or later, the main
focus for all participants was prioritizing family needs and obligations. The practical
implications of these ndings for all stakeholders are discussed.
Keywords: sub-Saharan Africa, migrants, youths, career choice, family needs, parental expectations
INTRODUCTION
Choosing a career path is challenging for youths as they explore employment options
that match their abilities and interests. In most individualistic societies, freedom and
autonomy are promoted, allowing independent choice of career and work, often with
parental support (Taylor and Wilson, 2012; Sovet and Metz, 2014). In contrast, group
interests tend to take precedence over the individual’s interests in collectivist societies
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 2 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
(Fouad et al., 2008; Shea et al., 2009). The views and
concerns of family, friends and significant others in collectivist
societies are essential when choosing a career path; therefore,
youths often depend on them for guidance (Gelfand and
Christakopoulou, 1999; Whiston and Keller, 2004). Socio-
economic context and labour market are particularly important
because of their influence on job availability in these settings
(Metz etal., 2009). Studies have shown that career decisions
are influenced by job markets, particularly in collectivist
societies (Ryan and Deci, 2000; Edwards and Quinter, 2011;
Bakar et al., 2014). Youths are constrained in their career
aspirations and choices by prevailing job market trends,
such as salary, prestigious jobs, promotion opportunities
and job accessibility (Choi and Kim, 2013; Jin and Paulsen,
2017; Atitsogbe etal., 2018). These socio-cultural contextual
issues imply that fewer career opportunities are available
to them, hence the reliance on parental guidance. Youths
in collectivist cultures usually do not have the final say
about their educational and career decisions due to a societal
belief that children do not have the maturity and capacity
to make prudent decisions (Howard and Walsh, 2011).
Studies within Asia, Africa, Latin America and portions of
rural Europe predominantly identied collective identity,
emotional dependence and the importance of family (Singelis
et al., 1995; Kim and Atkinson, 2002). In these societies,
academic excellence and success in other facets of life bring
honor to the family unit (Singaravelu etal., 2005). Furthermore,
youths imbibe reciprocity from the family unit as a common
feature in most collectivist societies (Kitayama et al., 2007).
Multiple studies lend support to youths from collectivist societies
perceiving parental expectations as making signicant
contributions to positive career-related outcomes (Fouad et al.,
2008; Sawitri and Creed, 2015; Kim et al., 2016). However,
whether the same can be said when these youths migrate with
their families to predominantly individualistic societies, like
Australia, requires further inquiry.
Cross-cultural migration makes it possible for youths from
individualistic and collectivist societies to interact with each
other and exposes them to how career pathways are determined
in dierent cultures. is can inuence their original world
view regarding career decision-making (Dastoor et al., 2005;
Gokuladas, 2010). For many migrant youths, choosing a
profession is even more complex as they must balance their
personal interests with career preferences endorsed by their
parents as they integrate into a new culture (Chen etal., 2002;
Shen, 2015; Kumar and Pansari, 2016). Most studies on migrant
children’s perceptions of parental career related behaviors have
been conducted with participants from Asia (Chen etal., 2002;
Cheung and Arnold, 2014; Hashim and Embong, 2015; Shen,
2015; Kim etal., 2016; Hui and Lent, 2018). However, research
on the perceptions of sub-Saharan African (SSA) migrant youths
regarding the roles of their parents in their career decision-
making is limited (Kumar and Pansari, 2016; Wambu et al.,
2017). Forty-eight African countries constitute the SSA region,
and this group of people have many cultural and historical
similarities, which reect philosophical anity and kinship
(UNSD, 2019).
Recent Australian Census data suggest that SSA migrants
are migrating to Australia at an increased rate (ABS, 2018).
e 2016 Census data show that the SSA population in Australia
increased from 3,522in 1986 to 388,683 in 2016, representing
about 1.6% of Australia’s total population, and it is among
the fastest developing ethnic groups in Australia (ABS, 2018).
Given the increasing numbers of families transitioning cross-
culturally from SSA countries, it is important to understand
the perceptions of SSA migrant youths of their parents’ roles
in their career development in Australia. e realization that
the national children’s right framework within Australia
(Cumming and Mawdsley, 2005) allows children to negotiate
the selection of their career path with their parents or even
override their parents’ preferences might exacerbate the youths’
already challenging process of career decision-making,
particularly if their parents are insistent on maintaining their
heritage cultural practices (Akosah-Twumasi etal., 2018, 2020a,b).
When the youth’s career aspirations are compatible with
parental expectations, then any guidance from parents is
considered as being positive (Otto, 2000). However, if the career
interests are dierent from parental expectations, then parental
guidance will be misconstrued as being intrusive and could
aect youths emotional wellbeing and academic performance
(Laursen and Collins, 2009; Pinquart and Gerke, 2019). In
such circumstances, the role of a career counselor is crucial
as their intervention can be benecial for both parents and
students (Boerchi and Tagliabue, 2018). Exploration of SSA
migrant youths’ perceptions of their parents’ role in their
educational and career construction can foster a deeper
understanding of the contextual parent–child relational dynamics.
Findings of such explorative studies can also serve as a resource
or guide for parents, teachers and career counselors in assisting
SSA youths with their career support needs. is can ultimately
ease any tension that arises between family members and
promote family cohesion for smooth integration. is study
explored the perceptions of SSA migrant youth living in
Townsville, Australia, about their parents’ involvement in their
career choices and how they cope with any conict of interest
between their choices of career and the expectations of their
parents. e study was guided by the research question: How
do SSA migrant youths perceive the roles of their parents in
their career decision making?
Theoretical Framework
is paper draws on and attempts to anchor the study ndings
on two career development models that have been propounded
in the Western literature to explain the career decision-making
processes of individuals. ese models are the Social Learning
eory of Career Decision Making (SLTCDM) by Krumboltz
et al. (1976) and the Social Cognitive Career eory (SCCT)
by Lent etal. (1994). ese models were chosen because they
oer valuable theoretical perspectives from which career
development in contemporary contexts could be examined.
