Available via license: CC BY-NC 4.0
Content may be subject to copyright.
Research report
Observational learning
of the televised consequences
of drinking alcohol: Exploring
the role of perceived similarity
Mira Mayrhofer
University of Vienna, Austria
Jo
¨rg Matthes
University of Vienna, Austria
Abstract
Aim: The depiction of alcohol on television is an important explanatory variable for drinking
behaviour. Even though alcohol consumption is frequently shown on popular TV shows,
research on the impact of TV characters as models of drinking behaviour remains scarce. We
theorise that the perceived similarity to a TV character is a key mechanism to explain
recipients’ expectancies about alcohol consumption. Methods: We conducted two experi-
ments in which we manipulated the drinking behaviour of a TV character and the consequences of
drinking. We measured perceived similarity to the character as amediating variable and treated
participants’ alcohol consumption as a moderator. Results: In both studies, perceived similarity
to models predicted positive expectancies about alcohol consumption, and perceived simi-
larity decreased with the portrayal of an alcoholic character. In Study 1, participants who
reported drinking rarely perceived themselves to be more similar to a rare drinker, which
suggests that viewers’ own alcohol consumption affects similarity judgments. In Study 2,
portrayals of consequences of drinking directly affected expectancies about alcohol, moder-
ated by participants’ alcohol consumption. Conclusion: Overall, our findings suggest that
perceived similarity is a key variable to understand how alcohol on television affects viewers’
expectancies toward alcohol.
Submitted: 5 February 2020; accepted: 9 June 2020
Corresponding author:
Jo
¨rg Matthes, Advertising and Media Effects Research Group, Department of Communication, University of Vienna,
Wa
¨hringerstr. 29, 1090 Vienna, Austria.
Email: joerg.matthes@univie.ac.at
Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
1–19
ªThe Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1455072520941981
journals.sagepub.com/home/nad
Creative Commons Non Commercial CC BY-NC: This article is distributed under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/
by-nc/4.0/) which permits non-commercial use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission
provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/
open-access-at-sage).
Keywords
alcohol, experiments, observational learning, television
The negative consequences of heavy drinking
behaviour have been documented in decades of
research (e.g., Massa, Subramani, Eckhardt, &
Parrott, 2019). To understand the drivers of
alcohol consumption, scholars have turned to
the question of how alcohol is depicted in the
media, especially television. Content analyses
of TV programmes have repeatedly shown that
alcohol consumption is pervasive on TV (e.g.,
Coyne & Ahmed, 2009; Mayrhofer & Matthes,
2018; van Hoof, de Jong, Fennis, & Gosselt,
2009) and that it affects viewers’ alcohol drink-
ing initiation (Hanewinkel et al., 2014), binge
drinking (Hanewinkel et al., 2012), or drinking
amount (Osberg, Billingsley, Eggert, & Insana,
2012). Social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1969,
2001, 2004) is a prominent framework to
explain these effects. The theory suggests that
observational learning can alter viewers’
expectancies and attitudes regarding specific
actions and thus their behaviour. Starting with
Bandura, Ross, and Ross’s (1963) work on vio-
lence, researchers have investigated and sup-
ported two pillars of observational learning,
the portrayed consequences of an action (de
Graaf, 2013; Kulick & Rosenberg, 2001) and
the characteristics of models (Bandura, 2001).
We test a model of observational learning
focusing on the highly relevant topic of alcohol
consumption on television. As such, we are the
first to experimentally manipulate both pillars
present in observational learning. We ask, how
alcohol expectancies are learnt through watch-
ing television depending on who the viewer
observes drinking, what consequences this
model displays, and how similar the viewer
perceives himself to this model.
We tackle three crucial research gaps. First, a
few prior studies hint toward the influence of
perceived similarity with an observed model in
observational learning. It can be assumed that
the drinking behaviour of TV characters strongly
differs in story-relevant ways. For instance,
some characters in TV comedies, including
Charlie Harper in TwoandaHalfMenand Hank
Moody in Californication, are clearly portrayed
as heavy drinkers who struggle with alcoholism.
By contrast, for other characters – for instance,
Sheldon Cooper in The Big Bang Theory –there
is special emphasis on the fact that a character is
a rare drinker in scenes where they suffer from
consequences of drinking alcohol. This might
affect viewers’ perceived similarity with them
and, in turn, their alcohol expectancies. How-
ever, while alcohol consumption was treated as
a driver of similarity (Andsager, Bemker, Choi,
& Torwel, 2006), these studies did not examine
alcohol consumption or recipients’ expectancies
about alcohol consumption as an outcome (de
Graaf, 2014). Second, no prior research has con-
sidered the role of viewers’ self-reported levels
of alcohol consumption. Third, it has to be
pointed out that most studies on the mediated
observational learning of drinking behaviour
used student samples (Kulick & Rosenberg,
2001; Osberg et al., 2012), as did studies on
similarity in the context of alcohol-related topics
(see Andsager et al., 2006; Pinkleton,
Weintraub-Austin, & van de Vord, 2010). Yet
comparisons of students and the general popula-
tion are important because the former tend to
consume more alcohol than the latter (O’Malley
& Johnston, 2002). Thus, to extend the work of
other researchers on the topic, we used a student
sample and a more diverse, non-student sample.
Reward and punishment on TV:
The depicted consequences
of alcohol consumption
Social cognitive theory suggests that observing
others endure consequences of a behaviour
influences the learning of said behaviour as
much as enduring the consequences of it
2Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
oneself (Bandura, 1969, 2001, 2004). Experi-
mental studies have tested that assumption in
the context of mediated depictions of alcohol
consumption and observed the effects of tele-
vised portrayals of the consequences of drink-
ing on expectancies. Regarding alcohol
consumption, expectancies encompass what
people think happens to their behavioural,
emotional, and cognitive states when they drink
alcohol (Fromme, Stroot, & Kaplan, 1993). Espe-
cially positive expectancies, such as increased
sociability, strongly predict people’s level of
alcohol consumption (Palfai & Wood, 2001).
Accordingly, TV has the potential to affect the
alcohol consumption of viewers by informing
their expectancies about drinking (Osberg et al.,
2012).
In research on the topic, portrayals of the neg-
ative consequences of alcohol consumption have
consistently increased negative expectancies
about drinking (Bahk, 1997; de Graaf, 2013;
Kulick & Rosenberg, 2001). Positive conse-
quence portrayals presented a more complex pic-
ture. They increased positive expectancies and
attitudes (Kulick & Rosenberg, 2001), as well
as negative ones (Kulick & Rosenberg, 2001) or
showed no effect compared to a control group (de
Graaf, 2013). Based on these findings, and draw-
ing from social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2001),
we can clearly derive the first two hypotheses:
H1: TV portrayals of positive consequences
of drinking alcohol result in more positive
expectancies about alcohol consumption
than portrayals with no consequences.
