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Entrepreneurship Development and the Socio -Economic Implications of Herdsmen Attacks In Benue State, Nigeria

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Abstract

Herdsmen attacks in Benue State where the people are predominantly farmers/artisans have serious social and economic implications for entrepreneurship development of the state. Between 2013 and 2018, the state recorded 53 violent herdsmen attacks. Fifteen of the 23 local government areas in the state were affected: 2,438 people were killed, 750 were seriously injured, with 200 people still missing, 99,427 households were displaced in the attacks. Property worth 400 billion Naira and crops worth 25billion Naira were destroyed. This study critically examined these implications using Google chrome and Google scholar to access internet data on herdsmen attacks in Benue State. In-depth interviews were also carried out with victims of the attacks, as well as government officials, and some security officials. The technique of data analysis was content analysis. The study found out that (1) the reasons for the herdsmen attacks includes: disagreement over the use of land and water, terrorist activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, harsh climatic conditions among others. (2) The magnitude of herdsmen attacks in Benue State is very high: (3) The consequences of the herdsmen attacks include: food insecurity, impending civil war, and imminent disintegration of Nigeria; (4) The socioeconomic challenges of entrepreneurship development in Benue State include: shortage of raw materials, loss of long term savings for start-ups and expansion of business ventures, and others. The study concludes that restructuring of Nigeria's federation in line with the citizens' the political, social and economic interests is a must.
Social Science and Humanities Journal
SSHJ - VOL-03, ISSUE-11, 2019 Page no. 1641-1655 Page 1641
http://sshj.in/index.php/sshj/
Research Article
Entrepreneurship Development and the Socio Economic
Implications of Herdsmen Attacks In Benue State, Nigeria
James T. Aan
Department of Sociology, Benue State University Makurdi
Abstract: - Herdsmen attacks in Benue State where the people are predominantly farmers/artisans have
serious social and economic implications for entrepreneurship development of the state. Between 2013 and
2018, the state recorded 53 violent herdsmen attacks. Fifteen of the 23 local government areas in the state
were affected: 2,438 people were killed, 750 were seriously injured, with 200 people still missing, 99,427
households were displaced in the attacks. Property worth 400 billion Naira and crops worth 25billion Naira
were destroyed. This study critically examined these implications using Google chrome and Google scholar
to access internet data on herdsmen attacks in Benue State. In depth interviews were also carried out with
victims of the attacks, as well as government officials, and some security officials. The technique of data
analysis was content analysis. The study found out that (1) the reasons for the herdsmen attacks includes:
disagreement over the use of land and water, terrorist activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, harsh
climatic conditions among others. (2) The magnitude of herdsmen attacks in Benue State is very high: (3)
The consequences of the herdsmen attacks include: food insecurity, impending civil war, and imminent
disintegration of Nigeria; (4) The socio economic challenges of entrepreneurship development in Benue
State include: shortage of raw materials, loss of long term savings for start ups and expansion of business
ventures, and others. The study concludes that restructuring of Nigeria’s federation in line with the citizens’
the political, social and economic interests is a must.
Keywords: - Benue State, entrepreneurship development, herdsmen attacks, socio economic implications.
Introduction
The killing of people, displacing them from their
homes, destroying their properties and sources of
their livelihood are serious enough for any normal
human beings to be concerned. The Janjaweed
attacks on the people of Southern Sudan between
2003 and 2008, which were as serious as the current
herdsmen attacks in Benue State and other states in
the Middle Belt of Nigeria, gave the United Nations
Security Council, the United State of America and
the International Criminal Court enough concern to
intervene in the Sudanese crisis. Why have the
herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria,
especially in Benue State given the international
community enough concern to intervene?
Since 2013, the Middle Belt of Nigeria particularly
Benue State has recorded increasing numbers of
herdsmen attacks, which seems to be deadlier than
the Boko Haram insurgence in the North Eastern
part of the country. These series of herdsmen
Attacks obviously have serious socio economic
challenges on the entrepreneurship development of
Benue State. And since these socio economic
challenges are likely to have negative effects on the
survival of the people, the state and perhaps the
whole nation, this study believes it should be the
concern most people who desire to survive and it
should not be taken for granted.
The general objective of this study was to provide
historically grounded explanations for the herdsmen
attacks on the people of Benue State, as well as
compare the hostile and violent development
between herdsmen and crop farmers in the state
with other modern societies, in which herdsmen and
crop farmers live in harmony together as a way
forward. While the specific objectives were (i) to
identify the reasons for the herdsmen attacks in
Benue State, (ii) to examine the magnitude of the
herdsmen attacks in Benue State, (iii) to explain the
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Attacks In Benue State, Nigeria
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consequences of the herdsmen attacks in Benue
state and Nigeria as a whole and (iv) to explain the
socio economic challenges and their implications
on entrepreneurship development in Benue state.
Conceptual clarification
The concepts clarified in this section are
entrepreneurship development, restructuring and
socio - economic. UNDP (1999) defines
entrepreneurship development as the process of
enhancing entrepreneurial skills and knowledge
through structural training and institutional building
programmes. Entrepreneurship development aims to
enlarge the base of entrepreneurs in order to hasten
the pace at which new ventures are created and
existing ones expanded. This accelerates
employment generation and economic development.
However, for this study entrepreneurship
development simply means the creation of new
ventures and the expansion of the existing ones.
Restructuring on the other hand refers to organizing
society in a new and different way such that the
interests of the different social groups in it are well
taken care of politically, socially and economically.
While socio-economic in this study refers to the
relationship between social and economic factors or
conditions which affect the quality of life, having
direct and indirect impact on the patterns of social
behavior and norms. The economic factors in socio-
economic concern the sources of people’s income
generating activities, as well as non-income
generating activities which determine the
distribution of wealth and consumption patterns in
society, such as occupations and domestic chores.