Building on Bandura’s (1971) social learning theory, Krumboltz
and his colleagues introduced the social learning theory of
career decision-making in 1976. e authors proposed four
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 3 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
major categories of career selection inuencers, namely genetic
or personal characteristics, work environment, learning
experience and task skills. ese factors act as constraints or
facilitators, and the interaction between them results in the
development of socio-cognitive beliefs that signicantly impact
on career development (Mitchell etal., 1979). Krumboltz et al.
(1976), p.71 emphasizes that career decision-making is
“inuenced to a large extent by factors usually outside the
control of any one individual”. Similarly, SCCT posits that
career decision-making is a function of a reciprocal relationship
between three intricately linked variables – self-ecacy beliefs,
outcome expectations and goal-setting behavior (Bandura, 1986;
Lent et al., 1994). e theory also emphasizes the dominant
inuence of variables, such as economic need, family pressures
or educational limitations, on adolescents’ career decision making
processes (Lent et al., 2002).
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Study Context and Participants
SSA migrant youths attending secondary school and university
in Townsville, Queensland, Australia, were purposively sampled
and recruited to participate in this study. Townsville is one
of the fastest growing regions in Queensland, Australia, with
a diverse population (ABS, 2018), including SSAs who are
mostly from collectivist societies and practice patrilineal and
matrilineal kinship with much respect aorded to the hierarchical
structures in the family, community and society (UNSD, 2019).
In these societies, relatives are considered as brethren with
the responsibility of being companions and burden sharers to
cater for the needs of all family members especially the most
vulnerable ones (children and the elderly; Hofstede, 2001; Alber
etal., 2010). As a society with collectivist tendencies, individual
concerns receive communal response because maintaining family
cohesion, solidarity and unity of purpose is a shared perception
among SSA families (Hofstede, 2001).
Participants were SSA migrant youths who had migrated
to Australia with their parents on either skilled or humanitarian
grounds and were in high school or studying at dierent levels
at tertiary institutions. According to the International
Organization for Migration (IOM, 2020), humanitarian migrants
are individuals and families in need of urgent protection,
including but not limited to refugees, asylum seekers and
migrants in vulnerable situations requiring assistance and care.
Humanitarian migrants can beeither professionals with university
degrees or people with limited qualications. It is not their
level of training or work experience that characterizes them
as humanitarian migrants, but what causes them to leave their
heritage countries. However, irrespective of migrants’ entry
statuses, when they upskill themselves and acquire the host
country’s qualications and training, they stand to gain
meaningful employment in the host country. According to
Crowley-Henry etal. (2018), professional migrants, also referred
to as skilled migrants, are people in transit who already possess
university degrees or extensive work experience in their
professional eld at the time they leave their heritage countries
to seek employment elsewhere. In most receiving countries,
such as Australia, professional migrants are sought aer because
they either already have a job lined-up or they have an increased
likelihood of gaining employment to achieve economic
independence (Birrell, 2003). Additionally, professional migrants
contribute with their skills, knowledge and expertise to ll
skill shortages in the host country’s labour market and help
sustain the nation’s economy.
Recruitment
is study was part of a larger exploratory study that involved
SSA migrant parents and their children (Akosah-Twumasi etal.,
2020a). A purposive sampling method was used to recruit
participants. Study participants included youths of SSA descent
and aged between 13 and 29 years. e term “youth” is used
in this context to refer to adolescents within the period of
transitioning from the dependence of childhood to adulthood
independence and awareness of their interdependence as members
of a community (UNESCO, 2016). SSA youths whose parents
were not residing in Australia and those who were in higher
institutions but were older than 29 years were excluded from
participating in the study.
Study Design
e study employed grounded theory (GT) methods to gain
in-depth understanding of SSA migrant youths’ perceptions
of parental inuence on their career choices. Grounded theory
represents both a method of inquiry and a resultant product
of that inquiry, and it aims to generate theory that is grounded
in the data (Bryant and Charmaz, 2007). e authors followed
Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) interpretivist method of GT, which
utilizes a sociological perspective that relies on the symbolic
meaning people ascribe to the processes of social interaction.
is approach addresses the subjective meaning people place
on objects, behaviors or events based on what they believe is
true (Clarke, 2005). James Cook University’s Human Research
Ethics Committee granted approval for this study (ethics approval
numbers, H7006 and H7374).
Data Collection
Semi-structured interviews were used as the procedure of
inquiry. Data collection via semi-structured interviews occurred
between August 2017 and September 2018, and interview
sessions were held at locations chosen by the participants.
PAT facilitated all the interview sessions, and BSMA observed
the rst interview session to ensure adherence to the interview
protocol. Interview questions posed to participants included
how they decided on their preferred careers; the support/
contribution from parents (family members) towards their
career development; participants’ feelings about any divergent
views in career matters; participants approach to negotiating
competing cultural values; the outcome of the career choice;
and past and current relationship with parents (family members).
Each interview commenced with a verbal acknowledgement
of consent. To avert social desirability bias during the interviews,
participants were assured of the researchers’ adherence to
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 4 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
condentiality and anonymity protocols and that there were
no right or wrong responses. Additionally, an interview guide,
including probing questions and prompts for personal stories,
was utilized for the interviews. e interviews continued until
data saturation was achieved (Birks and Mills, 2015). For
condentiality purposes, participants were given pseudonyms
to maintain anonymity. Involvement in the study was purely
voluntary, and there were no incentives, monetary or otherwise,
oered to participants. Interview sessions ranged from 30
to 60 min.
Data Analysis
Participants’ responses were transcribed, and the data were
analyzed in Nvivo Soware version 11 (Pro, 2016), in line
with Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) three phases of GT coding –
open, axial and selective, utilizing both inductive and abductive
reasoning (Birks and Mills, 2015). In the open coding, the
transcribed interviews were examined line-by-line to develop
the initial coding for descriptive categories which are then
grouped together around commonalities to inuence the
development of signicant subcategories. Axial coding was
subsequently carried out to establish the relationships between
the developed subcategories and to reconstruct the concepts
within them into large and more focused categories. At this
stage, the researchers used a coding paradigm to identify the
links between subcategories. By applying constant comparison
methods, comparisons were made repeatedly to arm the link
and connections between open and axial coding categories
before commencing selective coding. During the selective coding
stage, the researchers identied the core category and conceptually
related all categories to the core category to construct a
meaningful and coherent story. is process of analysis fostered
the construction of a meaningful and articulate story regarding
participants’ perceptions of their parents’ roles in their career
development (Strauss and Corbin, 1990; Birks and Mills, 2015).