H2: TV portrayals of negative consequences
of drinking alcohol result in less positive
expectancies about alcohol consumption
than portrayals of no consequences.
The moderating influence of viewers’
characteristics
As we focus on adults, participants have already
gathered their own set of alcohol experiences,
which shape their alcohol expectancies, attitudes,
and current alcohol-related behaviour. As
humans are prone to avoiding cognitive disso-
nance (Aronson, 1969), heavy drinkers cogni-
tively support their drinking behaviour by
holding more positive and less negative expec-
tancies toward heavy drinking (McCarty, Morri-
son, & Mills, 1983). It is still questionable though,
how much participants’ own level of alcohol con-
sumption influences potential observational
learning.In other words, can participants’ alcohol
consumption filter their perception of explicitly
shown alcohol consequence portrayals and
thereby moderate the effect on expectancies and
attitudes toward alcohol?
Studies on alcohol-prevention messages seem
to support the fact that heavy drinkers are hardly
susceptible to prevention messages (Lee & Chen,
2013). A recent study showed that participants
with differing levels of alcohol consumption
reacted differently to consequence portrayals.
For instance, heavy alcohol consumers
expected more cognitive impairment when
exposed to negative consequences. Moderate
and low alcohol consumers did not react to neg-
ative consequence portrayals but their expec-
tancy for cognitive impairment decreased after
seeing positive consequences (Mayrhofer &
Naderer, 2019). The results might differ due
to the difference in content. Narrative content,
such as a television show, might not trigger the
same reactance as a Public Service Announce-
ment (PSA) clearly trying to persuade the
viewer. As it remains unclear how exactly par-
ticipants’ alcohol consumption influences
viewers, we pose the research question:
RQ1: Does a person’s alcohol consumption
influence how portrayals of the conse-
quences of drinking alcohol affect his or her
expectancies about drinking?
Characteristics of models: The
depicted drinking behaviour
For the first pillar of observational learning –
the depicted consequences of drinking – we
Mayrhofer and Matthes 3
predicted direct effects on expectancies about
drinking. For the second pillar, the models’
characteristics, we assume a mediation by per-
ceived similarity. It has been theorised that
learning from models is enhanced when the
learners perceive themselves to be similar to
the depicted models (Bandura, 2001; Moyer-
Gus´e, 2008; Simons, Berkowitz, & Moyer,
1970). Hence, if we examine expectancies about
alcohol consumption as an outcome, a key driver
is the match between the depicted drinking pat-
terns of the model and the recipients’ own drink-
ing habits. This match may impact the perceived
similarity. Perceived similarity, then, shapes
expectancies about drinking. We treat similarity
as a mediator rather than a moderator. The rea-
son is that any depiction of the model’s drinking
behaviour may automatically lead to similarity
judgments. In experimental language, similarity
is thus a direct outcome of stimulus perception,
and therefore, a mediator.
Drivers of similarity judgments
While the literature reflecting the basic idea of
observational learning has described the med-
iating influence of perceived similarity in the
learning process (Bandura, 2001), it is less clear
what aspects of a model can affect model–
viewer similarity. Of the numerous characteris-
tics studied in terms of perceived similarity,
including gender, age, nationality (Chen, Bell,
& Taylor, 2016; Cohen, Weimann-Saks, &
Mazor-Tregerman, 2017), or living arrange-
ment (de Graaf, 2014), alcohol consumption
was first examined in the seminal study by
Andsager et al. (2006). After experimentally
manipulating portrayals of a character’s drink-
ing behaviour, they observed that a partici-
pant’s alcohol consumption positively affected
perceived similarity to an alcohol-consuming
model. However, since their stimulus focused
on safe behaviours in the context of sun expo-
sure, information about alcohol consumption
was irrelevant to the health-related message.
As another caveat, Andsager et al. (2006)
manipulated content in a magazine and
indicated to participants only that the model
was drinking beer in a specific situation. By
contrast, since alcohol consumption is a recur-
ring event in most TV series (e.g., Russell &
Russell, 2009), viewers who regularly watch
those series are likely aware of characters’
drinking behaviours. In other words, if viewers
follow a television series, they know whether
the main characters are rare drinkers, experi-
enced drinkers, or alcoholics. Also, multiplicity
of models increases observational learning
(Bandura, 2001; Perry & Bussey, 1979). This
could induce a stronger effect than a single,
situation-specific piece of information about
consuming one alcoholic beverage.
At the same time, as Cohen et al. (2017)
have also pointed out, ego-based similarity is
a major driver of perceived similarity. Ego-
based similarity encompasses traits that most
strongly comprise a person’s sense of identity.
However, when faced with audio-visual mate-
rial, viewers can base their perceptions of
similarity on numerous characteristics, includ-
ing the character’s gender, age, origin, or
physical attributes and give them varying
importance in their similarity judgement
(Simons et al., 1970). Therefore, with the
available body of literature at hand, we can
conclude that the role of similarity in the con-
text of depicted alcohol consumption on tele-
vision is far from being fully understood. We
need studies that directly manipulate a
similarity-relevant characteristic, and this
characteristic also needs to be relevant to the
outcome under investigation.
Based on observational learning, we theorise
that the match between the drinking patterns of
the models with the recipients’ own drinking
behaviours is a key driver of similarity judg-
ments. That is, perceived similarity depends
on how strongly the viewers perceive their
own drinking habits to be close to the ones
of the characters depicted on television. If
viewers do not drink alcohol themselves and
see a character who is a heavy drinker, per-
ceived similarity – all else being equal – may
be low. Likewise, if a viewer who enjoys
4Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
drinking alcohol watches a show with a char-
acter who drinks a lot of alcohol, perceived
similarity will be high. Thus, the match
between the viewers’ characteristics and the
characteristics that are key to the narrative of
a story is decisive for similarity judgments. In
short, a high match means high perceived simi-
larity. We may therefore expect that the
depicted drinking behaviour of a character inter-
acts with the consumption habits of the viewer in
explaining perceived similarity. However, one
caveat should be noted: it may also be theore-
tically possible that depicted heavy drinking
(i.e., of an alcoholic) may automatically
decrease perceived similarity. Based on the
theory of cognitive dissonance (see Aronson,
1969), it may be the case that people automat-
ically may feel less similar to depicted alco-
holics compared to, say, a rare drinker, simply
because people rarely want to be perceived as
alcoholics (i.e., even if they are, in fact, alco-
holics). But still, this effect should be less pro-
nounced for heavy as compared to rare
drinkers. We therefore theorise that people
derive a similarity judgment based on the
match between a depicted character’s drinking
habits and their own alcohol consumption
behaviours. We can therefore assume:
H3: The depicted drinking behaviour of a
model shapes perceived similarity depend-
ing on viewers’ own alcohol consumption
habits.
