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588
: 588–604
The Taksai tomb12
The site of Taksai is located near the village Dolinnoe
in the Terekti district of the southern Urals, some 50
km east of the city of Uralsk and close to the present
border between Kazakhstan and Russia (Figure 1).3
Dolinnoe has been known archaeologically since
the 1960s because of finds from a nearby plundered
kurgan, most famous of which is a fragmentary silver
rhyton in Achaemenid style.4 In 2011/12, the Centre of
History and Archaeology, under the direction of Murad
Sdykov and Yana Lukpanova, carried out an extensive
survey of this region and systematically recorded and
mapped all the visible mounds. During this survey, a
kurgan necropolis with a cluster of six mounds called
Taksai-1 was found east of Dolinnoe. The integrity
of some of these was under continuous threat from
annual ploughing,5 hence rescue excavations of the
most endangered burial mounds (kurgans 3, 4 and 6)
were carried out in 2012.6
Kurgan 6 provided the most interesting finds. Its
preserved diameter is 25–45 m although it was only
Arkin University for Art and Design, Kyrenia, North Cyprus;
email: latife.summerer@arucad.edu.tr. We are deeply indebted to
Christopher Tuplin for commenting on a first draft of the paper but
all mistakes remain that of the authors.
West Kazakhstan Museum of History and Local Lore, Kazakhstan;
email: yana_2004_75@mail.ru
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 88–97. Taksai is mistakenly located
on the map of the exhibition catalogue Scythians: warriors of ancient
Siberia (Simpson and Pankova eds 2017: fig. 159).
Bonartz and Treister 2013: 715–16; Treister 2013f: 78–83, colour pls
2–3; Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 88–98.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 7.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 101, fig. 1.
a metre high. The mound contained three burials
(Figure 2). The main grave situated in the centre of
the mound belonged to an elite woman buried with
gold objects (Figures 3–4). Two much similar graves
were excavated in the northwest and southeast parts
of the mound and found to contain the skeletons of
two young women, most probably sacrificed during
the burial ritual associated with the principal member
and, since their crania were absent, their bodies were
interpreted as having been beheaded (Figure 2).7
The burial pit contained a roughly rectangular
tomb chamber measuring 5.70 x 5.40 m, originally
roofed with poplar logs supported by a wooden post
in the centre.8 As there was no dromos, the tomb
chamber could not have been accessible after the
burial ceremony: this is a grave design frequently
encountered in kurgan cemeteries of the southern
Ural piedmont.9 The tomb was partly destroyed by a
fire set during the funeral,10 and metalwares placed
along the foot of the walls had melted as a result of the
high temperatures.11 Looters had tried to penetrate
the tomb chamber in the past but were unsuccessful
and the contents survived intact over the intervening
centuries.
Lukpanova 2014a.
The determination of the species of wood is based on the analyses
carried out by M.I. Kolosova (State Hermitage Museum).
Treister and Yablonsky eds 2013.
Traces of fire are often attested in Scythian kurgan tombs:
Crescioli 2017; on ritual feasts during burials see also Simpson and
Stepanova 2017: 160.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013b: 129; according to chemical analysis
the burnt earth contained a high percentage of a ferriferous
component.
The wooden comb of the ‘golden lady’:
a new battle image from the Taksai-1 kurgan
(western Kazakhstan)
Lâtife Summerer,1 Yana Lukpanova2
Abstract
In 2012, an undisturbed grave was discovered in the Taksai-1 kurgan cemetery in western Kazakhstan. It belonged to a woman
who is popularly referred to as altun hanum (‘golden lady’) and believed to have been of elite status because of the rich gold
grave goods she was buried with. The tomb is dated to the late 6th or early 5th century BC by radiocarbon dates on wood
and bone. Among the Achaemenid-inspired grave goods, gold jewellery, vessels of glass and stone, a wooden comb with
carved figurative decoration is the most outstanding piece on account of its narrative battle scene and war chariot. This
paper provides a full description and discussion of the iconography of this contest which shows victorious Persians and the
battle scene by comparing with representations of similar compositions in Achaemenid art and discussing their historical
context.
Keywords
L. Summerer, Y. Lukpanova
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Figure 1. Map showing the location of Taksai and the boundaries of the Achaemenid empire in 6th/5th century BC
(adapted from Simpson and Pankova eds 2017: 159)
Figure 2. Plan of the Taksai-1 burial with the central tomb chamber and the secondary burials
590
The body of the principal individual was laid on a mat
with her head orientated to the west and located close to
the eastern wall. The skeleton itself was burnt and poorly
preserved but was determined to be that of a woman,
although her age at death could not be confirmed.
Personal ornaments found around her body showed that
she had been richly adorned during her funeral (Figures
4–5). These finds indicate that she was wearing a dress
decorated with gold plaques with relief imagery showing
four different ‘Animal Style’ motifs: a ram, griffin, griffin-
ram and swastika (Figure 6).12 Her tall tapered headdress
Similar dress ornaments from the Prokhorovka and Filippovka
kurgans are assigned to the Achaemenid sphere: Treister 2013b: 182.
of the box with the wooden comb, marked as 6 (drawing: Yana Lukpanova)
591
was decorated with gold pendants topped by an ibex
head with a pair of splendid long earrings with pellet-
shaped granulated pendants suspended from chains
(Figure 5).13 These earrings resemble items found in
the main graves of Lebedevka-II and Kyryk Oba-II
which, according to Mikhail Treister, were imported
from Achaemenid Anatolia.14 A pair of gold bangles
with animal-head finials, again of Achaemenid origin,
adorned her right wrist.15 Around her neck she wore a
gold hollow spiral torc.16 Several gold biconical beads
might have belonged to a necklace.17 A hazelwood
box containing a bronze double-sided mirror with
a gilded and animal-head decorated handle was
found beneath her right hand,18 while her left held a
small (also imported) core-formed blue glass vessel
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 192–201; Simpson and Pankova eds
2007: 137, cat. 67. Jewellery of similar design and technique is attested
in the Lebedevka-II kurgan: Treister 2013b: 167, col. pl. 10.1-2.
