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The architecture of accounting and the neoliberal betrayal of life
Abstract
This paper identifies the way in which accounting practices reinforced the increasing influence of the intolerant financial emphasis of the market on the quality of social housing under neoliberalism when successive British governments gave little importance to the impact of aesthetic and ethical qualities of social housing on the well-being of inhabitants. Social values, most especially safety and beauty, were able to be reinterpreted according to economic logic, thereby denying the need for them to be explicitly considered in any social housing decisions. The study emphasises the way in which the austerity and deregulation agenda of neoliberal policies that had a significant impact on building and fire safety regulations were ultimately justified by financial criteria. The Grenfell Tower fire in 2017 belatedly exposed the way in which the financial and operational visibilities created by accounting practices had become crucial to the successful implementation of the economic logic of the neoliberal agenda and related market priorities of successive British governments, irrespective of the consequences. The paper demonstrates how the Grenfell Tower refurbishment was the apotheosis of neoliberalism; a toxic mix of austerity, outsourcing and deregulation. The focus on value for money in the refurbishment led ultimately to the betrayal of life of the residents.
L'articolo propone un'analisi storica dell'evoluzione del patrimonialismo e del redditualismo quali paradigmi contabili funzionali all'espressione dei rapporti egemonici che le classi dominanti esercitano nei rispettivi contesti di riferimento. Concentrandosi sugli Stati Uniti e sull'Italia, lo studio delinea le comuni traiettorie di sviluppo del sistema contabile redditualista, dopo la fase iniziale patrimonialista classica, per poi sottolinearne le differenze rispetto al successivo cambiamento a favore di posizioni neo-patrimonialiste di matrice finanziaria, negli Stati Uniti, piuttosto che di consolidamento del redditualismo, in Italia. La metodologia della ricerca si innesta nel filone della critical accounting history e utilizza i concetti gramsciani di Stato integrale, ideologia e intellettuali, per analizzare e interpretare le suddette traiettorie. Lo studio conclude che il paradigma patrimonialista che si diffonde negli Stati Uniti a partire dagli anni '60 possiede caratteri funzionali all'ideologia neoliberista e all'esecuzione della sua agenda, contribuendo a favorire l'egemonia culturale del capitalismo finanziario. Al contrario, in Italia, vi è stata la persistenza del paradigma redditualista, che presenta caratteri meno coerenti con la suddetta ideologia. Centrale rispetto a queste dinamiche è stata la funzione di mediazione degli intellettuali negli organismi contabili della Società civile e negli apparati della Società politica. Tali paradigmi dovrebbero pertanto essere oggetto di un rinnovato interesse nel dibattito della comunità scientifica internazionale, oltre che della pratica professionale, a supporto del rafforzamento di un ruolo degli intellettuali contabili organico agli interessi delle classi subalterne, per una funzione dell'accounting realmente emancipatoria rispetto all'attuale egemonia dominante.
This article proposes a historical analysis of the evolution of both the asset-liability and the revenue-expense views as accounting paradigms functional to the expression of the hegemonic relations exercised by the ruling classes in their social contexts. Focusing on the United States and Italy, the study outlines the common trajectories of the development of the revenue-expense accounting system after the initial classical asset-liability phase. It then highlights the differences in terms of the subsequent changes that drove the United States to new asset-liability positions of a financial connotation, whilst, in Italy, they were more oriented towards the consolidation of the revenue-expense view. The research methodology is based on critical accounting history lenses, using Gramsci's concepts of Integral State, ideology, and intellectuals to analyse and understand the above developments. The study concludes that the asset-liability paradigm, which has been spreading in the United States since the 1960s, has characteristics that are useful for the neoliberal ideology and the implementation of its programme, contributing to the cultural hegemony of financial capitalism. In Italy, on the other hand, there has been the persistence of the revenue-expense paradigm, which has characteristics less compatible with the aforementioned ideology. Central to this dynamic has been the mediation of intellectuals in the accounting bodies of Civil Society and in the apparatuses of Political Society. These paradigms should, therefore, be the subject of renewed interest in the debate of the international scientific community, as well as in professional practice, in order to support the strengthening of a role of accounting intellectuals functional to the interests of the subordinate classes, for a truly emancipatory function of accounting with respect to the current dominant hegemony.