Perceived similarity with a character, how-
ever, can also change according to the narra-
tive in which a character appears (de Graaf,
2014). As such, one may assume that the
depiction of negative consequences of drink-
ing alcohol might decrease a viewer’s per-
ceived similarity to a character, comparable
to the depiction of an alcoholic. The reason
is that negative consequences are undesirable
andthereforedistanttoanidealself(foran
explanation, see Aronson, 1969). In other
words, a viewer might not want to see himself
as a person that acts very drunk and in a
socially non-acceptable way. Since there is
no research on the relationship between con-
sequence depictions and perceived similarity,
we pose a second research question:
RQ2: Do the portrayed consequences of
alcohol consumption influence a viewer’s
perceived similarity to a character who
endures those consequences?
Similarity judgments and expectancies
about drinking
There are some studies that have explored the
consequences of similarity judgements for
observational learning. For instance, Pinkleton
et al. (2010) exposed university students to a
message against drunk driving and observed
that their perceived similarity to the character
in the message decreased their expectancies
about drunk driving. Later, Kim, Shi, and Cap-
pella (2016) found that their participants’
perceivedsimilaritytoasmokerinananti-
smoking PSA affected the perceived persua-
siveness of the PSA, albeit only when mediated
by an increase in their engagement (see also
Andsager et al., 2006; de Graaf, 2014).
As already discussed above, Cohen et al.
(2017) have pointed out that results could differ
depending on the manipulated characteristic
and whether perceived similarity to characters
is story-relevant. For instance, in a PSA
encouraging viewers to save electricity, infor-
mation about a character’s drinking behaviour
might not increase viewers’ perceived similar-
ity to the character or the message’s persuasive-
ness. In a PSA on drunk driving, however, the
message might resonate more strongly for
viewers who perceive their similarity to the
character in terms of drinking behaviour. In our
case, we examine the effects of depicted drink-
ing on entertainment television on expectancies
about alcohol consumption. We may therefore
assume that, first, the depicted drinking beha-
viour shapes similarity judgments depending on
viewers’ own drinking habits (see Hypothesis 3),
Mayrhofer and Matthes 5
and that second, such similarity judgments do
actually shape viewers’ expectancies toward
alcohol. This latter aspect can be formally
stated as a hypothesis:
H4: In the context of depicted alcohol con-
sumption on television, perceived similarity
judgments shape viewers’ expectancies
about alcohol.
When we combine H3 and H4, we can for-
mally state a moderated mediation relationship:
the effect of a characters’ drinking behaviour on
perceived similarity is moderated by viewers’
own drinking behaviours, and perceived simi-
larity serves as a mediator between a charac-
ters’ drinking behaviour and expectancies
toward alcohol.
Figure 1 depicts a model encompassing all
of our hypotheses and research questions.
Overview of studies
The hypotheses and research questions were
examined in two independent and sequentially
reported experimental studies. Both experi-
ments had a 3 (consequence: negative vs. pos-
itive vs. no consequence) 3 (character
characteristic: rare drinker vs. experienced
drinker vs. alcoholic) between-subjects
design. Study 1 applied this design to a student
sample.Study2wasdesignedtovalidatethe
findings of Study 1 with a more diverse non-
student sample.
Study 1
Procedure and sample
We conducted Study 1 in December 2017 with
a sample of undergraduate students who
received course credit in exchange for partici-
pation. The study took place in our depart-
ment’s laboratory. Altogether, 439 students
aged 18–46 years (M
age
¼21.24, SD ¼2.91)
took part in Study 1. There were 71.5%female
participants, which we controlled for in the
analysis. Following the Ethics Code of the
American Psychological Association, we
informed participants that they might see
images portraying alcohol or drug consumption
and hear explicit language while viewing the
stimulus material. We prohibited individuals
with pre-existing alcohol-related, drug-related,
or psychological conditions from participating.
After providing his or her informed consent,
each participant viewed one of nine versions
of the audio-visual stimulus at random, after
which he or she completed the questionnaire
and received a debriefing.
Stimulus
We created nine short films based on the first
three seasons of the popular TV series The O.C.
We chose the show based on three characteris-
tics. First of all, it ended in 2007. As we
manipulated a main character’s description, it
was crucial that the show was not fresh in par-
ticipants’ minds. Second, we wanted to investi-
gate real television material, ensuring external
validity. Third, one of the characters endured
positive and negative consequences of alcohol
consumption. Each of the nine storylines
centred on Marissa, a young woman. Every par-
ticipant watched one film. We manipulated
character descriptions by having each partici-
pant read one of three character introductions
before watching the assigned film portraying
either positive, negative, or no alcohol conse-
quences. Moreover, between scenes in each
film, we inserted brief statements to connect the
scenes and supply information about the char-
acter. Thus, two factors – the consequences of
alcohol consumption (i.e., positive, negative, or
non-existent) and the character (i.e., rare drin-
ker vs. experienced drinker vs. alcoholic) –
were systematically varied in the stimulus.
In three storylines, Marissa experiences the
positive effects of alcohol consumption; her
inebriation emboldens her to initiate a conver-
sation with a love interest or else have fun with
her friends (movie length 5:32 min; positive
consequences condition, n¼132). In three
other storylines, she endures the negative
6Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
consequences of alcohol consumption; she
becomes unconscious or fights with her boy-
friend (movie length 5:46 min, negative conse-
quences condition, n¼157). In the remaining
three storylines, she consumes alcohol without
experiencing any consequences, (movie length,
3:36 min, control group, n¼150).
Marissa either experiences the positive, neg-
ative, or neutral consequences portrayed as a
rare alcohol drinker (i.e., seldom drinks and has
little experience with drinking, n¼161), as an
experienced drinker (i.e., drinks at parties and
enjoys cocktails, n¼139), or as an alcoholic
(i.e., explicitly stated that she has an alcohol
problem, n¼139). All measurements were
conducted after stimuli exposure.
To prevent confounding effects of the series,
we assessed participants’ familiarity with The
O.C. on a five-point scale (1 ¼not at all,5¼
seen all episodes). More than half of the parti-
cipants (54.4%,n¼239) reported never having
watched The O.C. and 86.3%(n¼379)
reported they had not seen the series within the
past six months. Following randomisation,
groups of participants differed in terms of
familiarity with the series (F(8, 430) ¼2.25,
p¼.023), although not significantly regarding
their proportion of participants who reported
having watched the series within the past six
months (F(8, 430) ¼0.69, p¼.704). Control-
ling for familiarity with the series in the model
did not influence any effects.