Treister 2013b: 167–68.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 182–92; cf. Simpson and Pankova eds
2007: 303, cat. 218; different conclusions as to how they were made
are reached in independent analyses reported by Satubaldin et al. and
Shablavina, this volume; for parallels see Treister 2013b: 172.
Another massive torc of gilt silver with rhomboid decoration
found in a looted kurgan near the village Dolinnoe was, according to
Treister, produced in Achaemenid Anatolia, possibly in Lydia: Treister
2013b: 161–62. A simple hollow torc like that from Taksai-1, but with
animal finials, is known from the Filippovka-I kurgan: Treister 2013b:
161, col. pl. II 22. 1.
Treister 2013b: 176–78.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 237–39. Similar mirrors are attested
in the Lebedevka, Kyryk Oba and Buldurty kurgans: Treister 2013d:
143–57.
decorated with yellow and white zigzag trails which
may once have contained cosmetic.19 Five wolves’
teeth, each held within a granulated gold setting,
were found close to the woman’s hand – a phenomenon
also known from the Petrovka kurgan – and may
have been intended for apotropaic or talismanic
purposes.20
Some vessels and other items had been placed in the
centre of the chamber: they included a bronze cauldron
with a bell-shaped foot, two loop handles and a camel-
head-shaped spout, an iron knife, a bronze vessel
pierced with a small hole which may have been used as
a strainer or brazier, and a wooden bowl decorated with
gold appliqués. These presumably had been intended for
use together in some form of ritual.21 Four sets of horse
bridles were found by the western wall of the grave;22
although no equid bones were encountered inside the
tomb chamber, the remains of several horse skeletons,
as well as the bones of cattle and sheep, appeared in the
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 232–34; an identical glass bottle was
also found in the Krasnoural’skij kurgan 1, grave 4 which is determined
to be an Achaemenid import because of its technique of manufacture:
Treister 2013c: 472, colour pl. 7.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 244–45; gold jewellery with wolf´s
teeth was also encountered in the Petrovka kurgan: Treister and
Yablonsky eds 2013: 478, col. pl. 13.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 137–39, fig. 11.
Five horse bridles consisting bridle bits, psalia and distributors
were found by the western wall and at the southwest corner of the
tomb: Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 125.
Figure 4. In situ photograph of the burial of the ‘golden lady’
(photograph: Yana Lukpanova)
592
Figure 5. Detail of the burial with burnt human remains and gold jewellery
(photograph: Yana Lukpanova)
Figure 6. Reconstruction of the ‘golden lady’
(photograph: Krym Altynbekov)
earth fill of the kurgan and may represent the remains
of sacrificial rituals.23
An item found in the northwest corner of the grave
deserves special attention. This is a hazelwood box
(Figure 7) which originally contained a wolf’s paw, wolf
fangs, a small alabaster bottle, a mortar and sandstone
pestle, some pebbles, a bone-handled knife and, last but
not least, the comb with carved figurative decoration
which is the focus of this paper. The excavators
suggested that these items were put together in the box
for ritual purposes.24
The comb
The comb – like the other items – was heavily
damaged by fire and had partly disintegrated (Figure
8). However, thanks to careful in situ documentation
by the excavation team and the commitment of
Krym Altynbekov,25 it has been almost completely
reconstructed (Figure 9). The comb was made of poplar-
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 102–109, 122, 129.
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 141.
However, as will be shown below, the fragmentary condition of the
wood meant that the figures of the frieze could not be perceived in
all details and the drawing has some errors. A replica of the comb was
executed by Kyrm Alynbekov and loaned by the National Museum of
Kazakhstan to the exhibition Scythians: warriors of ancient Siberia as the
original was too fragile to be sent (Simpson and Pankova eds 2017:
300, cat. 214).
593
wood, like the roof of the tomb chamber. It measures
5.8 cm high and 6 cm wide. It is double-sided, the teeth
on one side being short and fine while those on the
opposite side are wide and coarse. The central part of
the comb carries a carved figural composition visible
on both sides (Figure 10). The edge of the composition
is decorated with alternating light and dark wooden
inlays. The figures are carved in openwork technique
(à jour), i.e. they do not attach to a solid background as
is usual for a relief, but are carved from both sides as
if they were free-standing sculptures. However, as the
wood is only 0.7 cm thick, the figures have no volume
and appear two-dimensional. Openwork is a carving
technique well attested in Eurasia as well as in Egypt
and Iran.26
Description of the scene
The composition consists of a chariot and three
human figures.27 The chariot approaches from the
left and is shown drawn by a pair of horses. It has
a pair of six-spoked wheels, studded with hobnails
Stucky 1985: 16.
The published drawing and comb replica mistakenly show only
three figures: Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 223; Lukpanova 2014a: fig.