The social factors on the other hand concerns the
less-tangible factors such as status, class, personal
dignity, freedom of decision making, personal
safety, freedom of association, freedom from fear of
physical harm, and the extent of participation in
civil society.
The genesis of herdsmen attacks in the Middle
Belt of Nigeria
Man as a social animal, is always interested in
knowing where he is in time and space, why he is
where he is and why certain things happen the way
they do (Dzeremo, 2002). An understanding of the
past equips man with the intellectual tools to better
handle happenings around him more effectively and
efficiently.
The Middle Belt of Nigeria is made up of
Adamawa, Benue, Kaduna, Kogi, Kwara,
Nasarawa, Niger, Plateau and Taraba states
inhabited by over 200 indigenous ethnic groups and
settlers (NOUN, 2004). The major indigenous
ethnic groups in the zone are Bassa, Nupe, Gwari,
Birom, Angas, Igala, Igbira, Tiv, Idoma, Igede,
Agatu, Alago, Eggon, Yergam, Mada, Rukuba,
Jarawa, Afizere, Jukun, Waka, Ankwei, Kagoro,
Kaje, Mumuye, Bachama, Jaba, Kambari, Kadara,
Borgawa, and Yoruba; who are predominantly crop
farmers and fishermen who have been living in the
area before the 17th century. Among the prominent
settlers and latecomers to the region are the
nomadic Fulani herdsmen, who as Nigerian citizens
are indigenes of Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Bauchi,
Gombe, Katsina, and Kano states (NOUN, 2004 &
Elewa, Ukangwu, Nwachukwu, and Nwaubani,
1988).
According to NOUN (2004) the Fulani are nomadic
herdsmen who move back and forth with seasons: to
the south in dry seasons and north in the wet season.
They are known to have had a long history of
interactions with the crop farmers and fishermen of
the Middle Belt of Nigeria stretching as far back as
the 19th century. The Fulani nomadic herdsmen’s
first contact with the people of the Middle Belt was
during the Uthman Dan Fodio’s jihad (a religious
war intended to forcefully convert the people to
Islam). According to Eluwa et al (1988), only the
people of the present Benue, Plateau and parts of
Kwara states escaped the jihad, while the rest of the
region were victims of the war.
After the jihad, the Fulani nomadic herdsmen who
are largely Muslims learnt to live in peace and
harmony with their non Muslim neighbors for
long period until the early part of the 21st century
when violent conflicts developed between the
Fulani nomadic herdsmen and their crop farmers
neighbors over the use of land and water due to
population growth and harsh climatic conditions.
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Since 2013, the conflicts have degenerated into non
- provocative attacks on the crop farmers by the
herdsmen in the Middle Belt of Nigeria (All Africa,
2018).
According to All Africa (2018), rising conflicts
between herdsmen and crop farmers in Nigeria is
already six times deadlier in 2018 than Boko
Haram’s insurgency, killing more than 1,300 people
since January. The conflicts the report said have
evolved from spontaneous reactions to provocations
and now to deadlier planned attacks, particularly in
Benue, Plateau, Adamawa, Nasarawa and Taraba
states. The report adds that the conflicts are
fundamentally land use contests between herdsmen
and crop farmers across Nigeria’s Middle Belt. The
conflicts have taken on dangerous religious and
ethnic dimensions, however, because most of the
herdsmen are from traditionally nomadic Muslim
Fulani, while most of the crop farmers are
Christians of various ethnic groups. The report
pointed out that since the violence escalated in
January 2018, an estimated 300,000 people have
fled their homes. Large scale displacement and
insecurity in parts of Adamawa, Benue, Plateau and
Taraba states hinder farming as well as herding,
driving up food prices. The report warns that the
conflict poses a grave threat to Nigeria’s stability
and unity and could be worse, if nothing is
immediately done to stop the violence (All Africa,
2018).
Ishaku (2017) compares the herdsmen attacks in the
Middle Belt of Nigeria the Janjaweed attacks on the
black people of Southern Sudan between 2003 and
2008. Janjaweed he says are a militia group of
nomadic Arab pastoralists who carried out a
systematic genocide against black African Dafuris
between 2003 and 2008 in an attempt to forcefully
take over land, power and control of the Southern
part of Sudan from non- Arab communities. The
Janjaweed attacks Ishaku (2017) says continued
until 2007 when the United Nations (UN) Security
Council called for the disbanding of the group in
Sudan due to the danger the continued activities of
Janjaweed constituted to international peace and
security. Following United Nations declaration, the
United States of America declared the activities of
Janjaweed as genocide. In July 2008, the
International Criminal Court (ICC) filed charges of
genocide against the Sudanese President Bashir
Omar. According to McKay (2011), by the time
United Nations and the International Criminal Court
intervened in the Southern Sudan attacks, about 520
people lost their lives in the Janjaweed attacks;
about 178,258 households were displaced causing
millions of people to live in internally displaced
persons (IDP) camps (McKay, 2011 cited in
Ishaku, 2017).
Although, the United Nations and the International
Criminal Court have not intervened in the Fulani
herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria,
Ishaku (2017) says there are striking similarities
between the activities of Janjaweed in the Southern
Sudan and the Fulani herdsmen attacks in the
Middle Belt of Nigeria. According to Ishaku:
The similarities between the two groups in terms of
racial, ethnic, religious, occupation and modus
operandi are too striking to ignore. More so, the two
groups, though being non state actors, are known
to enjoy proxy support of the power establishment
where they operate (Ishaku, 2017: 150).
From Ishaku’s point of view, the herdsmen attacks
in the Middle Belt of Nigeria and the Janjaweed
attacks in Southern Sudan are not just similar in
their methods of operation but also have similar
motive: to forcefully take over peoples land, usurp
power and control them. Wegh (2017) seems to
agree with Ishaku (2017) that the Fulani herdsmen
attacks are beyond seeking grazing land for cattle.