Measures
To assess participants’ expectancies about alco-
hol consumption, we adapted items from
Fromme et al.’s (1993) Comprehensive Effects
of Alcohol Questionnaire on a five-point scale
(1 ¼I do not agree at all,5¼I totally agree)to
cover sociability as positive expectancy. We
used seven items, translated into the COUN-
TRY German language (sociable, humorous,
easier to talk to people, outgoing, talkative,
courageous, easy-going). The scale has been
validated in several studies (Fromme &
Positive relationship
Negative relationship
Research question
Perceived Similarity Expectancies about
Alcohol (Sociability)
Portrayal of a Rare
Drinker
Portrayal of an
Alcoholic
Portrayal of Negave
Consequences
Portrayal of Posive
Consequences
Level of Viewers'
Alcohol Consumpon
Figure 1. Model of the formulated research questions and hypotheses.
Mayrhofer and Matthes 7
D’Amico, 2000). Following the recommenda-
tions by Carpenter (2018), we formed a reliable
index (a¼.82, M¼4.00, SD ¼0.61).
To assess participants’ perceived similarity
to the character, we adapted three items from
McCroskey, Richmond, and Daly’s (1975)
homophily scale, all rated on a five-point scale
(1 ¼I do not agree at all,5¼I totally agree), in
the instrument (i.e., “Marissa is like me”,
“Marissa thinks like me”, “Marissa acts like
me”). The corresponding index ultimately
proved to be reliable (a¼.92, M¼2.08,
SD ¼1.07).
We had participants report their alcohol con-
sumption on a five-point scale (1 ¼never,2¼
less than once a month,3¼two to four times a
month,4¼two to three times a week,5¼four
times a week or more;M¼3.03, SD ¼.89). We
also measured their binge-drinking behaviour
(i.e., six or more alcoholic drinks in a few
hours) on a five-point scale (1 ¼never,2¼
less than once a month,3¼monthly,4¼
weekly,5¼daily or near daily;M¼2.25,
SD ¼.93). We adapted both measures from the
Alcoholics Anonymous questionnaire (Alco-
holics Anonymous, 2018), combined them on
a sum index, and mean-centred them. We
included gender (1 ¼man) as a control vari-
able, since gender can affect expectancies about
alcohol consumption (Jones, Corbin, &
Fromme, 2001).
Randomisation and manipulation checks
Results of a randomisation check for the enjoy-
ableness of the stimulus (three-item semantic
differential, 1 ¼bad,5¼good;M¼3.27,
SD ¼1.23; F(8, 429) ¼1.31, p¼.236), and
age (F(8, 430) ¼1.24, p¼.272) were accep-
table. We had participants rate statements
addressing Marissa’s character and the story-
line on a five-point scale (1 ¼I do not agree
at all,5¼I totally agree) as a manipulation
check of character presentation. Participants
introduced to Marissa as an alcoholic agreed
significantly more strongly than other partici-
pants that she had a drinking problem (F(2,
436) ¼301.34, p< .001), whereas participants
introduced to her as a rare drinker agreed sig-
nificantly more strongly than others that she
had little experience with alcohol (F(2, 436)
¼470.05, p< .001). Due to a technical prob-
lem, we conducted a manipulation check
regarding conditions of the consequences of
alcohol consumption on a subsample (positive
condition, n¼76, negative condition, n¼132).
Overall, participants perceived the negative con-
sequences as negative (M¼1.92, SD ¼.82)
and the positive ones as positive (M¼3.68,
SD ¼.97; F(1, 205) ¼193.14, p<.001).
Data analysis
We dummy-coded the experimental conditions
and used the control conditions indicating the
lack of consequences of alcohol consumption
and Marissa as an experienced drinker as refer-
ence groups. We also included alcohol con-
sumption as a moderator variable, which we
therefore mean-centred, and the interaction
terms of alcohol consumption and its conse-
quence as well as alcohol consumption and
character presentation. When we tested the
model with all possible main and interaction
effects, the effects remained unchanged. To
evaluate the model fit, we used a comparative
fit index (CFI), root mean square error of
approximation (RMSEA), and a test of close fit
(PCLOSE). Results indicated that the model’s
fit was excellent (CFI ¼1.00; RMSEA < .001,
90%CIs [.00; .02]; PCLOSE ¼1.0). Table 1
presents all results.
Results
Direct effects of portrayals of drinking’s
consequences. Concerning direct effects on
expectancies, no significant direct effects of the
consequences surfaced, which led us to reject
Hypotheses 1 and 2. Although direct effects of
participants’ alcohol consumption on expectan-
cies (b¼0.12, p< .001) were significant, no
significant interaction effects between the
8Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
conditions and participants’ alcohol consump-
tion emerged (RQ1).
Effects on perceived similarity. Regarding paths
mediated by participants’ perceived similarity
to Marissa, her portrayal as an alcoholic
significantly decreased perceived similarity
compared to her portrayal as an experienced
drinker (b¼–0.28, p¼.017). By contrast, her
portrayal as rare drinker significantly increased
perceived similarity compared to her portrayal
as an experienced drinker (b¼0.23, p¼.045).
A positive main effect for alcohol consumption
(b¼0.24, p< .001) and negative main effect of
gender (b¼–0.31, p¼.003) suggested that
men felt less similar than women to Marissa.
In terms of the interaction effects of Maris-
sa’s presentation with participants’ own alcohol
consumption (H3), the interaction effect of her
portrayal as a rare drinker with alcohol con-
sumption on perceived similarity was negative
(b¼–0.19, p¼.007). This means participants
who reported low and moderately low levels of
alcohol consumption perceived themselves to
be significantly more similar to Marissa when
depicted as rare drinker (b¼0.23, p< .05; less
than 5.28 on a scale from 2 to 10) than as an
experienced one (see Figure 2). In response to
RQ2, the positive consequences condition had
no main effect on perceived similarity com-
pared to the control condition (b¼0.03, p¼
.805), although the negative consequences con-
dition did exert a significant main effect (b¼–
0.32, p¼.004), suggesting that respondents felt
less similar to the character when the character
experienced negative consequences after drink-
ing. No other interaction terms exhibited statis-
tical significance.
Effects on expectancies and attitudes about
drinking via perceived similarity. When it comes
to H4, perceived similarity did exert a signifi-
cant positive effect on expectancies about alco-
hol consumption (b¼0.12, p< .001). In a final
step, we tested the indirect effects with 5,000
bootstrapping samples. The indirect effect of
portrayal as alcoholic on sociability via per-
ceived similarity compared to the experienced
drinker was significant [ab ¼–.033; lower level
confidence interval (LLCI) ¼–.066; upper
Table 1. Path analyses explaining similarity and sociability judgments.