Listed below are 2022 publications, in English, within the general area of accounting history. The definition of what constitutes an accounting history article is not always a straightforward matter, and the description has been interpreted fairly broadly to include any accounting publication with a significant historical input. Malcolm Anderson’s bibliographies from 2010 and through 2016 form the basis for the search terms used to gather these publications. For business history articles, see Business History. For a review of financial history publications, see Financial History Review.
Does spending time in beautiful settings boost people’s happiness? The answer to this question has long remained elusive due to a paucity of large-scale data on environmental aesthetics and individual happiness. Here, we draw on two novel datasets: first, individual happiness data from the smartphone app, Mappiness, and second, crowdsourced ratings of the “scenicness” of photographs taken across England from the online game Scenic-Or-Not. We find that individuals are happier in more scenic locations, even when we account for a range of factors such as the activity the individual was engaged in at the time, weather conditions and the income of local inhabitants. Crucially, this relationship holds not only in natural environments, but in built-up areas too, even after controlling for the presence of green space. Our results provide evidence that the aesthetics of the environments that policymakers choose to build or demolish may have consequences for our everyday wellbeing.
This paper critically examines two conceptualisations of ordoliberalism. In one, it is defined, together with neoliberalism, against nineteenth-century liberalism (in its social liberal and laissez-faire variants). This reading was common among ordoliberals themselves, and early neoliberals such as Friedrich von Hayek, as well as among critics, notably Michel Foucault. In another, ordoliberalism is contrasted to neoliberalism, with the latter presumed to be a species of laissez-faire economics. This reading is commonly accompanied by the supposition that ordoliberalism represents a 'Third Way' between capitalism and socialism, or between laissez-faire liberalism and state planning. The main body of this contribution presents a critical analysis of both positions, by way of analysis of ordoliberal texts and a history of the discourse of laissez-faire. Abstract: This paper critically examines two conceptualisations of ordoliberalism. In one, it is defined, together with neoliberalism, against nineteenth-century liberalism (in its social liberal and laissez-faire variants). This reading was common among ordoliberals themselves, and early neoliberals such as Friedrich von Hayek, as well as among critics, notably Michel Foucault. In another, ordoliberalism is contrasted to neoliberalism, with the latter presumed to be a species of laissez-faire economics. This reading is commonly accompanied by the supposition that ordoliberalism represents a 'Third Way' between capitalism and socialism, or between laissez-faire liberalism and state planning. The main body presents a critical analysis of both positions, by way of analysis of ordoliberal texts and a history of the discourse of laissez-faire.
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The Grenfell fire was symbolic of an unequal urban landscape closely tied to material and aesthetic norms around property ownership and entitlement. The aim of this paper is to unsettle these norms by advancing a novel genealogical approach. Through systematic review of government archives seldom studied by property researchers, historical comparisons are mobilised to challenge the taken‐for‐granted way in which we approach property and ownership today. It is shown how, in the face of a comparable housing crisis and direct action, both Churchill's and Atlee's post‐war governments temporarily overlooked property norms by extending wartime requisitioning powers. Going further, however, the paper argues that by revisiting history, we can also rediscover a legacy of “forced entry” that might open up political possibilities in the present. By advancing a genealogical approach to ownership, the paper contributes to wider discussions around property norms, concluding that we have before (and can again) enact property differently.