Wegh believes that part of the motive for the
herdsmen attacks in Benue state is to revenge and
subdue the people and control them for the wrong
done to the herdsmen in the past. Wegh quoted the
National Secretary General of Gan Allah Fulani
Development Association (GAFDAN) Saleh
Bayeri, who in 2016 said:
The Fulani herdsmen have this instinct of wanting
to take revenge. It is in their nature. It is inherent,
and in his blood even from his traditional activities.
So if you strike a Fulani man today, wait for him
another time. So when you hear that herdsmen
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Attacks In Benue State, Nigeria
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attacked a community, just ask if there was no any
clash say, ten, fifteen years ago (Bayeri, 2016 cited
in Wegh, 2017: 110).
Similarly, Ishaku (2017) quoted the Governor of
Kaduna state, Mallam Nasir El Rufai who twitted
on July 15, 2012 saying:
We write this for all people to read. Anyone, soldier
or not that kills a Fulani takes a loan repayable one
day, no matter how long it takes (El Rufai, 2012
cited in Ishaku, 2017: 164 165).
Ortom (2018) also agrees with Ishaku (2017) that
the Janjaweed attacks in Southern Sudan and the
Fulani herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt of
Nigeria especially Benue state have common
motive: to forcefully take over peoples land, usurp
power and control the people. However, unlike
Wegh (2017), Ortom believes that the main motive
for the Fulani herdsmen attacks in Benue state is the
continuation of the Uthman Dan Fodio 1804 jihad.
In his words:
The herdsmen attacks on several communities
across the state are beyond grazing crisis but rather
the continuation of the 1804 conquest and the
occupation agenda of the jihadists (Ortom, 2018,
Punch, September 15).
Report of the Political Bureau (1987), had earlier
blamed continued communal, religious and ethnic
conflicts in Nigeria on the British who during the
colonial period destroyed or modified the systems
and ethos of governance that prevailed during the
pre colonial period. The report observed that the
Nigeria which the British inherited on the advent of
colonial rule had a legal system firmly anchored in
the mores, ethos and moral conscience of the people
within each polity. However, in 1863, English law
was formally introduced into Nigeria. The new legal
system brought a new culture of legalism: the
notion of rule of law different from morality. In
theory, the ‘rule of law’ meant that every person, no
matter his or her status was subject to the law of the
land. Unfortunately, the introduction and
implementation of the concept and practice were
attended with the same hesitation, vacillation and
reservations that attended the devolution of
authority and responsibility to Nigerians. At
independence in 1960, the report said Nigeria
inherited a weak socio political structure,
defective and unbalanced federation, an
intensification of ethnic consciousness and rivalries,
a subverted indigenous ethos of government and
culture, and above all, inexperienced leadership.
Most of the apparatuses of the state: a civil service
not primarily geared to development; a police force
alienated from the interests of the ruling class and
increasingly torn apart by regional sentiments; and a
judicially wedded to the protection of the interests
of the power elite and could not meet or support
aspirations an emergent state; the parliamentary
constitution did not contain adequate provision for
positive socio economic transformation and
national integration, it encouraged regionalism.
From all indications, there was little doubt that
independence Nigeria, despite the euphoria that
greeted her at birth, was headed for a turbulent and
crisis ridden future. The report concluded by
recommending the restructuring of the Nigerian
federation.
The 1994 1995 Constitutional Conference of the
Gen. Sani Abacha’s military regime also
recommended the restructuring of Nigeria.
Similarly, 2012 public hearings on Constitutional
Amendment conducted by the National Assembly
during the Goodluck Jonathan’s administration
recommended the restructuring of Nigeria. A
former Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister
of Justice Muhammed Bello Adoke during the 13th
Convocation Lecture at Benue State University,
Makurdi in 2013 advocated for the restructuring of
Nigeria through constitutional amendment.
According to him, ‘There is the need to weigh the
contending views on a scale of balance to ensure
that any decision taken is one which not only takes
cognizance of socio economic consciousness, but
also recognize the uniqueness and peculiarity of our
democracy’ (Adoke, 2013:5). However, the present
Muhammadu Buhari’s administration right from its
inception said the restructuring of Nigeria is a no go
area. Despite this, agitations for the restructuring of
Nigeria have continued especially with the impunity
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Attacks In Benue State, Nigeria
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that the Buhari’s administration has treated the
herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt of Nigeria.
The socio economic challenges of herdsmen
attacks on entrepreneurship development
The continued attacks of herdsmen on farming
communities in Nigeria surely have grave socio
economic challenges for entrepreneurship
development in some states and the nation as a
whole. A study carried out by Adisa and Adekunle
in 2010 on the socio economic challenges of
farmers and herdsmen conflicts in Kwara state,
Nigeria revealed that farmers in the state incurred
huge losses in farm yields, farm income, human
lives, occupations, properties as well as human
displacement resulting to high rate of poverty in the
state (Adisa and Adekunle, 2010).
Similarly, a study by Oli, Ibekwe and Nwanko
(2018) on the prevalence of herdsmen and farmers
conflicts in Nigeria revealed that, the affected
communities face a lot of social and economic
challenges as a result of the conflicts. Major social
and economic challenges are: death of human
beings, displacement of people causing them to stay
in refugee camps or stay with family member or
friends in safer areas over stretching their
economies creating a circle of poverty, insecurity,
destruction of farms, destruction of properties worth
millions of Naira, loss of farm incomes, food
insecurity and the closure of schools obstructing
smooth teaching and learning. All these the authors
say have grave social and economic consequences
on the affected farm communities and the economy
of the whole nation (Oli, Ibekwe and Nwanko,
2018).