27.
indicated by their serrated profiles. The edge of
the chariot box is curved at the top and decorated
with a zigzag motif. The dots within the triangular
elements imitate nail heads to convey the wooden
construction of the wagon. Behind and partly over
the wheel is a large diagonally incised and dotted
oval feature which represents a quiver, typical of
war chariots.28 The horses are ram-headed with
short cropped manes and their long tails are knotted
according to Iranian custom. The harnessing of the
horses is shown by a strap led around the neck and
chest. The decoration of the straps is differentiated,
probably in order to indicate their different fabric:
the neck strap has vertical lines while the breast
strap is decorated with circular chain-like elements.
The straps are connected above the withers of the
horses by a relatively large ring representing the rein
guide or terret. Two lines rising in a slightly diagonal
direction from the muzzles of the horses and held by
both by the charioteer and the enemy look as though
they should be reins, but do not end, as one would
expect, in the hands of the driver, but seem to be
attached to the front screen of the box. Neither the
draught pole nor axle are visible. The function of the
upside-down U-shaped object behind the neck of the
Summerer 2007: 13, fig. 13.
Figure 7. Findspot
of the wooden comb
within the hazelwood
box (drawing: Yana
Lukpanova)
594
horses is unclear but may represent a misunderstood
functional part of the chariot such as the draught
pole.
The chariot crew consists of two individuals. The
charioteer is leaning over the front of the box and holds
the reins. His head was found broken and separated
from the body having slipped a few centimetres to the
right. He is the tallest person and therefore must have
been considered the most important figure in the
scene: what appears to be a long pointed chin instead
indicates a beard although the individual hairs are not
rendered. His hair is straight and cut at ear length with
a curving lower edge; it is similar in cut to the hair of
the archer behind. He wears a low cylindrical piece
of headgear, probably a crown (Figure 11). His dress
consists of two pieces, an undergarment with sleeves
and a cloak hanging from his shoulder. The zigzag
pattern decorating the edge of the cloak may imitate
a fur trim.29 This is surely the type
of Median cloak with empty sleeves
known as a kandys. The clean-shaven
archer stands behind the charioteer
and aims his bow at an enemy in
front of the chariot. He is clad in
a sleeved close-fitting costume
which is visible from his slim waist
upwards. The upper part of his head
is not preserved and the shape of his
hat is hardly recognisable.
The enemy approaching on foot
from the right appears to brace
himself against the heads of the
horses. The back of his lower body
is not shown, probably because of
constraint of space und difficulty the
artist had in carving these details
in openwork technique. He wears
a long coat which is cut away and
rounded along the lower front edge;
a double outline running from the
neck downwards probably indicate a
fur trim. His loose trousers are tied
at the ankles and probably tucked in
his boots. His hat covers his entire
head and is tied beneath the chin.
Despite damage to the upper part its
characteristic shape is recognisable,
as its articulation by a peak slightly
raised over the forehead. This
individual is armed only with a large
quiver hanging horizontally from his
belt and down his leg. This is a case
for a double-curved Scythian bow
and quiver of the sort known as a
gorytos. It has a recessed frame while
the main part is decorated with a
dotted lozenge design.30 The belt is shown with dotted
oval sections resembling a chain-like girdle. Although
the target of attack this person makes no use of his
weapon for self-defence but instead attempts to defend
himself by grasping the reins of the horses with his left
hand in order to arrest the chariot. His right hand is
disproportionately large and is raised with the thumb
turned to the right in what looks like a vain assault on
the approaching vehicle.
Interpretation
The battle scene on this comb displays clear
iconographic resemblances with Achaemenid
Sdykov and Lukpanova 2013: 222 interpreted this as the
decoration of the upper part of the sleeve.
This type of gorytos was recently discovered at Arzhan-2 in Tuva
and reconstructed: see Chugunov, Ryabkova and Simpson 2017: 196,
figs 122–23.
Figure 8. In situ photograph of the wooden comb
(photograph: Yana Lukpanova)
595
Figure 9. Reconstruction of the wooden comb (reconstruction and drawing: Krym Altynbekov)
596
warfare imagery depicted across different media:
based on these we can easily identify the party
approaching from the left as representative of the
victorious Persian army which is shown as superior
in terms of headcount and formation, i.e. chariotry
and archery.31
The driver is picked out as the most important figure
in this scene through his larger size and he seems
to represent the chariotry and commander of the
Persian army.32 His low cylindrical headgear with
a horizontal band is best interpreted as a dentate
crown which was worn by royal heroes and Persian
nobility.33 He wears a kandys, an empty-sleeved
Median overcoat hung from the shoulders, which
was typically worn by priests, hunters and Persian
nobility,34 but hardly suited for a warrior in combat.35
The forward leaning posture of his upper body
suggests speed of movement fitting the dynamic of
battle but contradicted by the leisurely walking gait
On the artistic convention that ‘the victorious party comes from
the left’ see Luschey 2002.
In hunting scenes, it is not the charioteer but the archer who
represents the Persian hero or the Persian king: see for example the
famous ‘Darius seal’ scene (Merrillees 2005: 52–53, cat. 16, pl. VII =
British Museum, inv. nr. 89132).
Summerer 2007: 12, n. 59 with references.
On the Oxus Treasure chariot the kandys bearer is not driving the
chariot (Dalton 1964: 3–4, cat. 7, pl. IV, Mongiatti, Meeks and
Simpson 2010 = British Museum inv. nr. 123908); chariots shown
on the northern and eastern facades of the Apadana are driven by
a charioteer wearing ‘court dress’ and a twisted fillet on his head
(Curtis 1998).
Thompson 1965.
of the horses: in hunting and combat scenes horses
are usually shown in extended gallop, whereas
pacing horses appear in peaceful processions.36 This
odd combination on the Taksai comb suggests that
its designer was not that familiar with Achaemenid
iconographic conventions, as is explored further
below.