The fire that erupted in Grenfell Tower in the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea in west London on 14 June 2017 is widely acknowledged to be the worst experienced during UK peacetime since the nineteenth century. It is confirmed to have resulted in 72 casualties and 70 physically injured. It has also left a community physically and emotionally scarred. That the catastrophe occurred in the country’s wealthiest borough added to the shock while the circumstances surrounding it also begged questions relating to political and corporate responsibility. The UK Prime Minister swiftly established a public inquiry which is ongoing and anticipated to stretch well into 2019. This paper offers a preliminary analysis of what some are interpreting to be a national atrocity. It begins by describing the events at the time of the fire while also identifying the key controversies that began to surface. It then examines the local geography of Grenfell Tower and the surrounding Lancaster West Estate revealing an astonishing landscape of inequality across the borough of Kensington and Chelsea. The paper then uncovers how such inequality was combined with a malevolent geography of injustice whereby for several years residents raised regular warnings about the building’s safety only to be disregarded by the very organisations which were there ostensibly to protect and safeguard their livelihoods: the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea municipal authority and the Kensington and Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation. The paper then deepens the analysis identifying how these organisations disavowed the local democratic process, in doing so dishonouring so tragically the Grenfell residents. It then finds this democratic disavowal to be multiscalar: for amid an incremental neoliberal political assault on the national welfare state, public housing across the country has become wretchedly devalued, stigmatised, and the subject of scandalous maladministration. A final section offers some preliminary analysis of the early stages of the Grenfell Inquiry, while also revealing the dignified resistance of Grenfell community in the face of London’s increasingly plutocratic governance.
The essay as a literary genre has, over the centuries, delivered profound insights into a wide range of topics and even contributed to social and political change. As part of academic apprenticeship, the essay has served to develop students' intellectual and reflective qualities and to assess their mastery of many different disciplines. Yet, in recent times, the essay has lost some of its allure, arguably becoming an endangered species both in its political and academic uses. Politics and public debates are increasingly dominated by gladiato-rial spectacles, punditry, sound bites and an overt commercialization of political campaigning. Academic research in the social sciences, for its part, has come to rely increasingly on a genre of scientific writing, the 'research paper', which has become institu-tionalized and has moved increasingly away from the qualities of the essay. For the purpose of student assessment, essay-writing is rapidly replaced by other types of academic work such as projects, case studies, portfolios, tests, and indeed 'papers'. In this essay, I argue that while the genre of the essay is neither the only nor the major means of developing and disseminating knowledge in management and organizational disciplines it retains an important role in today's fast-moving, complex and commercialized environment. The essay gives a voice to an author's creative imagination, enabling him or her to critique assumptions that are rarely questioned and explore new possibilities for intellectual and social change. As such it can still make a useful contribution both in academic and political fields.
Ordoliberalism is the theory behind the German social market economy. Its theoretical stance developed in the context of the economic crisis and political turmoil of the Weimar Republic in the late 1920s. It is premised on the strong state as the locus of liberal governance, and holds that economic freedom derives from political authority. In the context of the crisis of neoliberal political economy and austerity, and debates about the resurgence of the state vis-à-vis the economy, the article introduces the ordoliberal argument that the free economy presupposes the exercise of strong state authority, and that economic liberty is a practice of liberal governance. This practice is fundamentally one of social policy to secure the sociological and ethical preconditions of free markets. The study of ordoliberalism brings to the fore a tradition of a state-centric neoliberalism, one that says that economic freedom is ordered freedom, one that argues that the strong state is the political form of free markets, and one that conceives of competition and enterprise as a political task.
Partnerships are the British government’s preferred method of procuring public sector services, and the policy is usually justified in terms of delivering value for money. Ex ante financial methodologies are prescribed to ensure that decision making is based on a sound appraisal of alternatives and the government has called for an evaluation of implemented projects. This paper seeks to contribute to that evaluative process by exploring ex post facto some of the issues and problems that arose in practice. Using a case study approach, the paper considers two failures of information technology partnerships to examine how risk transfer, which is at the heart of the partnership policy, works in practice. The cases show that the contracts failed to transfer risk in the way that had been expected. The public agencies, not the commercial partner, bore the management risk and costs fell on the public at large and/or other public agencies.