Study 1 Study 2
Similarity Sociability Similarity Sociability
Variables bSEbbSEbbSEbbSEb
Male (control) –.31* .11 –.13 –.07 .06 –.05 –.18* .09 –.01 .03 .06 .02
Age (control) –.23* .09 –.12 –.26 06 –.20
Positive consequence .03 .12 .06 .08 .07 .06 –.26* .11 –.13 .05 .08 .03
Negative consequence –.32* .11 –.14 .06 .06 .05 –.33* .11 –.17 –.01 .08 –.01
Rare drinker .23* .11 .10 .01 .10 .01
Alcoholic –.28* .12 –.12 –.23* .11 –.11
Alcohol consumption (AC) .24* .07 .37 .12* .03 .32 .04 .09 .07 –.01 .03 –.02
Positive consequence * AC .14 .07 .11 .00 .04 .00 .09 .06 .09 .11* .05 .15
Negative consequence * AC .11 .07 .09 –.02 .04 –.04 .14* .07 .14 .10* .05 .14
Rare drinker * AC –.19* .07 –.17 –.10 .07 –.11
Alcoholic * AC –.08 .07 –.07 .03 .06 .03
Similarity .12* .03 .21 .13* .04 .18
Explained variance .19 .17 .10 .14
Note: Sociability ¼positive expectancy toward alcohol.
*p< .05, no Alcohol Consequence and Experienced Drinker as Reference Groups.
Mayrhofer and Matthes 9
level confidence interval (ULCI) ¼–.007].
Also, the indirect effect of negative drinking
consequence portrayals on sociability via per-
ceived similarity compared to no consequence
was significant (ab ¼–.037; LLCI ¼–.076;
ULCI ¼–.013). Last, the indirect effect of the
interaction effect between participants’ alcohol
consumption and the rare drinker model via
similarity was significant (ab ¼–.022; LLCI
¼–.043; ULCI ¼–.007).
Discussion
The results of Study 1 indicated that mass
media content did not directly affect partici-
pants’ expectancies about alcohol consumption
but indirectly via the perceived similarity to the
character. The portrayal of the negative conse-
quences of drinking alcohol, as well as the pre-
sentation of a character as an alcoholic
influenced participants’ perceived similarity to
the character and, in turn, their positive expec-
tancies about drinking. In contrast to H3, these
effects were independent of viewers’ level of
alcohol consumption. However, when the char-
acter was depicted as a rare drinker, we
observed that a match between character and
recipient characteristics shaped similarity judg-
ments. We can conclude that a match is not
always necessary to evoke the impression of
similarity. Some aspects, such as negative con-
sequences and the depiction of an alcoholic
seem to decrease similarity independent of
one’s own drinking habits.
Overall, such findings underline the impor-
tance of considering similarity with the model
when testing observational learning. While
other viewer’s characteristics and judgements
on other aspects than the experimental ones
were held constant through randomisation, the
experimental factors significantly affected
perceived similarity.However,therewasa
strong demographic match between the model
and the student sample which could inflate the
effect of story-relevant similarity aspects.
Furthermore, the student sample was homoge-
nous in terms of demographic factors, which
could also influence effects of their similarity
judgements. Consequently, research with more
diverse samples is needed in order to general-
ise the results.
Study 2
Procedure and sample
Data were collected in a primary healthcare
centre (PHC). Of the 399 participants, between
18 and above 70 years old, nearly half were
older than 35 years, 55.9%were women, and
22.1%were students. More than half (61.7%)
were part of the workforce, 8.3%were retired
and 8%did not provide detailed information.
Once healthcare centre personnel had
pre-selected individuals appropriate for partic-
ipation and excluded all individuals with
alcohol-related, drug-related, or psychological
conditions, we invited the remaining candidates
to participate in the study. Presenting stimuli of
alcohol depictions to individuals with alcohol-
related, drug-related, or psychological condi-
tions would not have been ethically acceptable.
We escorted each participant to an office adja-
cent to the healthcare centre, where he or she sat
at a computer to view and respond to the study
materials. Because primary healthcare centres
Figure 2. Plot of the interaction effect of the rare
drinker condition and alcohol consumption.
10 Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
do not treat emergency cases, most attendees
visit to obtain, for example, prescriptions, treat-
ment for physical injury, referrals, blood tests,
and paperwork following sick leave. Neverthe-
less, we assessed the self-reported health status
of participants, who felt healthy (1 ¼good,5¼
bad;M¼2.4, SD ¼1.27).
Stimulus
We used the same stimulus used in Study 1.
We again randomly assigned participants to
conditions representing drinking’s positive
consequences (n¼130), negative conse-
quences (n¼135), or lack of consequences
as the control condition (n¼134) and Mar-
issa’s character as a rare drinker (n¼149),
experienced drinker (n¼135), or alcoholic
(n¼115).
We collected data about participants’ famil-
iarity with The O.C. using a five-point scale
(1 ¼not at all,5¼seen all episodes). Roughly
similar to the sample in Study 1, 55.9%of par-
ticipants (n¼223) had never seen the series
and 95.2%(n¼380) indicated they had not
seen the series within the past six months. Com-
paring the experimental groups, there were no
significant differences in participants’ familiar-
ity with the series (F(8, 390) ¼1.26, p¼.263)
or their having watched it within the past six
months (F(8, 390) ¼0.86, p¼.550).
Measures
Using measures identical to Study 1, we ana-
lysed sociability (a¼.83, M¼3.72, SD ¼
0.65), perceived similarity to the protagonist
(a¼.90, M¼1.83, SD ¼.90), self-reported
alcohol consumption (M¼3.04, SD ¼.97), and
self-reported binge drinking behaviour (M¼
1.88, SD ¼.91). For a control, we used age as
dummy variable (1 ¼older than 35 years),
since age has affected results in adult samples
with broad age ranges (Mayrhofer & Naderer,
2019), as well as gender.
Randomisation and manipulation checks
Our randomisation check for enjoyableness of
the stimulus (M¼2.73, SD ¼1.19; F(8, 353) ¼
1.89, p¼.060) and age (F(8, 390) ¼0.17,
p¼.995) was successful. We had participants
rate statements addressing Marissa’s character
and the storyline on a five-point scale (1 ¼Ido
not agree at all,5¼I totally agree) as a manip-
ulation check of character presentation. Partici-
pants introduced to Marissa as an alcoholic
agreed significantly more strongly than others
that she had a drinking problem (F(2, 396) ¼
153.83, p< .001), while participants introduced
to her as a rare drinker also significantly agreed
more strongly that she had little experience with
drinking (F(2, 396) ¼218.69, p< .001). Parti-
cipants perceived the negative consequences as
negative (M¼2.03, SD ¼.74) and the positive
ones as positive (M¼3.17, SD ¼1.10; F(1,
213) ¼77.93, p< .001).