The enemy coming from the right is represented by a
single footman, a fact which symbolises his inferiority.
His only weapon is the bow case which is not used,
probably because of an unexpected sudden attack. The
right hand raised toward the approaching Persians is
less a futile bare-handed attack than a last desperate
gesture of supplication. The defeated figure is clearly
distinguished by his attire and weapon from the
victorious Persians. The combination of attire of cut-
away coat, trousers and pointed hat allow us to assign
him to a nomadic tribe residing in Eurasia or central
Asia.37 Among the tribute bearers represented on the
Apadana reliefs at Persepolis one group is shown in
similar attire, namely Delegation XVII.38 In addition to
their gorytos, they carry shaft-hole picks. The ethnic
and geographic origin of Delegation XVII has not been
the war chariot drawn by pacing horses (Summerer 2010: 131, fig. 9)
and on two bullae from Dascyleium the horses are shown in walking
instead of galloping posture (Kaptan 2002: 198, figs 199–201). Chariot
horses in hunting scenes are always shown in extended gallop:
Siamak 2018; Tuplin 2020: 365.
On the problem identification of the Scythian costume: Gleba
2008: 13–28.
Schmidt 1953: pl. 43; Walser 1966: pl. 24; Potts 2012: fig. 5.
Figure 10. Drawing
of the wooden comb
(drawing: Timur
Diyarov)
597
Figure 11. Heads of the figures of the battle scene
(photographs and drawing: Krym Altynbekov and Oleg Belyalov)
598
decisively pinpointed by modern scholarship.39 On the
tomb reliefs of Naqsh-e Rustam, where the throne-
bearers representing the subject peoples are labelled
with inscriptions, figures with identical attire appear for
three different ethnic groups: Sogdians, Chorasmians
and Saka haumavargā.40 Moreover, the Sogdian depicted
on the base of the Egyptian statue of Darius found at
Susa wears a hat which, although its flaps are not tied
beneath the chin, has a peak rising slightly above the
forehead in a manner which closely correlates with the
headdress of the defeated warrior on the Taksai comb.41
On this basis Wu Xin concludes that the position of the
frontal hat peak was crucial for characterising Sogdians,
who are otherwise undistinguishable from Chorasmians
and other Saka tribes.42 Nevertheless, the identification
of Delegation XVII as Sogdians is controversial and
should be treated cautiously.43 In short, it is difficult
to know whether figures characterised by a frontally
pointed hat like that worn by the defeated figure on the
Taksai comb represent an ethnically and geographically
specific group or simply indicate generic Eurasians or
central Asians.
In either case, based on these comparisons, we can
be quite sure that the depiction on the Taksai comb
narrates a military clash between Persians and a
Eurasian or central Asian tribe, whether Sogdians,
Chorasmians or Saka haumavargā, from which the
Persians emerged victorious. None of these people
are geographically associated with the southern Ural
piedmont where the Taksai comb was found. Sogdiana
is located in modern Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, and
was conquered by Cyrus II the Great.44 Situated on the
banks of Oxus, to the south of the Aral Sea, Chorasmia
was incorporated into the Achaemenid Empire before
522 BC. Saka haumavargā (‘haoma-drinking Sakas’) are
often mentioned together with the Saka tigraxauda
(‘pointed cap Sakas’) in written sources, and
considered to be the easternmost Saka tribe as they
were said to occupy the region between the Caspian
and the Aral Sea,45 well to the south of those nomads
occupying the southern Ural piedmont.
Style
The Taksai comb follows a style known from
Achaemenid glyptic. The figures are carved with deep
flat outlines and only partially modelled. The inner
For discussion in the previous literature see Potts 2012: 466–67
who argues that Delegation XXII originated somewhere in the east
in Siberia.
Schmidt 1957: 29; on this problem Wu 2005; 2010; 2014; Tuplin
2020: 374, 401.
Roaf 1974: 94–145; cf. Wu 2005: 67, fig. 10.
Wu 2005: 74.
Tuplin (2020: 373-74) criticises the general tendency in Wu’s
interpretation to favour the Sogdians.
According to Wu (2005: 398–90), Sogdiana was only occasionally
subjected to the Achaemenid empire.
Narain 1987.
structure of the hair of the figures, their facial features
and dress decoration are defined by lines but the beard
of the main Persian protagonist is indicated simply as
a long and pointed chin, lacking detail. The garments
are generally rendered flat without folds, but in some
parts are quite detailed. The large almond-shaped eyes
are executed with thick eyelids, whereas the pupils are
not specified (Figure 11). The horses are more carefully
modelled than the human figures, especially the rumps,
hindquarters and legs which display a fully plastic
appearance. Their muzzles are finely carved but the eye
is omitted and the short-cut mane is shown with rough
strokes.
Following the principles of isocephaly, whereby the
heads of the figures in a composition are brought
to the same level, the heads of all human figures,
whether mounted or standing, are rendered at the
same height. The vertical lines of the composition
are accentuated by the human figures in an upright
position, whereas the chariot and horses, as well as
the reins and outstretched arms, form a horizontal
line. The figures are arranged adjacent to each other
and distributed evenly in the space. The empty space
in the middle of the upper zone is minimalised by
the forward-leaning charioteer and the raised hand
of his opponent. There are only a few overlaps which
illustrate depth. The string of the bow overlaps the
face of the archer and the head of the charioteer in
the background. The two horses are not distinguished
by their legs or heads, but indicated by rendering
their hindquarters overlapping the chariot-box
on both sides. The chariot, horses, charioteer and
enemy are rendered in full profile, but the archer’s
triangular body shows frontal shoulders. All figures
have bird-like frontal eyes. Bodily proportions seem
to be sculptured carelessly: the bent arm of the
opponent is too long and his raised right hand is
disproportionately large. Although the figures are
carved from both sides, there is no foreshortening to
indicate distance and depth.