PAT and BSMA independently identied and collaboratively
conrmed the categories that emerged from the data through
continuous discussions.
e trustworthiness of the outcomes of the study was ensured
through the four qualitative criteria of credibility, transferability,
dependability and conrmability (Lincoln and Guba, 1985;
Birks and Mills, 2015). Credibility of the study was achieved
through data saturation. Transferability was demonstrated through
purposive sampling and in-depth descriptions of the data
analysis process. Dependability was ensured through eld notes
and memo writing that highlighted signicant issues for further
exploration. Conrmability was achieved through participants’
validation of the study ndings for accuracy and resonance
with their experiences (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). Furthermore,
reexivity was heightened by the involvement of all the researchers
in the processes of data interpretation (Patton, 1999). Collecting
data from several participants from dierent backgrounds with
dissimilar characteristics (gender, entry status, level of education
and duration of residence) oered dynamic perceptions on
the phenomenon under consideration, which facilitated the
attainment of theoretical data saturation. e analysis of the
data followed concurrent data gathering until thematic data
saturation was reached. Relevant exemplar responses from
participants were quoted verbatim to support the results.
RESULTS
Participants’ Characteristics
irty-one SSA migrant youths from 21 families participated
in the interviews. e study participants came from eight SSA
countries: nine from Congo, eight from Nigeria, seven from
Zimbabwe, three from Kenya and singular participants from
Eritrea, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Uganda. ese SSA
communities are part of the most represented African groups
in Townsville. e participants comprised 12 males (M) and
19 females (F) with length of residency in Australia ranging
from one to 17 years. ere were 20 high school students
with an age range of 14–18 years and 11 tertiary education
students whose ages ranged from 19 to 29 years. Twenty-one
participants identied their residential statuses as being Australian
citizens and 10 as permanent residents. Twelve participants
indicated that their family had humanitarian entry (HM) status
and 19 had professional entry (PM) status. Table 1 indicates
the participants’ proles.
Perceived Parental Roles
Figure1 presents the results of the open, axial and selective
coding. The open coding phase involved conceptual labelling
and assignment of codes to chunks of data. Identified codes
were clustered into 14 major codes. For the axial coding
phase, open codes were grouped into categories with
relationships between categories identified. Overlapping
categories were refined. The cycle was repeated until
theoretical saturation was achieved. Three main categories
were identified, namely, Encouragement, Support and
Restrictive Reciprocal Obligations. In the selective coding
phase, the three categories were used to form the theory
“Prioritizing Family Needs” in career decision-making, which
explained the phenomenon of investigation. Most participants
in this study appreciated their parents’ effort to give them
a good education and a better future. As shown in Figure2,
the participants reported two major parental roles –
encouragement (sacrificial love, role modeling and advice/
guidance) and support (financial, emotional and social) that
aided their career decision-making process. These roles were
related to deeply held perceptions of parental caring,
supportive and nurturing responsibilities.
Sacricial Love
Most participants began with an appreciation of the sacrices
their parents made on their behalf in migrating to Australia.
ey also acknowledged the relentless eort of their parents
to support them in their academic endeavors.
“Family support has helped me along my career journey”
(Patrick, HM, M).
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 5 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
“I think my parents and my family they were very
supportive of my education, and especially considering
where Icome from” (Zoe, HM, F).
“You can’t really quantify their support for what they’ve
done, and Iguess also something I’d like to stress is just
how they put themselves aside for us and have spent
money on us” (Cathy, PM, F).
Irrespective of their entry status or level of education,
participants perceived that their parents were committed to
ensure they attained the best educational and career outcomes.
“…you should not walk this path in discovering who
youare and who you’re meant to beby yourself and for
society without the influence of your parents. Ifeel that
is very important as they only have your best interest at
heart” (Rita, PM, F).
Parents as Role Models
Most participants in this study perceived that their parents
were people to look up to “because parents show to their children
that they are there for them, not just there to tell them what
to do but to show them how to do it” (Angela, PM, F). Whether
they are tertiary or secondary students, participants from
professional migrant homes relied on their parents’ professional
lives to gure out their career pathways and tapped into their
parents’ expertise.
“…dad’s done business and mum’s done law as well. …
because they always have the experience, that’s how Ilook
at it. So, Imight sort of realise that Iwant to do something
else but at the same time Isort of rely on them to have
their input, because they’ve obviously had experience. So
yeah, Iwould sort of choose my own way, but Ineed their
advice as well” (Martin, PM, M).
“I see them both as successful professionals, so it makes
sense in my head because I’ve seen it. If they weren’t
providing an example for me to see it would behard
for me to believe but Iwould have a lot of talks, like
frequent talks, [with them] on career choice and stuff ”
(Caroline, PM, F).
Advice and Guidance
Participants also consulted their parents for advice and guidance
regarding their career choice because they felt their parents
know what kind of job they are best suited for, having lived
TABLE1 | Study participants’ prole.