According to Sunday Sun, 3rd June 2018, if
escalating violence between herdsmen and farmers
in Nigeria has brought a heavy human cost, its
impact on local economies is also significant.
Population displacement and continuing insecurity
have disrupted agricultural and business activities in
Benue State. Thousands of farmers fearing
herdsmen attacks are unable to work on their farms.
Food production in the state is estimated to have
dropped from 65% in 2013 to 33% in 2018,
gradually resulting to mass poverty in the state.
Kpelai (2009) identified, insecurity, limited
manpower, lack of business role models, and
limited funds as the major socio economic
challenges constraining entrepreneurship
development in Nigeria.
Cattle rearing in modern societies
Both cattle rearing and crop farming are industries
or entrepreneurial activities, which people in many
traditional and modern societies engage in as means
of livelihood. They are life time activities. They
were practiced in most traditional societies as
nomadic pastoral and shifting cultivation of crops.
However, rapid population growth and harsh
climatic conditions have over stretched the use of
land and water forcing herdsmen and crop farmers
in most modern societies to embrace modern animal
husbandry and crop farming techniques. According
to USDA (2012) animal husbandry varied widely
across cultures and time periods. Originally,
livestock were not confined by fences or enclosures,
but these practices have largely shifted to intensive
animal farming, sometimes referred to as factory
farming. Now over 99% of livestock globally are
raised on factory farms such as ranches and cattle
centers. Modern animal husbandry relies on
production systems adapted to the type of land
available.
In Nigeria however, the Fulani nomadic herdsmen
have refused to embrace modern techniques of
rearing animals resulting to continued violent
conflicts with crop farmers across the nation (All
Africa, 2018). When the Benue State in 2017 passed
the anti open grazing law in order to curb the
continued violent conflicts between herdsmen and
crop farmers, the socio cultural association of
Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria, Miyetti Allah Kaure
Hore (MAKH) through its National Secretary, Saleh
Hassan rejected and protested against the law on the
ground that the law is inimical to the Fulani
herdsmen’s centuries old pastoralist culture of
migrating with the seasons. According to Hassan
(2017) ‘anti open grazing laws are nothing but
populist agenda designed by visionless and
desperate politicians to destroy our means of
livelihood. These laws are oppressive, negative and
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fundamentally against our culture as the Fulani
pastoralists’. The herdsmen also claimed that the
law denies their constitutional rights to free
movement and residence in any part of the country
(The Punch, 8 November 2017).
Briefing news reporters in Lagos, Wednesday 3rd
January 2018 on the herdsmen attacks in Benue
State Special Adviser to President Muhammadu
Buhari on Political Matters Babafemi Ojudu said,
‘Perhaps Nigeria does not even have one third of
cows that South Africa has, neither does Nigeria has
one third of cattle Brazil has. These countries have
adopted modern ways of rearing cattle without
infringing on farmlands. Nigerian herdsmen must
embrace modern cattle rearing techniques’
(Vanguard Online News, January 3, 2018).
Theoretical framework
The Power elite theory has been reviewed in this
section and used in the study as the basis of
analysis. The power elite theory was propounded by
Mills (1956). It is a variant of social conflict theory.
The theory assumes that (i) Major national
decisions are made by the elite, a small upper class
which holds most of society’s scarce resources:
wealth, prestige and power, than do the masses it
governs. (ii) Consensus exist among the elite on the
basic values and goals of society, however,
consensus does not exist among the bulk of people
in society on those important social concerns. (iii)
Power in society is highly concentrated at the top of
a pyramid shape social hierarchy, those at the top of
the power structure come together to set policies for
everyone. (iv) Public policy reflects the values and
preferences of the power elite, not the values and
preferences of the masses (Dye and Zeigler, 2003
cited in Macionis, 2005).
According to Mills (1956), most of society’s
wealth, prestige and power are held by a small
wealthy segment of society known as power elite
made up of top leaders of corporate organizations
(executives and shareholders), heads of the military
and leaders of the executive arm of the federal
government. Out of the three, Mills argued the top
leaders of corporate organizations are the most
powerful because of their unique ability to
contribute huge economic resources at their disposal
into politics.
Mills (1956) observed that power in society is
structured in a pyramid shape with the power elite
on top of the pyramid. Below the power elite are
members of the legislative arm of the federal
government, local opinion leaders, leaders of
special interest groups, and at the bottom of the
pyramid are the unorganized masses, which are
relatively powerless and vulnerable to economic,
political and social exploitations. Mills (1956)
observed further that members of the power elite
have similar class backgrounds and interests; and
many of them interact on regular basis. Also, many
of them shift back and forth among corporate
boardrooms, government and the military sectors.
The power elite theory explains the Nigerian power
structure perfectly. The power elite in Nigeria hold
most of the country’s economic, social and political
power. They are made up of top leaders of corporate
organizations (executives and shareholders), heads
of the military and leaders of the executive arm of
the federal government. They have similar class
background and shift back and for between
corporate boards rooms, government and the
military sectors. For example, President
Muhammadu Buhari is a retired army general; he is
the former Chairman on Nigeria’s Petroleum Trust
Fund, and now Nigeria’s president. In order to
protect his group interests, he has been treating the
herdsmen attacks on the farming communities in
Nigeria with impunity to the dismay of the helpless
masses, and even though there are agitations for the
restructuring of the Nigerian federation, he said at
the beginning of his administration that
restructuring of the country is not on his
administration’s agenda.
Elite conspiracy is explicitly displayed in the
herders/farmers crisis in Nigeria. First, the young
herdsmen that move freely in society with AK47
riffles on their shoulders are people who ordinary
cannot afford one of such sophisticated weapons
because most of them are ordinary hired hands.