Data analysis
We used the model shown in Figure 1 and
added age as control variable. The model fit
was excellent (CFI ¼1.00; RMSEA < .001,
90%CIs [.00; .03]; PCLOSE ¼1.0).
Results
Direct effects of portrayals of drinking’s
consequences. Regarding increased sociability
due to alcohol consumption, we detected no
main effects of the positive consequences con-
dition (b¼0.05, p¼.529) and no effect what-
soever of the negative consequences condition
(b¼–0.01, p¼.932) compared to the control
condition. Similar to Study 1, we thus rejected
H1 and H2.
Interaction effects of portrayals of drinking’s
consequences and participants’ alcohol
consumption. To answer RQ1, we examined the
interaction effects of the conditions related to
drinking’s consequences with participants’ self-
reported alcohol consumption. For sociability,
we detected a positive interaction effect of the
Mayrhofer and Matthes 11
positive consequences condition with alcohol
consumption (b¼0.11, p¼.019). If partici-
pants who reported high levels of alcohol con-
sumption witnessed drinking’s positive
consequences in the stimulus (b¼0.19,
p< .05; greater than 6.23 on a scale from 2 to
10), then their expectancy about sociability due
to drinking rose compared to the control group.
Also, we detected an interaction effect of the
negative consequences condition and alcohol
consumption for increased sociability (b¼
0.10, p¼.029). If participants who reported
very high levels of alcohol consumption wit-
nessed drinking’s negative consequences in the
stimulus (b¼0.36, p< .05; greater than 8.47 on
a scale from 2 to 10), then their expectancy
about sociability due to drinking rose compared
to the control group. Therefore, self-reported
alcohol consumption indeed influenced the
effect of the portrayal of drinking’s conse-
quences on participants’ positive expectancies
and attitudes about drinking (RQ1).
Effects on perceived similarity. As in Study 1, Mar-
issa’s portrayal as an alcoholic significantly
decreased participants’ perceived similarity
(b¼–0.23, p¼.042), whereas her portrayal
as a rare drinker did not significantly affect
perceived similarity (b¼0.01, p¼.919).
Self-reported alcohol consumption (b¼0.04,
p¼.465) did not exert any primary effect on
perceived similarity; however, gender exerted a
negative primary effect on perceived similarity
(b¼–0.18, p¼.047), which suggests that men
felt less similar to Marissa than women. More
importantly, Marissa’s portrayal as a drinker
revealed no interaction effects with partici-
pants’ alcohol consumption. Accordingly, we
rejected H3.
Both the positive (b¼–0.26, p¼.016) and
negative consequences conditions (b¼–0.33,
p¼.002) exerted a main effect on participants’
perceived similarity to Marissa in relation to the
control condition. Moreover, the negative con-
sequences condition had an interaction effect
with alcohol consumption on perceived similar-
ity with the character (b¼0.14, p¼.039). In
particular, if participants who reported low and
moderate levels of alcohol consumption wit-
nessed drinking’s negative consequences in the
stimulus (b¼–0.23, p< .05; less than 5.63 on a
scale from 2 to 10), then their perceived simi-
larity to Marissa decreased compared to the
control group (see Figure 3). Therefore, our
findings suggest a complex interplay of differ-
ent portrayals of drinking’s consequences and
participants’ alcohol consumption on their per-
ceived similarity to the character.
Effects on sociability via perceived similarity. In sup-
port of H4 and in line with Study 1, perceived
similarity did have a significant positive effect
on the positive expectancies about increased
sociability (b¼0.13, p< .001). We then exam-
ined the indirect effects with 5,000 bootstrap-
ping samples. The indirect effect of portrayal as
alcoholic on sociability via perceived similarity
compared to the experienced drinker was sig-
nificant (ab ¼–.028; LLCI ¼–.072; ULCI ¼
–.003). Also, the indirect effect of negative
drinking consequence portrayals (ab ¼–.042;
LLCI ¼–.089; ULCI ¼–.012) and positive
drinking consequence portrayals (ab ¼–.033;
LLCI ¼–.078; ULCI ¼–.005) on sociability
via perceived similarity compared to no
Figure 3. Plot of the interaction effect of the negative
consequence condition and alcohol consumption.
12 Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
consequence was significant. Last, the indirect
effect of the interaction effect between partici-
pants’ alcohol consumption and the negative
consequence condition via similarity was sig-
nificant (ab ¼.017; LLCI ¼.001; ULCI ¼
.045).
Discussion
In contrast to Study 1, findings from the diverse
sample in Study 2 indicated an interaction
effect of the positive and negative conse-
quences conditions and participants’ alcohol
consumption increased expectancies about
alcohol. Interestingly, both interaction effects
were positive, suggesting that as long as conse-
quences are shown this increases positive socia-
bility expectancies for viewers who reported
high levels of alcohol consumption. We will
revisit this finding in the general discussion.
More importantly, and in line with Study 1,
participants’ perceived similarity to Marissa
mediated the effects on positive expectancies
about drinking. In particular, the portrayal of
drinking’s positive consequences and Marissa’s
characterisation as an alcoholic decreased par-
ticipants’ perceived similarity to her. However,
the portrayal of drinking’s negative conse-
quences decreased perceived similarity only
among participants who reported low alcohol
consumption. In turn, perceived similarity
affected positive expectancies about drinking.
In effect, the results of Study 2 stress the impor-
tance of considering model–viewer similarity in
observational learning and importance of per-
sonal alcohol consumption as a moderator in
such learning.
General discussion
Our research is the first attempt to comprehen-
sively test the effects of portrayals of drinking’s
consequences and models’ characteristics on
viewers. We found that perceived similarity
to a model was a key path of influence for both
samples as it increased the expectation of
sociability. The more similar that participants
felt to the alcohol-consuming character, the
greater their expectancies about the benefits
of drinking. This is an important finding
because positive expectancies about drinking
strongly predict intentions to drink, even more
than attitudes toward drinking and negative
expectancies.
Even though similarity drives positive
expectancies about alcohol, perceived similar-
ity crucially depends on how a drinking char-
acter is depicted on television. In both studies,
the character’s portrayal as an alcoholic had a
negative effect on participants’ perceived simi-
larity to the character. Several content analy-
ses on the topic of alcohol portrayals have
included series in which main characters are
explicitly presented as alcoholics. For
instance, Russell and Russell (2009) included
TwoandaHalfmenor Desperate Housewives.
Thus, if viewers distance themselves from
alcoholic characters, then the depicted alcohol
consumption can contribute to the character’s
reception as a negative role model. In that
case, observational learning may lead to less
positive expectancies about alcohol.