The carved battle image of the Taksai comb displays
stylistic features known from Persepolitan glyptic
imagery.46 The inconsistencies in adapting standardised
Achaemenid iconography and style, described above,
wood painting in Phrygia connect the comb with
Anatolian production (Figures 12–14),47 yet the use of
poplar wood suggests local manufacture.
Contextualising the Taksai comb
Depiction of a violent military conflict on a female-
related item is surprising and rare on luxury artefacts
Garrison and Root 2001; Garrison 2011.
Summerer 2007; Summerer and von Kienlin eds 2010.
599
in general. The gold comb from the Solokha kurgan,
dated to the first half of the 4th century BC, seems
to be the only example directly analogous to this
comb from Taksai-1.48 The gold necklace exhibited
in the Miho museum is the only example of
jewellery decorated with a scene of ‘Persians versus
Eurasian enemy’.49 On public monumental art of the
Achaemenids battle scenes are absent. The Bisitun
rock-cut relief with its multilingual inscription is the
only historical monument which records military
campaigns, including one against the Saka tigraxauda,50
yet it does not depict the battles themselves, only the
triumph in the aftermath with the king surveying a
row of captives.
Warfare imagery involving Persians and their enemies
is mostly found in Achaemenid glyptic. Thanks to
recent research, seal images with combat scenes have
been systematically documented and analysed, and
Christopher Tuplin provides a full catalogue of all glyptic
images from the Achaemenid period which illustrate
military activity.51 Wu Xin focuses on those which show
combat scenes between Persians and Eurasians/central
Asians.52 Unfortunately, most of the seals depicting
military conflicts in museums and private collections
lack provenance, but excavated seals and sealings
bearing such images have been found at Persepolis in
the Fortification and Treasury Archives (509–493 BC and
492–460 BC respectively),53 and also in modest numbers
in satrapal centres in Anatolia, Mesopotamia and
Egypt.54 In most cases the ethnic origin of the enemies
is identifiable by their specific attire and weaponry
when compared with the Achaemenid royal tomb
reliefs at Naqsh-e Rustam where the representatives
of the subjected ethnic people are helpfully labelled
with cuneiform inscriptions: they are often Greeks,
occasionally Eurasians/central Asians and only rarely
Egyptians.
From the group of Eurasians/central Asians only the
tribe of ‘pointed hat Scythians’ (Saka tigraxaudā) is
precisely identifiable by their tall backward-slanting
pointed hats. As noted above, the hat with a slight
frontal peak as indicated on the Taksai tomb is difficult
Alekseev 2003b.
Bernard and Inegaki 2000: 1371–1437.
Wu 2005: 48–51 with fig. 1; according to Wu (2010: 548) only a
representation of the aftermath of war was acceptable in official
imperial art; see also Wu 2014.
Tuplin 2020.
Wu argues that these images have a specific historical significance,
both within the frame of her dissertation (Wu 2005) and in two
separate papers (Wu 2010; 2014).
Only a dozen seals show human combat scenes (Garrison 2000:
10–151; 2011: 100). They are proportionately much rarer in the
Fortification archive.
In Tuplin’s catalogue (Tuplin 2020) 65 glyptic battle images are
listed, under a third of which involve enemies from Eurasia/central
Asia. Wu (2010: 249) has observed that battle images with a central
Asian/Eurasian enemy are mostly preserved on bullae excavated in
Dascyleium and assigns the pieces found elsewhere also to Anatolia
on the base of their ‘Greco-Persian’ style (Wu 2014: 248).
(photograph: Hakan Kibar)
600
to assign to a particular ethnic group since this headgear
is typically worn by Sogdians and Chorasmians, as well
as other Saka groups. Persian enemies classified as
Eurasians or central Asians all wear tight body-hugging
coats with cut-away fronts, loose pants tucked into
boots, and frontally raised hats with earflaps fastened
under the chin, as does the figure on the Taksai comb.
In terms of iconography and style, the varying
compositions of combat scenes on seals originate in the
late Assyrian artistic tradition.55 They mainly show two
types of military clash: hand-to-hand combats between
foot soldiers and a Persian horseman confronting an
opponent on foot. The first depicts a Persian commander
or ‘royal hero’ stabbing his enemy in the chest with
his dagger/sword or spear, a composition developed
Garrison 2011: 399–405.
from the popular image of a heroic encounter between
a hero and a mythological creature. The second but
less frequently used type shows the victorious Persian
attacking the enemy from horseback with a spear.56
The latter is shown vanquished, either fleeing or with
hands raised in a gesture of supplication similar to that
on the Taksai comb. Interestingly, among the numerous
glyptic images, no battle scene involving a chariot has
so far been found on a seal certainly belonging to the
Achaemenid period.57 Chariots do appear in procession
From a list of 108 glyptic which actually or potentially relate to
land warfare, 68 involve foot soldiers and 40 involve horsemen (Tuplin
2010: 114). This list represents a larger category of material than that
catalogued in Tuplin (2020) as it includes military figures who are
not shown engaged in actual combat with human adversaries. The
precise figures quoted in Tuplin (2010) are now somewhat out of date,
but the proportion between types is still broadly valid.