Meaning that, the weapons are supplied to them the
Fulani elites who are owners of the cattle. Second,
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there are clear indications that the Fulani elites have
allies among rogue political elites in the farming
communities of Nigeria. For example, in Benue
State it is clear that the Fulani elites are in alliance
with a former governor of the state, a former
senator, and a current minister of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, George Akume. While on a
state visit to President Muhammadu Buhari, in the
presidential villa in Abuja on 23rd November, 2018,
Senator Akume claimed that it was the Benue
people that were killing themselves and not the
armed Fulani herdsmen. The Tiv Youth
Organization (TYO) responded through its National
President, Mr. Timothy Hembaor saying:
We now know that Senator Akume is one of those
conspiring with terror groups like Miyetti Allah to
sustain the mindless bloodletting in Benue State. If
any herdsmen attacks take place in Benue from now
going forward, Senator Akume and his Miyetti
Allah partners should be held accountable.
Thirdly, the handling of the herders/farmers crisis in
Nigeria with impunity by the Federal Government
is also a clear indication that the Nigerian elites are
interested in the matter.
Due to the protection of sectional interests by the
power elite, Bartlett and Steele (2000) have argued
that leadership by the power elite is not democratic
since the concentration of society’s wealth, prestige
and power at the top is too great for the average
citizens’ voice to be heard (Bartlett and Steele 2000
cited in Kendall, 2007).
Significance of this study
Reference has been made in this study to the fact
that herdsmen attacks in Benue State are six times
deadlier than the Boko Haram insurgency in the
north eastern Nigeria. Considering the grave
consequences the attacks are likely to have on the
social and economic wellbeing of people in Benue
State and other affected communities in Nigeria
makes the attacks a serious problem that is worth
investigating from all angles. Entrepreneurship
development is intended to enhance the capacities
of existing and potential entrepreneurs in order to
reduce unemployment and poverty in society.
Investigating the socio economic challenges
confronting entrepreneurship development in Benue
State due to the herdsmen attacks is therefore
important.
The review of literature in this study show that
previous studies have concentrated mainly on the
economic consequences of the herdsmen attacks in
Benue State but none addressed the issue of social
and economic challenges, which the attacks have
confronted the state with in its attempt to develop
her entrepreneurship capacity. This makes this
study significant for attempting to bridge the gap
that the previous studies have created.
Methods
The study adopted a descriptive research design,
which focuses on tracing the development of social
forms over time and comparing those
developmental processes across cultures (Babbie,
2007). This study considered recorded content of
herdsmen attacks on Benue State communities in
media reports, government reports, recorded data in
academic textbooks and journals, from 2013 to
2018. The period was considered significant in the
study because it covered the time Benue State
experienced systematic and organized herdsmen
attacks that were considered deadlier than the Boko
Haram insurgency in Nigeria.
Materials
Data for the study were collected through
documentary sources and in depth interviews.
Internet data were accessed using Google Chrome
and Google Scholar. Over 60 newspapers and
journal articles on herdsmen attacks and their socio
economic consequences were reviewed, however
only the articles that discussed issues relating to
entrepreneurship development and documentary
sources which had detailed accounts of the
herdsmen attacks on Benue State communities from
2013 to 2018 were selected for the study were
selected. On the whole, 38 of such articles were
used in the study. The sampling technique was
purposive. In depth interviews were carried out
with 20 victims of the herdsmen attacks, 4
government officials, 4 State vigilante officials, 2
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academics, 2 youth, 2 elder state men and 2 women.
Content analysis was used in the analysis of the data
in the study.
Results
Data presentation and analysis
Data presentation and analysis in this study were
done qualitatively using narratives. The presentation
analyses were carried out based on the specific
objectives of the study.
Table 1: Reasons for herdsmen attacks in Benue State
Reasons for the herdsmen attacks in Benue State
Easy to
resolve
Difficult to
resolve
1. Disagreement over the use of land and water
2. Cattle rustling
3. Obstruction of traditional migration routes for the herdsmen
4. Terrorist activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria
×
5. Encroachments of settlement and farms on designated grazing
reserves
6. High population growth
×
7. Available illegal firearms in the hands of the people
8. Impunity
×
9. Indigenes/settlers claims
10. The passage of the anti open grazing law in Benue State
11. Revenge
12. Harsh climatic conditions
×
×
Source: All Africa, 2018 & in depth interviews, 2018.
The data in Table 1 show that several reasons have
been given for the continued herdsmen attacks in
Benue State. However, when asked to identify
reason that have made it difficult to resolve the
crisis, the interviewees unanimously identified:
terrorist activities in the northern part of Nigeria,
high population growth in Nigeria, impunity with
which the Federal Government of Nigeria has
handled the attacks and the instinct to revenge by
the Fulani herdsmen. What this means is that the
four reasons identified by the interviewees are the
major causes of the continued herdsmen attacks in
Benue State.
In an in depth interview with some of the victims
of the attacks, one of the interviewees said:
It has been difficult to resolve the crisis because the
Fulani herdsmen do not accept defeat. When we are
aware that they are coming, we prepare for them
and defeat them. However, they keep coming back
for retaliation. Beside this, it is like their religion
condones violence. Fulani love violence. Then the
way the federal government has so far handled the
attacks with insensitivity, makes the attackers to
believe that they are above the law, they can kill
human beings and destroy their property without
punishment. This makes them to continue with the
attacks.
Another interviewee, a Benue State government
official lamented that:
The Fulani herdsmen attacks in Benue State are
very frustrating especially with the way the federal
government has been treating the attacks with
impunity makes some of us to believe that there is a
hidden agenda about the attacks. With the killings
of Christians and the destruction of churches in the
state without the federal government sanctioning
the attacker and their sponsors confirms our believe
that the attacks are beyond acquiring grazing land
for cattle but a jihad to Islamize the people of Benue
State who frustrated the first attempt in the 19th
century. Otherwise, how can President Buhari come
to Benue State only to tell us that we should learn to
accommodate our neighbors who kill without
provocation?