Regarding the difference between portrayals
of the character as a rare or experienced drinker,
our results varied between the studies. In Study
1, for participants who reported low levels of
alcohol consumption, the character’s portrayal
as a rare drinker increased their perceived simi-
larity to her. However, in Study 2, no signifi-
cant difference in perceived similarity to the
character presented as a rare or experienced
drinker emerged. For an explanation of these
results, we underscore the ego-relevance of
alcohol consumption as a personality trait for
participants – that is, how important it is to a
person’s identity to drink alcohol. Especially in
collegiate environments, an identity as a drinker
is an important predictor of increased alcohol
consumption (Ridout, Campbell, & Ellis,
2012). Among students, it is considered an
important positive trait to be a drinker, which
may even predict selection effects in social net-
works. Heavy-drinking university students, for
example, prefer to associate with other heavy-
Mayrhofer and Matthes 13
drinking students (Westgate & Holliday, 2016).
Vice-versa, studies state that a non-drinker
identity is perceived as “deviant” of the social
norm by students and is difficult to maintain in
view of peer pressure (Romo, 2012). As being a
non-drinker is in opposition to the collegiate
norm, establishing a non-drinker identity is
highly ego-relevant. For instance, Romo
(2012) describes non-drinking students’ tactics
to assert their non-drinking identities. Among
those strategies is to associate yourself with,
bond with, and befriend other non-drinkers as
they are seen as easier to identify with. By
extension, viewing a rare drinker might be more
relevant to the perceived similarity of students
who seldom drink than to perceived similarity
in the diverse sample in which low alcohol con-
sumption might not be an ego-important deci-
sion but simply a result of the participant’s
increased responsibility (e.g., as an employee
or parent) and felt need to drink less. However,
since we did not measure the perceived ego-
relevance of participants’ alcohol consumption,
researchers in the future should investigate
identity as a drinker as a driver of perceived
similarity to heavy-drinking characters and how
media can be mobilised to decrease the ego-
relevance of heavy drinking. Hence, characters
known for their alcohol consumption such as
Nick Miller (The New Girl) and Chloe (Don’t
Trust the B—— in Apartment 23) should be
reconsidered, for they suggest that alcohol con-
sumption can be a defining trait of people.
Concerning portrayals of drinking’s conse-
quences, the positive consequences condition
in Study 2 exerted a negative main effect on
participants’ perceived similarity to the charac-
ter. According to de Graaf (2014), the effects
of perceived similarity stem from a self-
referencing process. As such, when participants
are confronted with a narrative, the description
of certain events makes them remember their
own experiences under the same circumstances.
That dynamic could be especially true for story-
relevant elements. In the stimulus, drinking
formed part of a partying environment closely
representative of the lifestyles of students. For
instance, O’Malley and Johnston (2002) point
out a pattern of party and weekend drinking
especially present for college students. Since
the positive consequences condition depicted
young adults dancing, having fun and being
silly (see Appendix), participants in Study 2
might have compared the depicted character’s
drunken behaviour to their own drunken beha-
viour. In that condition, such a comparison
could have decreased participants’ perceived
similarity to the character given their belief
that they would react differently to being
drunk. For instance, they might drink heavily
to relax and have a fun conversation with their
friends but not try to flirt with others or dance,
as the character in the stimulus did. By the
same token, students in Study 1’s sample, for
whom the positive consequences of drinking
did not decrease their perceived similarity to
the drunken character, did not distance them-
selves from her.
In the negative consequences condition, the
character obviously drank too much alcohol.
Likewise, participants engaged in a self-
referencing process, and students, as well as
light and moderate drinkers, perceived less
similarity to the character. Consequently, when
the character endured the negative conse-
quences of drinking, participants distanced
themselves from the character and decreased
their positive expectancies about drinking.
Although heavy drinkers in Study 2 did not
show such a decrease in perceived similarity,
we surprisingly did not detect that moderation
effect in Study 1. Among possible explanations,
heavy-drinking students who engaged in a self-
referencing process might not have yet experi-
enced the severe negative consequences of
consuming alcohol. Hence, the portrayal of
drinking’s negative consequences decreased
their perceived similarity to the character com-
pared to that of their peers who reported drink-
ing less. Alternatively, heavy-drinking students
might have overestimated their capacity to con-
sume alcohol and during the self-referencing
process identified less with the character for
“not holding her liquor”, so to speak. In the
14 Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
future, researchers should therefore consider
participants’ experiences with binge drinking.
Portrayals of drinking’s positive consequences
again presented a more complex picture,
namely by increasing positive expectancies
about drinking for heavy drinkers.
For students, the effects of the portrayals of
drinking’s consequences might have triggered a
self-referencing process that was relatively uni-
form among participants. Participants in the
sample of students might exhibit alcohol con-
sumption similar to the character’s, whereas
participants in the diverse sample might drink
in different settings, which stifled their self-
referencing process. In such cases, the effect
of the portrayal of drinking’s consequences
might not unfold through perceived similarity,
but participants generalise the consequences. In
other words, whereas students could relate to
the portrayed situation (i.e., excessive drinking
mainly at parties) which triggered their self-
referencing process, this might not have hap-
pened for all participants in the diverse sample.
Those who could not relate to the situation or
character whatsoever might have a process
independent of perceived similarity to the char-
acter. As they have no experience in this type of
situation and hence cannot self-reference, they
generalise that in situations such as the one dis-
played, the portrayed consequences occur,
independent of the character. That possible
explanation can be connected to the findings
on other character involvement concepts, such
as those of de Graaf (2013) and Mayrhofer and
Naderer (2019), for example, that liking a char-
acter did not influence the effects of portrayed
consequences of actions, possibly because par-
ticipants generalised the effects of alcohol con-
sumption to people whom they like or dislike.
Limitations and future research
Our research involved some limitations con-
cerning the stimulus materials and the measures
used. Regarding the former, we exposed parti-
cipants to material presenting a specific set of
consequences of drinking alcohol embedded in
a specific situation. Since the context of alcohol
consumption (e.g., social vs. solitary) and its
motivation (e.g., partying, relaxing, and coping)
can affect self-referencing processes, results
could differ depending on the storyline present-
ing the consequences. We also presented a spe-
cific set of consequences, and results could
likewise differ if participants witnessed differ-
ent consequences (i.e., death due to drunk driv-
ing). Regarding the experimental design, we
decided to focus this work on the character
involvement concept of perceived similarity.
However, as character involvement is highly
complex and consists of further aspects such
as liking, wishful identification or para-social
relationships, future studies are needed to ven-
ture into the influence of those concepts on
observational learning. Also, studies are needed
that include measurements of the strength of
participants’ identities as drinkers as well as
experiences with alcohol consumption. These
viewer characteristics could also broaden the
understanding of observational learning.