Tuplin 2010: 115, n. 48. The only example for a battle image
involving a chariot is a late 4th century scaraboid stamp seal in the
(photograph: Hakan Kibar)
Figure 14. Original painting
with the chariot of the
battle scene from the
Roy Hessing)
601
scenes on stone sculpture at Persepolis and in hunting
scenes on the glyptic. A warfare image symbolising the
military power of the victorious Persian army by means
of a chariot, as depicted on the Taksai comb, otherwise
appears only on a painted wooden beam from the
58
The frieze from the eastern wall of this tomb presents
a large battle composition with 23 human figures, nine
horses and a chariot which represents the victory
of the Persian army over the ‘pointed hat Scythians’
(Saka tigraxauda).59 The clearly distinguished adversary
parties are shown moving towards each other. The
victorious Persian army proceeding from the left
consists of 12 warriors, while the defeated Scythian
army is represented by 11, of whom several are injured
or already dead. The central composition, showing
hand-to-hand combat, involves a Persian protagonist
clad in an Achaemenid ‘court robe’ and crown killing
the leader of the Scythians who is unable to make use of
the battle-axe hanging from his waist and tries in vain
to free himself from the grasping hand of the Persian,
while his empty left hand seems to beg for mercy.
Compositional similarities between the battle scenes
there are also differences, hence the Taksai comb
simply cannot be considered as a reduced version of
represented on both corresponds generally to those
shown in procession scenes at Persepolis, as well as
hunting scenes shown on Achaemenid glyptic, and in
both cases a two-wheeled chariot is pulled by a biga of
ram-headed horses. The deep box with curved upper
rim and the two-man crew are convincingly similar
Taksai chariot has only six. Some harnessing elements,
such as the neck and breast straps, are similar in
curved draught pole which is linked with the terret
by means of two vertical lines.60 A draught pole and
other technical details of traction are not shown at
the Taksai comb. This incomplete rendering can be
explained by constraints of space and the inability of
the carver to reproduce all the details of his model in
wooden form.
On the sculptured eastern and northern facades of the
Apadana at Persepolis two-wheeled chariots drawn by
British Museum (Curtis and Tallis eds 2005: 225, cat. 407 = British
Museum, inv. no. 1911,0415.1). This image may be inspired by a
Hellenistic painting suggested as the model of the Alexander mosaic
and is the subject of detailed depiction and discussion (Tuplin 2020:
436-39, cat. 62, fig. 51).
Summerer 2007; 2010: 126–44.
Summerer 2007: 4–30; 2010: 121–44.
Such a draught pole is unattested in other ancient chariot
the convoy frieze on the northern rear wall which is interpreted as
showing ‘departure to war’: Summerer 2010: 142–44.
two horses appear in the tribute procession of the Syrian
delegation.61 The chariots on the eastern stairway of
the Apadana are depicted alongside a group of Medians
and Persians with a lone driver slightly bent forwards.62
The chariot body is richly decorated with striding lions
and lattice patterning, as well as a quiver. The general
matches these sculptured chariot representations.
The walking gait of the horses also corresponds, which
naturally suits the non-violent procession scene, but
not the scene of raging war represented on the Taksai
combination of peacefully advancing chariot with
galloping cavalry horses is also a paradox.
Since there are no battle scenes in monumental Persian
art and as glyptic warfare imagery preferences infantry
over cavalry scenes and omits chariots altogether, the
question arises as to what model (if any) the carver of
were following when they produced their compositions.
states that in composition, iconography and style the
battle scene is firmly embedded in Achaemenid art.63
Bruno Jacobs has disagreed with this because of the
absence of such battle images in the heartland of the
Achaemenid empire and instead favours a derivation
from Greek art.64 However, this claim ignores new
discoveries, notably that of a wall-painting at Dahaneh-
ye Gholaman in Sistan which has the representation
of a hunting scene,65 as well as other recent academic
discussion.66
images therefore certainly lies in non-Greek art.
The links between the Achaemenid glyptic
warfare repertoire and the preceding late Assyrian
iconographic tradition have already been noted,67 and
their existence highlights the fact that battle scenes
were not only placed on the walls of Assyrian palaces
– in contrast to the situation in the Achaemenid
world – but also frequently involved and underlined
the importance of chariots.68 However, these chariots,
usually with a two- or three-man crew of one or
two archers plus a charioteer, are always pulled by
Schmidt 1953: pl. 32.
Schmidt 1953: pl. 52.
Summerer 2007: 21; 2008: 286.
Jacobs 2014: 348–64, generally rejects any artistic link between the
battle scene and Iran and claims that Summerer undervalued the
Greek influence on it. Jacobs 2014: 360: ‘Dass der griechische Einfluss
hier vollig ausgeblendet wird, ist nun gewiss im Sinne jener eingangs
beschriebenen Tendenz zu werten, den griechischen Einfluss zu
marginalisieren’.
Sajjadi 2007.
Jacobs 2014: 349.
Garrison 2011: 399–405. Such links are nicely encapsulated in the
famous seal of Cyrus of Anshan (PFS 93*): this is a 7th century BC
heirloom seal which was still in use in the 5th century BC and
depicted combat between a horseman and an infantry adversary:
Garrison 2011; see also Wu 2010: 551, fig. 51.2; 2014: 220–21.
Dezsö 2012; see also Trimm 2017.