Critical Architecture and Contemporary Culture will be the third volume in the series we have undertaken in collaboration with the University of California Humanities Research Institute. Like the symposium on which it is based, the book brings together prominent literary theorists and architects to offer a variety of perspectives on the relation between post-modernism and architecture. The contributors include such luminaries from the forefront of literary studies as J Hillis Miller, Jacques Derrida and Jean-Francois Lyotard; the architects Peter Eisenman and Robert Stern are also called upon to offer their interpretations of "deconstructive architecture." The high calibre of the discourse and the variety of approaches included is liable to draw a scholarly audience from a wide range of disciplines.
With a few rare but important exceptions, it is arguable that major contemporary debates on the historical relationship between art and politics—from the work of Lukács and Adorno to that of Lyotard and Rancière—have generally favored the visual arts and literature over and against architecture and urban design. However, as a few thinkers like Benjamin and Foucault have recognized, if there is one art that appears to be prototypically political (in the sense that it is almost inevitably the site of collective decisions that directly shape the social body while simultaneously being subject to multifarious communal appropriations), it is surely architecture. This paradox leads to a question of central importance, which serves to guide the analysis in this final chapter: why have many of the foremost philosophic debates on the historical relation between art and politics sidelined what is perhaps the political art par excellence ? This leads to a critical re-examination of the metaphilosophical assumptions undergirding many of the standard historical narratives regarding the development of art and its relationship to politics.
As the French philosopher and social theorist Michel Foucault defined the concept, 'biopolitics' is the extension of state control over both the physical and political bodies of a population. Poetic Biopolitics is a positive attempt to explain and show how the often destructive effects and affects of biopolitical power structures can be deconstructed not only critically but poetically in the arts and humanities: in architecture, art, literature, modern languages, performance studies, film and philosophy. It is an interdisciplinary response to the contemporary global crisis of community conflict, social and environmental wellbeing. Structured in three parts - biopolitical bodies and imaginaries, voices and bodies, and social and environmental turbulence - this innovative book meshes performative and visual poetics with critical theory and feminist philosophy. It examines the complex expressions of our physical and psychic lives through artefact, body, dialogue, image, installation and word.
This paper seeks to account for how accounting is implicated in the neoliberalization processes of social housing in England. It adopts a processual view which instead of conceptualizing neoliberalism as static and ‘end-state’, views it as a dynamic process of neoliberalization. We draw upon Bourdieu’s notions of field, capital and habitus to frame our study. We focus on reform of the regulation of social housing in England during the period 2006–2016. We show that the process of neoliberalization of social housing in England was instigated by the state’s intervention to change the structure of the field in terms of norms, power relations and positions of players on the field. These changes brought about simultaneous changes in the habitus of the field as well as the structure and habitus of Housing Associations as sub-fields. We demonstrate how these changes create and reproduce a new system of domination where the tenant is the dominated player. We highlight the role accounting played in these changes in terms of being used as a tool by the regulator to achieve social control and drive change within Housing Associations and by the Housing Associations to evidence conformity with the new norms and adaptation.