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In Table 2 the data show that the herdsmen attacks
on Benue State communities between 2013 and
2018 have been well planned using sophisticated
weapons such as AK 47 riffles and in some cases
chemicals were used. The data show further that the
attacks were violent and frequent. Over half the
state has been affected. The impact of the attacks is
grave, deadly and destructive. The attacks have
been proven in this study to be six times deadlier
than the Boko Haram insurgence in northern eastern
Nigeria.
Table 2: The magnitude of herdsmen attacks in Benue Sate
Period of
the attacks:
From February 2013 to September, 2018.
Nature of
the attacks:
Well planned systematic attacks using modern sophisticated weapons including guns and
chemicals.
Frequency
of the
attacks:
The rate of occurrence: very high. The state experienced 53 violent incidences covering 15
out of the 23 local government areas in the state. Local government areas attacked were:
Guma, Logo, Ukum, Katsina Ala, Kwande, Buruku, Tarka, Makurdi, Gwer West,
Gwer East, Agatu, Obi, Ogadibo, Apa and Ohimini.
Impact of
the attacks:
Deadly and destructive. Six times deadlier than the Boko Haram insurgence in Nigeria:
i. Persons killed = 2,438
ii. Persons injured = 750
iii. Persons missing = 200
iv. Persons displaced = 300,000
v. Worth of property destroyed = ₦ 400 billion
vi. Worth of crops destroyed = ₦ 25billion.
Source: Premium Times, August 10 2016, Punch Newspapers, September 2018, All Africa, July 26, 2018 &
Benue State Government, July 5, 2018.
In an in depth interview, an interviewee, a
professor of Political Science said:
The herdsmen attacks in Benue State have been well
planned. We know that the traditional Fulani
herdsmen went about with sticks and knives for
their safety and their animals. In the Benue State
attacks, the herdsmen go about freely with
sophisticated weapons that are prohibited in
Nigeria without arrest and prosecution. Human
lives and property worth billions of Naira have been
lost to the attacks. The federal government’s
insensitivity to the attacks has resulted to the
emergence of local and ethnic militia. The people
have resolved to protect themselves against the
herdsmen attackers. If nothing serious is done by
the federal government to stop the attacks, things
will get worse. There will be another civil war and
Nigeria may break up just like Sudan.
In another in depth interview, an interviewee an
officer of the Benue State Vigilante Command, also
a member of the state Joint Task Force (JTF)
lamented about the herdsmen attacks and said:
I am an ex- soldier, I fought the Nigerian civil in the
sixties, yet I did not see the Ibo insurgence with the
type of sophisticated weapons that the Fulani
herdsmen attackers have. These attackers are well
trained in the art of warfare. They are not ordinary
Fulani herdsmen. I believe there are serious forces
that are supporting them. They are well prepared
for the mission.
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Table 3: The consequences of herdsmen attacks in Benue State
Gravity
Less serious
Serious
Very serious
Source: In depth interviews, 2018 & Benue State Government Official Reports, 2018.
In Table 3 the data show that the gravity of the
consequences the herdsmen attacks in Benue State
are very serious. If the attacks continue, there shall
be food insecurity in Benue State and perhaps the
whole of Nigeria. A civil war is likely to break out
due to the local and ethnic militia who are in
position of sophisticated firearms. With a civil war,
Nigeria is likely to break up or at least become a
failed state.
An elder state man in an in depth interview said
Nigeria is heading for a break up as predicted by the
United States of America in 2013. According to
him:
Nigerians not just Benue people are fed up with the
Fulani aggression in Nigeria. The Fulani generally
believe that Nigeria belongs to them alone; all the
resources in Nigeria also belong to them alone:
power, wealth and control belong to them alone,
even though Nigeria is made up of over 400 ethnic
groups. What makes the Fulani people superior to
the rest of us that they want to enslave? We are
ready to break away. It is not possible to live in
peace with people that do not value human life like
the Fulani people.
Table 4: Socio economic Challenges of Herdsmen attacks and Entrepreneurship Development in
Benue State
Socio economic challenges
Effects on entrepreneurship development
1. Death of human beings resulting to:
i. Loss of manpower for entrepreneurial
activities in the state.
2. Displacement of people resulting to:
i. Loss of manpower for entrepreneurial
activities in the state.
ii. Loss of means of livelihood.
iii. Displaced persons stay with other people
overstretching their resources.
iv. Kill existing businesses in the state.
v. Relocation of existing businesses to other
states.
3. Insecurity resulting to:
i. High risk of doing business may retard
entrepreneurial activities in the state.
ii. Foreign investors may keep away from the
state.
iii. Business mentors may be lacking in the
state.
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iv. Relocation of existing businesses to other
states.
4. Unemployment/underemployment
results to:
i. Loss of income in turn resulting to high
rate of poverty in the state.
ii. Abandonment of established
businesses/occupations for temporary
occupations in order to survive.
iii. Change in potential entrepreneurs’ social
status from high to low.
5. Closure of schools resulting to:
i. Poor entrepreneurship knowledge and
skills acquisition in the state.
ii. Killing of businesses in schools in the state
such as catering and retailing.
6. Proliferation of internally displaced
persons (IDP) camps results to:
i. Poor sanitation and hygiene causing
potential entrepreneurs to become infected
with diseases and sicknesses and death.
ii. Potential entrepreneurs starving to death.
iii. Potential entrepreneurs spending their
saved start up capital on consumables in
order to survive.