602
galloping horses.69 There is no parallel here for the
odd walking gait of the chariot horses on the Taksai
Indeed, the only reasonable explanation for the
depiction of the chariot in these two images is that
there was no direct model at all. Instead it seems that
the carver and the painter adopted the depiction from
a different iconographic context in order to create
an entirely new chariot-battle image. The chariots,
along with their horses and (at Taksai) a charioteer
clad in a kandys are, in fact, instead taken from a
and Karaburun tomb paintings a man wearing kandys
and bashlyk sits alone in the chariot box,70 although he
is not driving the horses since the reins are attached
to the front screen of the box. The gold chariot model
from the Oxus Treasure, which probably also belonged
to the genre of procession scenes, carries a passenger
with a kandys sitting behind a standing smaller-scale
chariot driver (Figure 15).71 By comparison with these
men, the forward-leaning posture of the charioteer on
the Taksai comb is striking. His posture and the manner
in which he holds the reins resemble the charioteer in
the hunting scene shown on the ‘Darius seal’, also in the
Dezsö 2012: pls 26–32.
Summerer 2010: 158–59, fig. 21.
Mongiatti, Meeks and Simpson 2010 detail how the object was
made and how it was later reconstructed, and the stance of the
charioteer in particular may not be original; see also Wu 2005: 252,
n. 615 with references. The motif of a chariot riding kandys-wearer is
also shown on a cylinder seal in the museum of Baden in Karlsruhe
of which a good photograph is published: http://www.achemenet.
com/en/item/?/achaemenid-museum/museums-and-institutions/
badisches-landesmuseum/2588420
British Museum (Figure 16). The archer in the chariot is
a type of figure often encountered in hunting scenes.72
Meanwhile the figure of the enemy conforms in general
terms to the vanquished non-Persian warrior of battle
images on seals. As noted earlier, his attire identifies
him as the Eurasian or central Asian adversary of
Persians, and the manner in which his left hand grabs
the reins, while his right is raised begging for mercy,
also has analogies in the iconography of victims in
glyptic battle images.73
This comparative analysis leads to the hypothesis that
created a new chariot-battle composition by combining
and re-interpreting figures from existing Achaemenid
battle, hunting and procession scenes. This use of
multiple iconographic models represents an artistic
experiment in the depiction of Persian military power
which goes beyond its own imperial iconographic
tradition.
The Taksai comb displays an imagery charged with
Achaemenid imperial ideology. Its style of carving
shows characteristics which differ from the glyptic
styles known at Persepolis and fits well with the
provincial styles variously labelled as koine, persianising74
or Satrapienkunst.75 Style has been often seen as an
indication either of the ethnic origin of artists, the
commissioner or the consumer. However, recent
scholarship warns against attempts to identify style
Siamak 2018.
Wu 2010: 549, figs 51.3, 51.8.
Kaptan 2002: 107–70.
Rehm 2013.
Figure 15. The main
gold chariot model from
the Oxus Treasure (The
British Museum, inv. nr.
123908; reproduced by
courtesy of the Trustees
of the British Museum)
603
with ethnicity and pleads for a more balanced view of
the matter. As an aspect of socially generated symbolic
art, style can bear testimony to artistic networks, as
well as cultural and sociopolitical connections, but
not to ethnic identities.76 In line with these arguments
the term ‘Achaemenid hegemonic style’, introduced
by Elspeth Dusinberre, moves away from the premise
of style as ethnic and geographic identity towards
a consideration of style as an identifying feature of a
socio-political context.77
However, even if the style itself is difficult to locate,
the iconographic inconsistencies on the comb clearly
indicate a wood-carver who was not properly familiar
with the conventional iconography and styles of
the Achaemenid heartland. Similarities between its
connect the Taksai comb with the western part of the
empire in Anatolia, but the use of poplar wood (the
same material as in the roof of the tomb chamber
where it was found) might prefer local production.
the theme of Persian victory, as well as some formal
characteristics including the presence of a chariot and
the postures of the Persian protagonist and his enemy,
they should not be seen as having a direct relation with
one another. Instead, the truth is probably that each of
the artists involved independently copied and adapted
motifs from glyptic imagery which circulated within as
well as beyond the Achaemenid empire.
But why did they choose to portray combat involving a
chariot instead of the infantry battle scene so common
on seals? This crucial question still requires an answer.
Chariots had dominated battles across the entire Near
East during the Bronze Age because they offered an
optimum mobile platform for bowmen, and they were
still of some importance during the late Assyrian
period.78 However, during the first half of the 1st
Gates 2002; Dusinberre 2008: 92; 2010: 325; 2013: 259–71.
Dusinberre 2008: 93.
Dezsö 2012: 55–68; Trimm 2017: 202–27.
millennium BC their role was increasingly replaced by
cavalry: thus the number of chariots on the battlefield
dropped whereas horse-archery grew in importance
as their greater mobility and manoeuverability made
horse-archers a more effective weapon.79 This is very
likely the reason why chariots are generally absent
in Achaemenid representations of warfare but leaves
unexplained. Perhaps the answer lies in the one context
in which the chariot made a comeback. The 5th century
BC Persian army was famous, even infamous, for its
scythed chariots: these were no longer a platform for
archers but, with blades extending horizontally at an
angle from the wheels on each side, a means of breaking
infantry lines and had been specially introduced in
response to the heavy Greek phalanx encountered
during the Greco-Persian wars.80 The designers of the
least hearsay knowledge of such chariots and attempted
to demonstrate Persian military power with this
frightening new piece of military machinery but, since
existing Achaemenid iconography did not offer a model
for a battle scene involving a scythed chariot (or indeed
a scythed chariot in any context), they substituted it
with a chariot from a procession.