Over the past century the role and image of council housing have undergone considerable change. The introduction of Exchequer subsidies for council housing in 1919 was obviously an important turning point and helped transform it from a minor but growing sector of housing provision into the most important source of new housing to rent. Since then the precise role which central governments have encouraged local authority housing to play has changed over time. The emphasis has generally varied from one aimed at meeting "general' housing needs to one focused on slum clearance rehousing and meeting "special' needs such as housing for the elderly. This chapter examines why it is that council housing, which was once seen as a solution to housing problems, should have come to be viewed as part of the problem. The first section looks at why council housing originally became established as an important sector of housing provision after the First World War. The second section then looks at the post-war years up until 1979, for most of which period council housing was regarded as the normal mode of provision of new rented housing. The chapter then looks at national policy under the Thatcher governments, during which time council housing has increasingly been presented as an aberration, out of touch with consumer demands and out of time with modern society. -from Author
At least 80 people died in the recent Grenfell Tower fire in Kensington and Chelsea, West London. This incident has provoked much anger, debate and reflection on how such a tragedy could happen in London, one of the richest cities in the world. Seen through a public health lens, this disaster is ultimately about social inequality in modern Britain. Kensington and Chelsea is a deeply divided community, where many billionaires and very wealthy people live cheek by jowl with poor and disenfranchised people struggling to make ends meet. It is therefore not a surprise that such a terrible incident should happen in this socially unequal setting where very stark health inequalities already exist. This paper explores some of the broader underlying factors that may have contributed to this tragedy, the political determinants of health. As these factors are linked to both general and oral health inequalities, the lessons learnt from this incident have direct relevance and salience to oral health professionals concerned about tackling social inequalities in contemporary society.
This article reflects on the way critical accounting research has addressed the question of liberalism. I show that the rise of this theme has been accompanied by a broadening of the issues addressed, but fairly little enlargement of the geographical spaces concerned. Three different approaches to neoliberalism are identified (as a phase of capitalism, as a discourse and as governmentality): while dialogue may exist between them, they are still disjointed and built on different inquiries. I seek to outline the contributions and limitations of each one. A second section studies the various roles critical authors have attributed to accounting and its actors in the neoliberal phenomenon and the way accounting is seen in their research (as an instrument, a project or an object). This mapping leads to proposal of an analysis framework that can be used for a broader conception of accounting's role in economic and social changes, based on a study of the conventions embedded in accounting devices and the distributive effects of the tests or trials they equip. Avenues for research are opened up throughout the article, with a view to enriching work on neoliberalism and delineating the specific contribution made by accounting researchers to its criticism.
This paper explores the relationship between public policy, geography and accounting in the context of an ongoing program of neoliberal restructuring. We present a case study of the proposed privatisation of two prisons in New South Wales, Australia, including the subsequent public debate and the finalisation of the policy, which together covers the period 2008–2010. The privatisations were justified by the New South Wales government through the use of accounting technologies and discourses which purported to demonstrate that a model of private delivery would be more cost effective than continued reliance on public ownership. Yet, despite the identical accounting rationales given by the government and the Department of Corrective Services for the privatisation of each prison, the policy outcome was to privatise only one of the prisons. We examine the resistance strategies employed by the various union and community groups opposed to the privatisations and find that they differed markedly for each prison. Quite different discourses of costs were mobilised to counter the proposed neoliberal reforms: one was based in orthodox accounting discourse, and the other in a spatially grounded discourse of costs to the community. We therefore argue that spatial factors played a crucial role in the discussion. This contributes to a potentially rich, but as yet under-examined, area of research on the relationship between geography and accounting, and of accounting’s contribution to the distinct spatiality of neoliberalism.
This paper draws on the writings of Michel Foucault, in particular his lectures on biopolitics at the Collège de France from 1978–79, to examine liberalism and neoliberalism as governmental forms that operate through different models of surveillance. First, this paper re-reads Foucault's Discipline and Punish in the light of his analysis of the art of liberal government that is advanced through the course of these lectures. It is argued that the Panopticon is not just an architecture of power centred on discipline and normalization, as is commonly understood, but a normative model of the relation of the state to the market which, for Foucault, is ‘the very formula of liberal government’. Second, the limits of panopticism, and by extension liberal governance, are explored through analysis of Gilles Deleuze's account of the shift from disciplinary to ‘control’ societies, and Zygmunt Bauman's writings on individualization and the ‘Synopticon’. In response to Deleuze and Bauman, the final section of this paper returns to Foucault's lectures on biopolitics to argue that contemporary capitalist society is characterized not simply by the decline of state powers (the control society) or the passing down of responsibilities from the state to the individual (the individualization thesis), but by the neoliberal marketization of the state and its institutions; a development which is underpinned by a specific form of governmentality. In conclusion, a four-fold typology of surveillance is advanced: surveillance as discipline, as control, as interactivity, and as a mechanism for promoting competition. It is argued that while these types of surveillance are not mutually exclusive, they are underpinned by different governmentalities that can be used to address different aspects of the relationship between the state and the market, and with this the social and cultural logics of contemporary forms of market capitalism more broadly.