7. Destruction of property results to:
i. Loss of residential and business premises
in the state demoralizing many potential
entrepreneurs.
ii. Loss of collateral for obtaining business
loans from financial institutions.
iii. Loss of vehicles for private and business
purposes creating transportation hardship
for entrepreneurs in the state.
iv. Demoralization of entrepreneurs in the
state causing them to quit their businesses
in the state.
v. Re location of businesses to other states
by entrepreneurs.
8. Destruction of farms and businesses
results to:
i. Shortage of raw materials for
entrepreneurship activities in the state.
ii. Food insecurity in the state, shooting up of
food prices.
iii. Loss of farm and business incomes in the
state.
iv. High rates of unemployment and
underemployment in the state in turn
resulting to high rate of poverty.
v. Low gross domestic product (GDP) in the
state and the nation.
vi. Entrepreneurs who have obtained loans
from financial institutions in the state will
not be able to pay back such loans and
may be black listed or even have their
properties seized.
9. Destruction/closure of markets results
to:
i. Entrepreneurial activities in the state will
suffer because entrepreneurs will not have
markets to buy raw materials and sell their
products and services.
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ii. Internally generated revenue in the state
will decline because the destroyed or
closed markets will no longer contribute to
revenue generation.
iii. Revenue collectors in the destroyed or
closed markets will lose their jobs and
incomes.
10. Total destruction of villages and small
towns results to:
i. Complete wipe out of generations of
entrepreneurs in the state.
ii. Complete destruction of existing
businesses in the destroyed villages and
towns in the state.
iii. Destruction of infrastructural facilities that
would aid entrepreneurship development
in the state.
Source: In depth interviews, 2018.
The data in Table 4 show that the socio economic
challenges of the herdsmen attacks in Benue State
are many and their effect on entrepreneurship
development in the state is very damaging such that
if nothing is done to stop the attacks, Benue State in
the near future will become the poorest state in
Nigeria despite her great entrepreneurship
potentials. Almost all the interviewees in the in
depth interviews said the herdsmen attacks have
serious social and economic challenges on the
entrepreneurship development of the state. They
lamented that almost everybody in Benue State is
negatively affected by the crisis either directly or
indirectly. The interviewees pointed out that in 15
local government areas out of the 23 in the state,
people have lost either family member, friends,
neighbors, colleagues, customers or associates.
Then there is the pressure on government and the
general public to assist the victims in one way or the
other. Economically, it is worse. Prices of food
items have gone up because of the attacks. Many
people have lost their jobs, incomes and properties.
Businesses in the affected local government areas
have either been permanently or temporary closed
down. There is general insecurity and economic
hardship in the state due to the herdsmen attacks.
According to a youth leader in Guma local
government area:
Most Benue people have lost faith in the unity of
Nigeria due to the careless way the federal
government has handled the herdsmen attacks in
Benue Sate. The herdsmen attacks are devilish and
crippling. As a university graduate, I could not find
paid employment so I started farming for survival.
It paid off, I got married, had three children. I also
built a two bedroom apartment in my village in
addition to that; I bought a brand new motorcycle.
The herdsmen attacks claimed all these: my wife,
three children, my house and my motorcycle. On top
of these, my father and mother including my two
sisters were killed in the attacks. I am now a
refugee in Makurdi town. My friends are tired of
assisting me. Most of them have isolated me. To go
back to Guma is a nightmare. I am afraid for
Nigeria.
Another interviewee, a widow from Gwer West
local government area in Benue State expressed her
social and economic losses due to the herdsmen
attacks in these words:
I was a food seller in one of the primary schools in
Naka town. I did that for several years and trained
my four grown up children in the university. Last
year, Fulani herdsmen attacked our side of the town
and destroyed both the primary school and our
family house. We lost all our properties. My
husband, a retired civil servant died of heart attack.
My last born, a boy also died of fire burns from the
attack. Right now my four grown up children and
myself are unemployed. We are scattered in
Makurdi town as refugees. I do not know where to
begin life at this age.
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Findings
Data presentation and analysis in this study reveal
that:
1. There are several reasons for the herdsmen
attacks in Benue State; however the major
reasons are those that have made the resolution
of the crisis difficult. They are: terrorist
activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria,
high population growth, impunity and revenge,
and harsh climatic conditions.
2. The magnitude of the herdsmen attacks in
Benue State between 2013 and 2018 is very
high. The state experienced 53 violent
incidences covering 15 out of the 23 local
government areas in the state.
3. The consequences of the attacks are grave;
about six times deadlier than the Boko Haram
insurgence in northern Nigeria.
4. Socio economic challenges of the herdsmen
attacks have serious negative effect on the
entrepreneurship development of Benue State.
Discussion
The discussion of findings in this study is done
based on the research objectives.
Reasons for herdsmen attacks in Benue State
The first finding in this study indicates that though
there are several reasons for the herdsmen attacks in
Benue State, four among the reasons are considered
by this study as the major ones. These are: terrorist
activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, high
population growth, impunity and revenge. These
reasons are considered as the major because they
made the resolution of the crisis difficult. The Boko
Haram terrorist activities in northern parts of
Nigeria have created insecurity among the Fulani
herdsmen who are indigenes of the northern states
forcing them to migrate south where there is relative
safety. Terrorist activities take some time to be
resolved because they are complex. Both terrorism
and religious insurgence are anchored on
sentiments, which go beyond sound objective
reasoning. The Boko Haram terrorism coupled with
claim that the herdsmen attacks in Benue State are
the continuation of the hidden agenda by Muslims
to Islamize the people of the Middle Belt makes the
crisis difficult to resolve. The killings of innocent
Christians and the destruction of churches by the
Fulani herdsmen and terrorists give credence to the
claim that the herdsmen attacks in Benue State are
part of the jihad to Islamize the people of Benue
State. This study therefore agrees with Ishaku
(2017) who says that the herdsmen attacks in the
Middle Belt of Nigeria have similarities with the
Janjaweed attacks in Southern Sudan between 2003
and 2008.