Conclusions
The wooden comb of the ‘golden lady’ carved with a
battle scene showing Persian victory over a Eurasian or
central Asian enemy is an ideologically charged object
Nefedkin 2005: 14: ‘the chariot was the ancestor of the horse-
archer’.
Xenophon Hellenica IV.1.17–19: ‘Pharnabazus came upon them
[the Greeks], scattered as they were over the plain, with two hundred
scythe-bearing chariots and about four hundred horsemen. Now
when the Greeks saw him advancing upon them, they ran together to
the number of about seven hundred; Pharnabazus, however, did not
delay, but putting his chariots in front, and posting himself and the
horsemen behind them, he gave orders to charge upon the Greeks.
And when the chariots dashed into the close-gathered crowd and
scattered it, the horsemen speedily struck down about a hundred
men, while the rest fled for refuge’; cf. Littauer and Crouwel 1979:
152; Nefedkin 2004.
Figure 16. The so-called
‘Darius seal’ (The British
Museum, inv. nr. 89132;
reproduced by courtesy
of the Trustees of the
British Museum)
604
and biased in favour of Achaemenid rule. In carving
technique, iconography and style the battle frieze
follows artistic traditions from the Achaemenid empire,
yet the carver of the comb transforms the models and
conventions of normal Achaemenid iconography by
combining a combat scene with a chariot scene adapted
from procession imagery. The artist was not directly
familiar with the artistic traditions of the Achaemenid
heartland. It is possible that the comb was produced in
Asia Minor, where we find the only parallel for a Persian
chariot battle but the poplar-wood from which the
comb was carved, as well as the openwork technique,
instead suggest local production.
The comb was owned by the ‘golden lady’ who surely
belonged to a local elite. She was buried in local
funerary tradition, but with an attire richly decorated
with gold and with gold jewellery of Persian style. The
comb was part of a grave assemblage which included
other Achaemenid or Achaemenid-inspired items, such
as perfume bottles of polychrome glass and alabaster
vessels. In construction, ritual and inventory the tomb
at Taksai-1 shares many characteristics with other
burials in the southern Ural region. Analogies for its
grave assemblage appear especially in the Lebedevka-
II, Kyryk Oba-II and Pjatimary graves in western
Kazakhstan. In a book edited by Michail Treister and
Boris Yablonsky a corpus of as many as 80 Achaemenid
or Achaemenid-inspired items – jewellery, vessels of
bronze, glass and stone, harnessing elements, and
dress ornaments – found in early nomadic graves in
the southern Ural piedmont is presented.81 With the
discovery of Taksai-1 this corpus has now grown even
further.
The southern Ural piedmont is traditionally associated
with the Sauromatians, a collective ethnonym used for
all nomadic people living in the vast region east of the
Don at the time of Herodotus.82 However, recent studies
see the inhabitants of this region as multi-ethnic and
Treister and Yablonsky eds 2013.
The ethnonym Sauromatae was mentioned by Herodotus, The
Histories 4.21: ‘Cross the River Tanaïs, and you are no longer in Scythia,
but among new divisions of territory, of which the first belongs to
the Sauromatians; the land they inhabit, that starts at the corner of
Lake Maeotis [Sea of Azov], and extends northwards for fifteen days’
journey; is wholly devoid of either wild or cultivated trees. Beyond
the Sauromatians, in the second tract of territory, live the Boudinians,
whose land is completely forested with every kind of tree’; see also
Yablonsky and Balachvancev 2013: 25–26.
favour the more neutral term of early nomads of the
southern Ural piedmont.83 While the Bronze Age in
the southern Ural region is archaeologically well
evidenced, there seems to be a hiatus in the first half
of the 1st millennium BC.84 It has been suggested that
new nomad groups came into the region during the 6th
century BC.85 The earliest archaeological evidence of
this immigration is a group of kurgan burials of the late
6th or early 5th century BC, of which Taksai-1 is part.
Grave-goods of Achaemenid origin not only appear in
these earliest burials of the nomadic elite, but also in
the increasingly splendid later royal graves of the late
5th and 4th centuries.86
In comparison with other regions of Eurasia, including
provinces ruled by the Achaemenids, the quantity of
Achaemenid imports in the southern Urals is striking
and requires explanation. In the concluding chapter
of the book mentioned above, Treister and Yablonsky
recapitulate the hypotheses of previous scholars in
search of an answer to the question as to why and
how these objects reached the southern Urals.87 The
different explanatory models on offer can be subsumed
in four main categories: trade through caravan routes,
payment for mercenary services, spoils of war and
mixed marriages.
The southern Ural region must have attracted the
interest of Achaemenids because of its gold deposits
but the exact nature of imperial authority in the
region remains obscure. The relationship between
Ural nomads and Persians was surely not limited to
exchange of prestigious goods. The evidence of the
Taksai comb shows that even the ideologically charged
imagery of Achaemenids penetrated into the society
of the local elite nomads of this region and implies
that the southern Ural piedmont were part of a socio-
political environment in which an image propagating
Achaemenid ideology was not only acceptable but
perhaps even desirable.
See the extended discussion by Yablonsky and Balachvancev
2013.
Koryakova and Epimakhov 2007; Treister and Yablonsky eds 2013:
320.
According to Treister and Yablonsky (2013: 320), the hypothesis of
a Scythian immigration is not convincing. The immigration of Asian
nomads to the Urals was possibly prompted by the campaigns of the
Achaemenid army in central Asia against the Massagetae in 530 BC
and Scythians in 521 BC; see also Koryakova and Epimakhov 2007: 236.
Treister 2013a.
Treister and Yablonsky eds 2013: 322.
687
: 687–760
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