Interview ID
(# per family)
Participants’
pseudonyms (Gender)
Level of education Entry status Length of residency
Secondary Tertiary
1 Gideon (M) 1 – Humanitarian 8years
2 Daniella (F) 1 – Humanitarian 1year
3 Seth (M) – 1 Humanitarian 6years
4 Isaac (M) – 1 Humanitarian 2years
5 Edna (F) 2 – Professional 17years
Cecilia (F)
6 Philip (M) 2 – Humanitarian 4years
Zoe (F)
7 John (M) – 1 Humanitarian 5years
8 Madison (F) 2 – Professional 12years
Rita (F)
9 Naomi (F) 1 – Professional 12years
10 Evans (M) 1 1 Professional 6years
Paul (M)
11 Angela (F) 1 – Professional 11years
12 Patrick (M) 1 1 Humanitarian 4years
Tom (M)
13 Madonna (F) 1 1 Humanitarian 8years
Felicia (F)
14 Jessica (F) 1 – Professional 13years
15 Eric (M) 1 – Humanitarian 6years
16 Gail (F) 2 – Professional 6years
Charles (M)
17 Cathy (F) 1 1 Professional 6years
Martin (M)
18 Caroline (F) – 1 Professional 7years
19 Patricia (F) – 1 Professional 13years
20 Eugenia (F) – 1 Professional 31years
21 Denise (F) 2 1 Professional 8years
Nadine (F)
Louisa (F)
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 6 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
with them all their lives. However, the younger children (mostly
in secondary school) were more inclined to consult their parents
for career guidance and they tended to follow their parents’
career preferences.
“It’s nice to go to them when wehave our ideas about our
career so that they can direct us and tell us if they think
weare going in the right direction or not” (Edna, PM, F).
“I’m really happy with my parents’ encouragement and
assistance for my education and my training for future
work” (Zoe, HM, F).
Some students indicated that their fathers provided practical
advice, while the mothers were more aective.
“…like my dad, the advice hewould give it’s ver y practical.
Like this is life youknow, what Imean? Youcan’t avoid
FIGURE1 | The three phases of coding.
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 7 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
these things. Youneed to go through them, and youneed
to find ways to deal with them. ere’s no point crying
because you’re going to experience worse things. So, if
youcan’t cope with it now, then what are yougoing to do
later? en in terms of my mother, it’s more of comfort
and caring… So, Ithink in different ways their advice just
provides the perfect balance of practical advice and
affection” (Caroline, PM, F).
Intriguingly, one participant highlighted an important aspect
of his career decision process in which hefelt his parents helped
him gain a perspective of the limited options hehad in his home
country as against the wide range of options that are available
in his new country of residence. Given this reality, he is guided
to frame his career options taking these backgrounds into account.
“Back home youdon’t have any options, but the societal
expectations are great. So for them, it wasn’t like what
youare going to do. It is like what youare going to get from
what you’re going to do, youknow” (Patrick, HM, M).
Financial Support
Participants from both professional and humanitarian migrant
backgrounds appreciated the nancial support they received
from their parents and acknowledged it was vital to enhancing
their academic and career outcomes.
“I don’t even think youcan quantify it, to behonest.…
they absolutely exceed whatever scale there is financially,
emotionally and spiritually they’ve been there the whole
way” (Cathy, PM, F).
“…Yeah, I’m happy for their support because the biggest
support is that Iamin school still learning, and dad even
gave a laptop to support my studies” (Eric, HM, M).
All participants in this study armed that their parents
provided accommodation during their studies and they were
not required to pay rent. Even participants who were undertaking
tertiary education received full nancial assistance from their
parents and relied on them for sustenance, so that they could
focus on their tertiary education.
“I still live at home so that aspect of having- not having
to worry about paying rent. Idon’t pay any bills, Idon’t
pay my- any kind of bills, my car, nothing. Idon’t have
to exert extra stress on myself. Ithink that helps because
then that means I don’t have to do part-time job
FIGURE2 | Model of sub-Saharan African (SSA) migrant youths’ perceptions of parental roles in their career decision making processes.
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 8 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
but- Iused to work, Ithink, four shis a week and my
parents were like, no. ey made me cut to once a week
because of school” (Caroline, PM, F).
“I amhere with my parents. Ilive with them and they
provide everything. Maybe when I’ve got a job, that’s when
I’ll move – but now, no!” (Isaac, HM, M).
Emotional and Social Support
Participants turn to their parents for emotional and social
support when needed. Many participants armed that their
stability and the focus on their career paths were contingent
on the support they received from their family. ey depended
on support from their parents to sustain their momentum in
their career development.
“If it wasn’t for my parents support and encouragement my
career trajectories would bedifferent” (Madonna, HM, F).
“…Emotionally and mentally there are a lot of moments
where you’re sort of like really down. You’re like maybe
this is not me. I want to leave this course. …With my
parents, Ifeel like they’re obviously a huge influence in
my life. So just explaining to me where I’m at, how Ifeel,
they’re really encouraging and always saying this is right,
you’ve made the right choice and you just believe in
yourself- it’s part of life” (Caroline, PM, F).
Participants who were working and studying at the same
time appreciated the domestic support their families provided.
“My family, they support me a lot in terms of cooking
food- because they see me always with my books and,
they really help me to overcome some of the study
difficulties that really helped me to get through with my
studies” (Patrick, HM, M).
Restrictive Reciprocal Obligations
Interestingly, in unpacking the parental roles, participants also
identied familial needs and societal expectations, which
presented restrictive obligations to the participants. From an
early age, participants learnt from their parents about the
societal values of their heritage country as their parents embody
the customs and practices of their heritage societies. erefore,
to the SSA migrant youths, following their parents’ career
preferences represents the fulllment of their obligation to their
family and societal expectations. In their home countries, it
is the duty of the parents to provide for the children, while
they are young, including their educational needs. In a similar
way, the youths are obligated to reciprocate the care and support
their parents had provided when the youths become adults.
All participants in this study indicated that the support and
encouragement they received from their parents are over and
above expectation. In acknowledging their parents’ supportive
role, the youths realize that their obligations become restrictive
and they felt compelled to honor their parents by making
career choices that made their parents proud and helped to
fulll their parents’ migration goals for the family.
ese restrictive obligations presented a fork in the career
decision-making road of participants (Figure2). e participants
reported that when choosing a career, they must balance their
personal interests with what is acceptable to their parents.
ey nd themselves having to make a decision on whether
to conform to the career preferences of their parents or follow
their own personal interests. All participants indicated that
their parents had expressed career preferences for them. ese
participants realized that their freedom was restricted by their
parents unlike their local peers.