High population growth is another reason that has
made the resolution of the herdsmen attacks in
Benue State difficult to resolve. The population of
Nigeria has rapidly grown from 56.6 million in
1963 to 88.9 million in 19991; from 140 million in
2004 to 198 million in 2018 (NPC, 2018). This high
population growth indicates that there has been
serious pressure on both the herdsmen and crop
farmers to migrate and seek for more land away
from their indigenous states. And since the problem
of population growth takes time to resolve, it is
obvious that the herdsmen attacks based on the
reason of high population growth will take time to
be resolved.
The treatment of the herdsmen attacks in Benue
State with impunity by the federal government of
Nigeria has also made the crisis difficult to resolve
because there is an indication that the power elite in
Nigeria have vested interest in the crisis and they
want it to be prolonged. Be that the case, the voice
of the average Benue Citizens are hardly heard.
This study agrees with Bartlett and Steele (2000)
that leadership that gives too much power and
wealth to the power elite is not democratic.
The public declaration by the Fulani herdsmen that
revenge is inherent in their blood and culture and
they cannot stop revenging obviously makes the
Herdsmen attacks in Benue State difficult to be
resolved. Meaning that the only sure way of
resolving the crisis is the break up of Nigeria as
rightly pointed out by Wegh (2017: 111), that ‘who
would want to have people who by nature want to
spill blood as their neighbors?’
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The harsh climatic conditions due to global
warming resulting to desertification and flash
droughts have forced pastoralists form the north to
migrate southward where there are adequate grass
and water to graze their cattle. This is a problem
that cannot be easily resolved, because it requires
time and proper planning.
The magnitude of herdsmen attacks in Benue State
The second finding of this study indicates that the
magnitude of the herdsmen attacks in Benue State
between 2013 and 2018 have wide coverage. Over
half of the state has been affected, with thousands of
human lives lost, properties worth millions of Naira
destroyed, hundreds of thousands of people
displaced from their homes, and means of
livelihood destroyed. This study agrees with Ishaku
(2017) that the herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt
of Nigeria should be declared terrorist activities just
as the Janjaweed attacks in Southern Sudan were, as
the ultimate solution to the crisis. Besides, if the
activities of members of Indigenous Peoples of
Biafra (IPOB) which did not destroy many human
lives, nor displaced people from their homes or
destroy people’s property were declared by the
federal government of Nigeria as terrorism, why not
the activities of the Fulani herdsmen? Haven’t the
Fulani herdsmen attacks caused enough insecurity
in the Middle Belt of Nigeria for the United Nations
Security Council, the United States of America and
the International Criminal Court to intervene as they
did in the Janjaweed attacks in Southern Sudan?
The consequences of herdsmen attacks in Benue
State
The third finding of this study shows that the
consequences of the herdsmen attacks in Benue
State are grave. The attacks have been proven to be
six times deadlier than the Boko Haram insurgence
in the northern parts of Nigeria, and if the attacks
are allowed to continue, Nigeria as a whole not just
Benue State will experience food insecurity, another
civil war, and Nigeria might break up the same way
Sudan did, or at least become a failed state.
The socio economic challenges of herdsmen
attacks on entrepreneurship in Benue State
The fourth finding of this study reveals that the
herdsmen attacks in Benue State have created
several socio economic challenges, which have
negative effects on the entrepreneurship
development of the state: loss of entrepreneurial
skills, incomes and savings, destruction of raw
materials, businesses, markets, infrastructure and
relocation of businesses from the states to other
states in Nigeria. All of which are capable of
making Benue State one of the poorest in Nigeria,
despite her great entrepreneurship potentials.
Conclusion
Based on the findings presented here, this study
agrees with Report of the Political Bureau (1987),
that historical evidence points to greater
intermingling, interdependence, mutual
accommodation and tolerance of the various ethnic
groups in Nigeria. Ironically, some of the ethnic
groups which constitute a major drawback to true
national unity are products of history, representing
groups that emerged as a result of deliberate acts of
statesmanship and social engineering. The Fulani
herdsmen attacks, which the Nigerian power elite
have so far, treated with impunity are likely to
disintegrate the country unless something positive is
done to avert the disaster. This study therefore
concludes that restructuring of Nigeria in a new and
different way such that the political, social and
economic interests of all the ethnic groups are well
taken care of is the ultimate panacea for the
herdsmen attacks in Benue State.
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Article
Full-text available
The persistence of farmer-herdsmen conflicts portend grave socioeconomic consequences. Although there is no clear consensus on which group experiences greater hardships, the plight of arable crop farmers, who constitute the bulk of Nigeria's agricultural production population, continues to attract research attention. The study investigates the variables associated with farmer-herdsmen conflicts from the perspectives of farmers in Kwara State, Nigeria. Using a four-stage random sampling technique to select 300 farmers in communities contiguous with herdsmen' stock routes, data were collected with the aid of structured questionnaire and subjected to factor analysis and descriptive statistical procedures. Data analysis revealed that respondents generally experienced 'losses' in nine out of ten identified material and non-material resources, and 'gains' in three. Factor analysis showed that socioeconomic, production, institutional, and situational factors among farmers, with Eigen values of 2.6412, 1.6103, 1.2456, and 1.0348 respectively, accounted for their conflict with herdsmen. Awareness of and compliance with designated stock routes (situational variables), having coefficients -0.741 and -0.662 respectively were particularly crucial farmer variables of conflict. The paper recommends regular review of stock routes and educational campaigns to increase their awareness and compliance rates among conflict actors. Farmer-herdsmen conflict resolution initiatives should also incorporate a careful consideration of all conflict factors from the perspectives of the actors.
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