This paper analyses the interaction between neoliberal inspired reforms of public services and the mechanisms for achieving public accountability. Where once accountability was exercised through the ballot box, now in the neoliberal age managerial and market based forms of accountability predominate. The analysis identifies resistance from civil society campaigns to the neoliberal restructuring of public services which leads to public accountability (PA) becoming a contested arena. To develop this analysis a re-theorisation of PA, as a relationship where civil society seeks to control the state, is explored in the context of social housing in England over the past thirty years. Central to this analysis is a dialogical analysis of key documents from a social housing regulator and civil society campaign. The analysis shows that the current PA practices are an outcome of both reforms from the government and resistance from civil society (in the shape of tenants’ campaigns). The outcome of which is to tell the story of the changes in PA (and accountability) centring on an analysis of discourse. Thus, the paper moves towards answering the question – what has happened to PA during the neoliberal age?
This paper argues that, in addition to raising visibility of processes, activities and behaviours, accounting can also be a powerful means of disguise. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the treatment of Jews during the period now known as the Holocaust. Accounting numbers were substituted for qualitative attributes of individuals thereby denying them their humanity and individuality and making them invisible to Germans not directly involved in the attempted annihilation of all European Jews. The Nazis also endeavoured to use accounting to purify their expropriation and disposal of the vast amount of property taken from the Jews.
In the past two decades the public sector has experienced a transformation. A major feature of this change has been the displacement of the old style public administration by a “new public management” which focuses on results and measurement and in which accounting has a central role. This study reports on a survey of accountants in the public sector to determine the extent to which the changing public sector is accompanied by changes in accounting practices and to explore the process by which such changes are effected.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to introduce the literary authority of qualitative management accounting field research (QMAFR) and its interconnectedness with the scientific authority of this form of research.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper adopts a non‐positivist perspective on the writing/authoring of QMAFR. The paper illustrates its arguments by analysing how the field is written/authored in two well‐known examples of qualitative management accounting research, using Golden‐Biddle and Locke's framework as a way of initiating an understanding of how field research attains its “convincingness”.
Findings
The paper finds that these two examples of QMAFR attain their convincingness by authoring a strong sense of authenticity and plausibility, adopting writing strategies that signal the authority of the researcher and their figuration of the “facts”.
Research limitations/implications
The paper argues for a more aesthetically informed consideration of the “goodness” of non‐positivist QMAFR, arguing that its scientific and aesthetic forms of authority are ultimately intertwined.
Practical implications
This paper has practical implications for informing the ways in which QMAFR is read and written, arguing for greater experimentation in terms of its narration.
Originality/value
The value of this paper lies in its recognition of the authorial and aesthetic nature of QMAFR, as well as it potential to encourage debate, reflection and changed practices within the community of scholars interested in this form of research.
The paper describes the results of a 3-year study of a social housing organization in England, tracing its transition from local authority-financed social agency into an ‘independent’ social business financed by lenders and following a merger its further transition into a complex business managing £200 million of assets.The study is concerned with the accountability to and by a quasi-public sector Board and how that Board was (or was not) able to exercise effective governance. It asks: Who is accountable? To whom are they accountable? For what are they accountable?The paper builds on the contrast made by Roberts [Acc. Organ. Society 16 (1991) 355; J. Roberts, From discipline to dialogue: individualizing and socializing forms of accountability, in: R. Munro, J. Mouritsen (Eds.), Accountability: Power, Ethos and the Technologies of Managing, International Thomson Business Press, London, 1996; Hum. Relat. 54 (2001) 1547] between a formal, hierarchical system of accountability based on a calculative accounting, and an informal, socializing form of accountability based on a sense-making narrative. The research identifies the limitations of accounting reports and the inadequacy of the narratives surrounding management/Board interaction. The paper identifies a space between the calculative and the narrative that is vacant and where governance is problematic and which impedes broader social accountabilities.