“…At a glance, when Ilook at my friends, Ikind of didn’t
understand how come their parents allowed them to do
whatever they wanted and followed their dreams.
However, when Isay that it’s like, yes, youcan do that as
well, youcan belike your friends but just remember where
you come from and the expectations placed on you.
Youdon’t want to regret it one day and say, oh, Iwish I’d
gone to school and done this” (Caroline, PM, F).
“I’ve come to this realisation that sometimes, youknow,
we’re tempted because you’re still in those years when your
friends influence youas well. So, you’re just – youget those
feelings like Ishould beable to use my phone as my friends
but sometimes youjust have to come back and remind
yourself why your parents do it for you”(Rita, PM, F).
Although the participants did not like the restrictive obligations
posed by their parents, obtaining parental approval was of
utmost importance to them. However, their responses to the
situation and how (strategies utilized) and when (timing) they
negotiated parental approval were largely determined by their
migrant entry status. Majority of the PM participants, in seeking
parental approval, chose to obey, honor and accept their parent’s
career preferences.
“I’m kind of used to being reassured to go the way my
parents want me to go. Iamtrying to follow on from my
parents’ profession, maybe something in nursing” (Naomi,
PM, F).
“…my parents made me become a lawyer and now Ienjoy
it but when Iwas a little kid Iwanted to become a singer,
something else” (Evans, PM, M).
“…I think we’re lucky because our parents want it as bad
for us as wewant it for ourselves. So, it’s kind of like we’re
in the same boat” (Rita, PM, F).
ey felt they needed to honor their parents by making
choices that pleased and fullled their parents’ desires and
made them proud.
“I think it’s a little bit too late for me to say Ino longer
want to do this; I’m going to give my parents a heart attack.
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
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Ifeel like, okay, as much as my parents want me to do it,
it’s my life and this is my future. It’s not just I’m doing it
for myself, I’m doing it for my parents as well… [also] the
pride that they have: like whenever the family is over in
Africa, my parents tell everybody, that’s [Caroline], she’s
… studying medicine. It really brings me joy. So that’s what
makes it even sweeter. Ifeel like it’s a way of me saying
thank youfor where my parents have brought me thus
far” (Caroline, PM, F).
They conceded, became obedient and conformed to their
parents’ career choice for fear of failure if they attempt to
follow their own career pursuits. Being unsuccessful in their
educational or career pursuits was considered a failure, not
only by the individual but also by the family and their
society.
“I feel like if Ihad gone into the sport part and ignored
their [the parents] advice earlier on, I don’t think if
anything had happened, like say Igot injured, Idon’t think
Iwould have had that same support……. It would bemore
like Itold youso!” (Caroline, PM, F).
is group of participants also felt indebted because of the
sacrices their parents have made for them.
“I don’t think wecan ever pay them [parents] back. But
Iguess aer Uni and whatnot wecan sort of try and –
youknow, also look aer them as they get older” (Martin,
PM, M).
For some participants, comparing themselves to relatives
still living in the heritage country helped them to appreciate
what their parents have done for them.
“I’ve seen my family members [in the home country];
they’re probably smarter than Iambut it’s just because
of lack of opportunity…like maybe there’s no jobs…so
yousee them selling things at markets. Some of them are
very educated but they don’t have the chance to go to
school… So, Ithink lack of opportunity makes all the
difference” (Cathy, PM, F).
Participants who chose to follow their personal career choices
were mostly males from HM homes.
“…My family, they wanted me to do health. ey wanted
me to go into health professions but Itold them that, no,
Idon’t like that profession, there are opportunities and a
lot of jobs in the accounting side so I’m going to do my
accounting, so that was my decision” (Patrick, HM, M).
“I like soccer because weget to like travel and see around
the world, [internationals]. Well, because Iusually play
soccer with my friends at the park in the school and the
teachers as well at school” (Tom, HM, M).
“…as much as my parents want me to do this course.
at’s my life. So, I’m the one who’s going to beworking.
It’s like, this is my future” (Gideon, HM, M).
Only two female participants from PM homes also chose
to follow their personal interest.
“…I think every parent seems to think they know what’s
best for you…. Ithink they’ve mentioned it since Ile high
school. ey [the parents] wanted me to do nursing…
Ihave never even thought about getting into nursing… it
just wasn’t for me…. right now I am doing criminal
psychology” (Patricia, PM, F).
Interestingly, participants who stuck to their personal career
choices still ensured that they gained parental approval before
proceeding and the strategy they adopted in gaining parental
consent was constant dialoguing with and educating parents.
is group of participants were mostly the older ones who
had broadened knowledge base and increased level of social
capital which made them better equipped to discuss maturely
with their parents if they had dierent career interests from
what their parents preferred.
“at’s always driven me, yeah. But I’ve also known when
Igrew up and Itold mum, Mama, Ithink Iwant to bea
lawyer when Igrow up. She told me as youare a minority
youhave to also think that the clients youmay get youwill
have to focus on that they might not always bethe best for
youare a minority. e dominant culture of the area would
want to go with their lawyer, like the same as theirs. So I’ve
known that the profession Iwant, Ihave to work harder. If
Iwant to get work, Ihave to do over and above. Ienjoy
performing well in school and Ienjoyed learning and stuff.
So Idon’t think it was, youknow, much of a push or much
a, youknow l tried to explain to them that l was on certain
direction. It just naturally happened” (Jessica, PM, F).
“…you have to educate them [the parents] to understand
why you are directing them in this pathway… and
youmust besomeone who is flexible to understand their
views too. Ihad to educate them before Ieven made my
career decision. …otherwise youcan take a decision and
youupset them even if it is a good decision… later they
will come to understand that youdid not take a decision
which was bad or a decision which could take youin a
blind career pathway” (Patrick, HM, M).
Only one HM participant blatantly refused their parents’
career preference, and this caused an interim ri in the family.
Nonetheless, this participant who had completed his rst degree
and was doing a postgraduate program at the time of this
study endeavored to seek parental approval later by providing
nancial support to the family aer commencing work.