This paper outlines a conceptual approach to social housing in market economies that addresses problems with earlier frameworks. Focusing on changes in English social housing in the last 30-40 years, the paper outlines an analytical method of wider applicability. Modernisation is a contested term that has been used in a number of different ways in relation to housing. Accordingly we set out a precise definition for current purposes, based on the specification of two models: a mid 20th century public housing model and a contemporary social housing model, with modernisation defined as the process of moving from one to the other. Each model embraces three elements: the role played by social housing in the wider housing system, and aspects of both provision and consumption. It is shown that there is a consistent pattern and direction of change, which can be seen as a process of migration from the public sector towards the private market. The final part acknowledges some of the difficulties of reconciling the idea of models with an obviously dynamic housing system. In particular it is recognised that the social housing model has not reached (and may never reach) a settled state. Two future scenarios are briefly mentioned: one involving a radical transition to a more fully privatised social housing (which appears to be favoured by government), and another suggesting that there is little sign of enthusiasm for this among either provider organisations or consumers.
A quoi sert un indicateur de satisfaction des usagers dans la gouvernance d’une collectivité territoriale ? Telle est la question à laquelle cet article tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse. S’appuyant sur les travaux analysant le contrôle de gestion comme un outil de gouvernance disciplinaire, l’étude proposée de huit indicateurs montre que les dimensions apprentissage et discipline de l’évaluation, loin d’être exclusives l’une de l’autre, sont imbriquées et adaptées à chaque contexte de gouvernance. La logique de discipline apparaît ainsi liée à la fonction cognitive d’apprentissage des services publics avec son environnement en étant source de visibilité, comparabilité et surveillance. Afin de prendre en compte les réticences des acteurs-partenaires et d’éviter l’échec des démarches, des activités de traduction sont mises en œuvre.
Grenfell fire warnings issued months before blaze, documents show. The Guardian
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Opening Statement to Grenfell Inquiry
- Chelsea Kensington
Grenfell Tower - fire safety investigation
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Grenfell confusion stops 500,000 selling homes. The Times
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Eighteen student towers still have Grenfell cladding. The Times
- J Ungold-Thomas
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The economic currency of architectural aesthetics
- Clarke
Government allocates £200m to replace Grenfell-style cladding
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Grenfell tower inquiry: Phase 1 report
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Once upon a time in the west: The history of KCTMO. Inside Housing
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The cladding crisis Down Under: What we can learn from the response to Grenfell in Australia. Inside Housing. 22 November
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Naomi Klein says Grenfell Tower is “lovelessness in public”. Huck Magazine
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Prospects for a new urbanism
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Report with designs on beauty will encourage more traditional houses
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Long read: Grenfell - Britain’s fire safety crisis. Sky News
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Figments of the public: Architecture and debt
- Bolton
The long term costs of owning and using buildings
- Evans
Is the fight for beauty a fight against ugliness?
- Reynolds
The architect’s role
- Svetoft
The crisis of innovation
- Woods
Police investigation reveals 383 companies were involved in Grenfell refurbishment. Inside Housing
- L Barratt
Grenfell Tower: Insulation was not certified for use with flammable cladding. The Guardian
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Flammable Grenfell Tower cladding ‘passed’ by council officer in 2015. The Guardian
- R Booth
The chronicle of a tragedy foretold: Grenfell Tower. The Guardian
- J Doward
Second Special Report: Government response to the First Report of the Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Committee on potential risk of fire spread in buildings via external cladding systems
- Transport Environment
- Affairs Committee
Grenfell foretold: A very neoliberal tragedy
- Hodgkinson