“…My parents sent me to school, thinking I will do
what they wanted me to do. They wished Ibecame a
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 10 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
teacher like one of my aunts… that was the path they
wanted me to take! But it was not my passion. There
was a misunderstanding between my parents and
myself when Ichose to go into nursing! They told me
youshould do education! Itold them mum, dad, Ican’t
do that! I am going to do what I want. …this
misunderstanding lasted for years, until when Istarted
working and earned good money. Then they said…
that’s good!” (Seth, HM, M).
One HM participant preferred to seek advice from their
friend and teacher. However, the advice provided stirred them
away from their personal career interest.
“… when Icame here, I tried to ask friends: how do
youfeel about my career? ey told me it takes longer.
Itried asking the teacher… hetold me that it will take me
a long way for me to become a doctor, like maybe seven
years, eight years. …it’s actually a long way for me to
become what Iwanted to be…too long…plus it is really
hard….I amjust studying social work. Ithink it’s pretty
easy for me, so Idon’t want to pursue a higher career that’s
going to take me too long to graduate” (Isaac, HM. M).
All participants perceived they had an obligation to pay
back their parents and the home society that nurtured them.
Regardless of participants’ characteristics, they all perceived
that their career choice is expected to support their family.
Due to emphasis on familial/societal duties and obligations,
the participants expressed their intention to return to their
heritage countries aer completing their education and training,
so that they can support their family and community.
“It’s not what youare going to do, it’s what youare going
to get from what youdo that will support your family”
(Seth, HM, M).
“I think there’s that huge part of me, which makes me
think that Iowe my heart to my home country…one day
Iwould like to go back, because that’s where it all started,
otherwise I wouldn’t be here. If I hadn’t had the
experience Ihad from my culture, Iwouldn’t bewhere
Iamtoday” (Caroline, PM, F).
DISCUSSION
e current study makes worthwhile contributions to the body
of literature on SSA youths’ understanding of their parents’
role in the course of their career construction in Australia.
One of the main reasons why people migrant is a desire to
provide better educational and economic opportunities for their
families (Jung, 2015; Lundy and Lartey, 2017). is sentiment
is applicable to all our study participants regardless of their
entry status, educational level or country of origin. e study
participants acknowledged prioritization of education by their
parents, who believed that academic achievement and
occupational success are prerequisites for successful integration.
ese ndings are in line with recent work by Albertini et al.
(2019) who posited that education is an investment for youths’
future occupational success which also benets the entire
household’s economic wellbeing.
Overall, our findings suggest that all participants had a
positive perception of their parents’ roles. The participants
identified their parents’ roles as providing support (financial,
emotional and social) and encouragement (sacrificial love,
role modeling and advice/guidance). These findings are in
line with earlier studies, which documented that youths
perceive their parents as being their most influential role
models (Brown and Treviño, 2014), and sources of motivation
and wisdom (Karunanayake and Nauta, 2004). Participants
in this study tended to turn to their mothers for solace
and assurance, while their fathers challenged them to persevere
in times of difficulty. The findings of this study align with
earlier research on the patterns of advice provided by mothers
and fathers (Germeijs and Verschueren, 2009). According
to Soenens and Vansteenkiste (2005), fathers tend to challenge
their children to aspire towards greater heights but they
may not be expressive on an emotional level. Mothers, on
the other hand, tend to be more comforting and friendly
(Germeijs and Verschueren, 2009). The high school students
relied on the guidance of their parents when making important
decisions, while the tertiary students sought encouragement
and support to maintain momentum while navigating their
career trajectories. Previous studies have found that younger
adolescents perceive more support from their parents, while
older ones are more inclined to perceptions of parental
coercive control (Degoede etal., 2009). Most of the participants
who turned to their parents during the times they felt
academically stressed and down spirited were from PM
backgrounds, while only three HM participants sought parental
advice during stressful academic periods. These numbers
reflect that the students from PM backgrounds were more
likely to consult with their parents for career advice because
they perceived them as role models who have the knowledge
required to provide the much needed career guidance.
Another factor that needs further pondering is the career
histories of the parents and their education backgrounds. e
reason is that these form the rst and immediate career contexts
the participants were exposed to and might inuence the
participants’ career constructions. In their narratives, both
Martin and Caroline drew attention to the career aordances
their parents created and this indicates that the parents were
not only role models, they also produced career backgrounds
from which the children could start their own career explorations.
Parents who entered as professional migrants had higher levels
of education and qualications with enhanced employability
in Australia as they had jobs already lined-up for them before
entry into the country. As these people had migrated voluntarily,
it is an indication of their competitiveness in the labour market;
therefore, they are more condent and upfront with their
ospring regarding their career directions. However, the
humanitarian migrants who have been forced to relocate due
to troubles in their home countries could have been limited
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in their ability to inuence their children’s career pathways.
As indicated by some participants and in our previous study
(Akosah-Twumasi et al., 2020b), some of the humanitarian
migrants with lower educational and socio-economic backgrounds
may not have the condence or the necessary resources to
provide the required career guidance to their children. Parents
with higher education and workforce skills, who were forced
to migrate as humanitarians to escape persecution, had the
educational acumen and career know-how to guide their
children’s career pathways. However, as these parents may have
been unable to prepare ahead of their settlement into the host
country, they possibly experienced delays in gaining employment
that could give them the social status and nancial power to
be more assertive about their children’s career decisions. It is
worth noting that the varied lengths of residency of the
participants did not inuence their career outlooks, and this
is probably because their career experiences were majorly
determined by the entry status and educational backgrounds
of the parents.
Oen, the parents’ deep love for their children inspired
them to go beyond their call of duty. However, the parents’
commitment to duty in providing the needs of their children
ultimately made them feel that they were entitled to have a
say in their children's career development (Akosah-Twumasi
et al., 2020b). is nding is supported by the works of Lowe
et al. (2015) who argued that if parents provide nancial
support to fund their children’s education, they are entitled
to participate in the decision processes of their children’s
education and career selection. From the perceptions of the
study participants, their parents’ commitment to duty of care
became restrictive. As a result, the participants had feelings
of indebtedness and restrictive reciprocal obligations to their
parents/families. Participants’ familial experience and expectations
engraved in their impressionable minds that their career choices
must align with their parents’ preferences and decisions must
bemade not only for their own sake but also for the collective
good of the entire family (Sawitri etal., 2014; Kim etal., 2016).
In-depth exploration of the ndings revealed that participants’
career choices are ltered through the lens of the SSA’s
acculturation model – prioritizing family needs and societal
expectations (Akosah-Twumasi et al., 2020a). ese familial
and societal expectations serve as restrictive obligations that
present a “fork in the career decision-making road” – a dilemma
as to which career option to choose. is conrms that youths
of collectivist orientations tend to pursue group/societal goals
and not their personal interests, emphasizing the standards
and importance of relatedness and family cohesion (Kim etal.,
2016; Akosah-Twumasi etal., 2018). e current study outcomes
lend support to a recent nding by Albertini et al. (2019),
which suggests that intergenerational support is pivotal for
migrant youths’ socio-economic integration into the host society.
e phenomenon of intergenerational support is a standard
practice in many collectivist societies. For example, Filipinos
regard living together with relatives, as a coping mechanism
to cater for the needs of family members (Hofstede, 2001). It
is therefore the norm for adult ospring to provide nancial
support to parents in their older age (Hofstede, 2001). Family
solidarity and commitment are also the normative practice of
Chinese families as they maintain lial obligations to provide
help to elderly parents (Ofstedal et al., 2004; ang, 2010; Guo
et al., 2012). Whether they live in their home country or they
have migrated, families from SSA and Asia tend to maintain
their heritage societal practices of familial duty and reciprocal
obligations to the community (Sue and Okazaki, 1990; Kao
and ompson, 2003; Zhang, 2004; Akosah-Twumasi etal., 2020a).
A sense of indebtedness to parents and society is embedded
in SSA parent–child relationships, and children are expected
to follow through due to cultural practices and as a way of
repaying their parents for their sacricial love. ese ndings
are consistent with the assertion by Ma et al. (2014) that
Asian migrant children’s sense of indebtedness is grounded
in their cultural orientation as their response to the sacrices
parents made during their migration journey. e responsibility
of restrictive reciprocal obligations compelled some participants
to conform to parents’ career choice because of repercussions
or the backlash of fear of failure (Wambu et al., 2017). e
implication of this line of action is that SSA youths may
struggle not only in the pursuit of their career training but
also with their work-life balance in the future, which may
aect their health, social life and psychological wellbeing
(Laursen and Collins, 2009). ere are potential consequences
for the participants who conform to their parents’ career
preferences. If the career choice favored by their parents leads
participants to a fullling career path that they enjoy, they
would forever be grateful to their parents. On the contrary,
if participants do not enjoy their job and feel unfullled by
the type of profession chosen for them, this could aect
their psychological connectedness with their parents, which
may erode participants’ loyalty and obligation towards parents
for making them follow a career path that they despise
(Gavazzi et al., 1999).
PM participants who followed their personal interests for the
most part dialogued with their parents, while the HM participants
utilized strategies, such as educating parents and providing nancial
support aer commencing work to obtain parental approval.
In our previous study, trusting parents reported having limited
understanding of the education system and a lack of condence
in their ability to provide their children with guidance on career
choices (Akosah-Twumasi et al., 2020b). In this case, educating
parents was an eective strategy to enhance the parents’ knowledge
of the employment prospects of their children’s chosen career in
Australia. In some circumstances, participants consulted other
signicant gures, like friends and teachers, on career related
matters. Isaac [HM, M] demonstrated this by conferring with
his educators and peers about his desire to become a doctor and
the required years of training. is nding is consistent with
recent research by Bartoszuk et al. (2019) who postulated that
if students perceive that the level of support they are getting
from parents is insucient, they may look elsewhere for the
support they need. is implies that some humanitarian migrant
students may rely on friends and teachers for career guidance
instead of their parents. Peer and educator inuence could change
the dynamics of the parent–child relationship, and this may warrant
future exploratory studies.
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 12 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
e participants who opposed their parents’ career choice risked
facing dire consequences as their refusal to follow their parents’
career directions resulted in a ri in the family. is nding is
consistent with earlier research by Ma etal. (2014) who contended
that career decision-making conicts between parents and children
of Asian descent brought a sense of guilt to their children leading
to possible repercussions with their health and wellbeing. As
evidenced in this study, ris occurred within some families when
some participants insisted on pursuing their personal interests.
is study outcome aligns with earlier research by Rao and Walton
(2004) who reported that any opposition to the collectivist family’s
career preference and the desire to pursue one’s personal interests
could be construed as disobedience, warranting familial/societal
sanctions. Nonetheless, they still kept their psychological
connectedness with their parents, and eventually, such ris were
repaired when participants negotiated with their parents aer they
had secured their career and were gainfully employed. ese
participants must be courageous and brave because talking back
at parents, especially in the African cultural context, could have
serious repercussions. Ultimately, migrant SSA youths acknowledge
the potential challenges posed by restrictive parental obligations.
However, parental approval is essential, and whether these young
people went with their parents’ choices or not there appears to
be reconciliation with family in the end.
Practical Implications
e theoretical framework identied in this study which is
restrictive reciprocal obligations that compel SSA youths to
prioritize their family needs and seek parental approval when
making career choices aligns with the SLTCDM which posits
that socio-cognitive beliefs are inuenced by various factors
which could facilitate or inhibit the career decision-making
behavior of individuals (Krumboltz, 1994). In this study, such
factors include environmental conditions and associative learning
experiences, in which socio-economic and cultural sources
inuence skill development, interpretations of self-observations
and world-view generalizations (Krumboltz and Nichols, 1990).
is theory provides in-depth understanding of the career
development trajectories of youths from collectivist societies
as it highlights the inuential role of SSA parents in ensuring
that their children prioritize family needs in their career choice
decisions. is implies that for this group of people, career
decision-making processes may not beinternalized within the
individual youth’s mind but is rather processed by the family
unit and transmitted through social learning to the young
adult. Lent etal.’s (1994) SCCT model of career choice process
provides further insights into the study ndings. SCCT
accentuates that career choice goals are sometimes less inuenced
by personal interest. In such cases, supportive environmental
conditions may be lacking (Lent et al., 2002). e role of
personal interests in career choice may be limited by self-
ecacy beliefs, outcome expectations, cultural values or
environmental variables. In such instances, people may need
to compromise their interests and, instead, make their choices
on the basis of pragmatic considerations, such as full support
of important others, perceived ability, job opportunities/
accessibility and nancial remuneration (Lent etal., 2000, 2002).
Data from this study suggest that parental inuence based
on cultural beliefs/values and outcomes expectations could
pose as barriers, preventing youths from taking control of
their lives and exploring career opportunities that align with
their personal interests. In this study, we note that career
decision-making is not a personal individual process for the
SSA youth. However, the signicant and highly inuential role
of parents in the career trajectory of young people from
collectivist societies is not quite explicit in existing career
theories which are more closely linked to individualistic cultures
(Arulmani et al., 2003; Polenova et al., 2018). e ndings
of this study can be used to inform and develop culturally
sensitive career counseling services. Career counseling that
addresses career beliefs, values and goals could create a platform
upon which migrants from collectivist societies approach career
decision-making. Career counseling with SSA migrant clients
requires understanding of their unique and complex
circumstances, and a set of practical tools specically tailored
to address issues of migrant career development (Chen, 2009).
An essential role of counselors is to assist students with
establishing rapport with their parents on career matters. School
career counselors could re-orientate SSA migrant parents by
oering them courses and training programs to broaden their
resource base on available career options (Ma and Yeh, 2010).
In doing so, the career counselors can dispel the erroneous
impressions associated with fear and shame connected with
lower academic aspirations and failure. Replacing the failure
mentality with resilience, condence and a "can do" spirit will
assist youths in identifying the abilities and skills that are
best suited to their career interests (Wambu et al., 2017).
e study ndings also call attention to the intergenerational
dierences between the career schema of the parents and the
children, which sometimes create tensions and conicts. Such
tensions and conicts stem from perceptions of generational
dierences in values, behavior and/or identity (Foster, 2013).
e children may be operating from another set of schema
mainly based on career information available in their new
contexts, particularly in the light of constant advancement of
technology which brings about new experiences that provide
opportunities for them to discover new interests. e dierence
of values, behavior and goals between generations may negatively
impact on self-ecacy beliefs (Lent et al., 1994, 2002), and
this needs to be considered by career counselors with the
development of strategies that would help SSA clients identify
their personal interests and work values. School counselors
and other service providers could further assist SSA migrant
students with culturally responsive programmes to increase
the participants’ social capital, which will facilitate and support
their career decisions processes. Given that SSA migrants are
used to consulting signicant others when making major life
decisions, shadowing a mentor during their career decision
trajectories for instance, will be benecial to them.
Strengths and Limitations
e major strength of this study is the use of an exploratory
research design to unpack the complexity of career decision-
making among SSA migrant youths and their perceptions of
Akosah-Twumasi et al. Parents and Career Choices of Sub-Saharan African Migrant Youths
Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org 13 July 2021 | Volume 12 | Article 576193
their parents’ roles in the process, which extends the literature
on this subject. However, the study is limited to only migrant
youths from eight purposively selected SSA countries who are
residing in Townsville, Australia, which may impact on the
transferability of the ndings given the specicity of participants’
unique characteristics (for example, most participants were
children of professional migrants). Nonetheless, the study ndings
may provide both educators, especially career counselors, and
parents with an in-depth understanding of their roles in assisting
in the career development trajectories of SSA migrant youths.
Future longitudinal studies are required to explore the
occupational outlooks of the participants who opposed their
parents’ career choice and followed their own personal interests
and those who chose to follow their parents’ career preferences
for fear of failure. Such longitudinal studies could also provide
insight into how these migrant youths will approach the career
decision-making of their own ospring.
CONCLUSION
is study has implications for teachers, career counselors and
other professionals as well as for the parents of SSA migrant
youths. e strong value of education buttressed by a sense
of obligation to the family bodes well for the educational
development of SSA migrant youths. e study ndings highlight
the SSA migrant youths’ sense of responsibility towards their
families and society (reciprocal obligations). is calls for
teamwork between their parents and counselors so that the
children are better supported and guided through their career
related challenges. Due to the apparent culturally non-negotiable
nature of SSA migrant children’s reciprocal obligation, it is
incumbent on career counselors to allay the children’s fears
of potentially disappointing their parents through perceived
poor performance or academic failure because they chose to
pursue careers based on their personal interests. Programmes
by policymakers, building on the SSA cultural traditions could
provide these migrant families with the required resources to
assist their children to become economically productive adults
in the host country.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
e original contributions presented in the study are included
in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can
be directed to the corresponding author.
ETHICS STATEMENT
is study was reviewed and granted ethics approval by James
Cook University’s Human Research Ethics Committee (ethics
approval numbers - H7006 and H7374). For participants below
18 years, written informed consent to participate in the study
was provided by their legal guardian/next of kin.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
PA-T and BM-A: conceptualization, data curation, formal analysis,
methodology and validation. PA-T: funding acquisition, investigation
and writing – original dra. BM-A: project administration and
resources. BM-A, TE, DL, and KT: supervision. PA-T, TE, DL,
KT, and BM-A: writing – review and editing. All authors have
read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
FUNDING
is work was supported by Australian Research Training
Scholarship Scheme.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
e authors would like to thank the participants for their
contribution to this study. We also express our appreciation
to Faith Alele and Maria Caesar for their editorial and logistical
support. e PhD research scholarship provided to the rst
named author by the Australian Research Training Scholarship
Scheme is gratefully acknowledged.
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Conflict of Interest: e authors declare that the research was conducted in
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