Viewer characteristics may also affect attention
allocation, as for instance, measured by eye-
tracking (King et al., 2019).
Conclusion
Overall, our findings suggest that the mass
media have the potential to affect viewers’
expectancies about alcohol, clearly echoing
calls for a well-reflected and responsible depic-
tion of alcohol on entertainment shows. More
specifically, we demonstrated that perceived
similarity is a key variable to understand how
alcohol on television affects viewers’ expectan-
cies toward alcohol. We show in two studies,
employing different samples, that similarity to a
model significantly shapes positive alcohol
expectancies. We also show that the depiction
of alcoholics decreases perceived similarity for
all respondents, thereby dampening viewers’
alcohol expectancies. However, when it comes
to the depiction of consequences as well as the
depiction of rare drinkers, the pattern is more
complex, calling for additional research. In fact,
Mayrhofer and Matthes 15
we observed important and theoretically mean-
ingful differences in findings between the sam-
ples, suggesting that alcohol depictions have
different effects for college students as com-
pared to the broader public. These differences
cannot be explained by age or consumption
habits alone, but point to the relevance of drink-
ing to a person’s identity which appears to be a
promising avenue for future research.
Authors’ note
There has been no prior dissemination of the data.
We have complied with APA ethical standards in the
treatment of the sample.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of inter-
est with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the
research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
ORCID iD
Jo¨ rg Matthes https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9408-
955X
References
Alcoholics Anonymous. (2018). Selbsttest. Retrieved
from http://www.anonyme-alkoholiker.at/neu-
bei-aa/102-selbsttest
Andsager, J. L., Bemker, V., Choi, H. L., & Torwel,
V. (2006). Perceived similarity of exemplar traits
and behavior: Effects on message evaluation.
Communication Research,33(1), 3–18. doi:10.
1177/0093650205283099
Aronson, E. (1969). The theory of cognitive disso-
nance: A current perspective. Advances in
Experimental Social Psychology,1969(4), 1–34.
doi:10.1016/S0065-2601(08)60075-1
Bahk, C. M. (1997). The impact of presence versus
absence of negative consequences in dramatic
portrayals of alcohol drinking. Journal of Alcohol
and Drug Education,42(3), 18–26.
Bandura, A. (1969). Social-learning theory of iden-
tificatory processes. In D. A. Goslin (Ed.), Hand-
book of socialization theory and research (pp.
213–262). Chicago, IL: Rand McNally.
Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory of mass
communication. Media Psychology,3(3), 265– 299.
doi:10.1207/S1532785XMEP0303_03
Bandura, A. (2004). Health promotion by social cog-
nitive means. Health Education & Behavior,
31(2), 143–164. doi:10.1177/1090198104263660
Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Imita-
tion of film-mediated aggressive models. The
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,
66(1), 3–11. doi:10.1037/h0048687
Carpenter, S. (2018). Ten steps in scale development
and reporting: A guide for researchers. Commu-
nication Methods and Measures,12(1), 25–44.
doi:10.1080/19312458.2017.1396583
Chen, M., Bell, R. A., & Taylor, L. D. (2016). Nar-
rator point of view and persuasion in health nar-
ratives: The role of protagonist–reader similarity,
identification, and self-referencing. Journal of
Health Communication,21(8), 908–918. doi:10.
1080/10810730.2016.1177147
Cohen, J., Weimann-Saks, D., & Mazor-Tregerman,
M. (2017). Does character similarity increase
identification and persuasion? Media Psychology.
Advance online publication. doi:10.1080/15213
269.2017.1302344
Coyne, S. M., & Ahmed, T. (2009). Fancy a pint?
Alcohol use and smoking in soap operas. Addic-
tion Research & Theory,17(4), 345–359. doi:10.
1080/16066350801902459
de Graaf, A. (2013). Alcohol makes others dislike
you: Reducing the positivity of teens’ beliefs and
attitudes toward alcohol use. Health Communica-
tion,28(5), 435–442. doi:10.1080/10410236.
2012.691454
de Graaf, A. (2014). The effectiveness of adaptation
of the protagonist in narrative impact: Similarity
influences health beliefs through self-referencing.
Human Communication Research,40(1), 73–90.
doi:10.1111/hcre.12015
Fromme, K., & D’Amico, E. J. (2000). Measuring
adolescent alcohol outcome expectancies. Psy-
chology of Addictive Behaviors,14(2), 206–2012.
16 Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
Fromme,K.,Stroot,E.A.,&Kaplan,D.(1993).
Comprehensive effects of alcohol: Development
and psychometric assessment of a new expec-
tancy questionnaire. Psychological Assessment,
5(1), 19–26. doi:10.1037/1040-3590.5.1.19
Hanewinkel, R., Sargent, J. D., Hunt, K., Sweeting,
H., Engels, R. C., Scholte, R. H., ...Morgenstern,
M. (2014). Portrayal of alcohol consumption in
movies and drinking initiation in low-risk adoles-
cents. Pediatrics,133(6), 1–10. doi:10.1542/
peds.2013–3880
Hanewinkel, R., Sargent, J. D., Poelen, E. A.,
Scholte, R., Florek, E., Sweeting, H., ...
Faggiano, F. (2012). Alcohol consumption in
movies and adolescent binge drinking in 6 Eur-
opean countries. Pediatrics,129(4), 709–720.
doi:10.1542/peds.2011-2809
Jones, B. T., Corbin, W., & Fromme, K. (2001). A
review of expectancy theory and alcohol con-
sumption. Addiction,96(1), 57–72. doi:10.1080/
09652140020016969
Kim, M., Shi, R., & Cappella, J. N. (2016). Effect
of character–audience similarity on the
perceived effectiveness of antismoking PSAs via
engagement. Health Communication,31(10),
1193–1204. doi:10.1080/10410236.2015.1048421
King, A. J., Bol, N., Cummins, R. G., & John, K. K.
(2019). Improving visual behavior research in
communication science: An overview, review,
and reporting recommendations for using eye-
tracking methods. Communication Methods &
Measures,13(3), 149–177. doi:10.1080/193
12458.2018.1558194
Kulick, A. D., & Rosenberg, H. (2001). Influence of
positive and negative film portrayals of drinking
on older adolescents’ alcohol outcome expectan-
cies. Journal of Applied Social Psychology,
31(7), 1492–1499. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.
2001.tb02684.x
Lee, M. J., & Chen, Y. C. (2013). Underage drinkers’
responses to negative-restrictive versus
proactive-nonrestrictive slogans in humorous
anti-alcohol abuse messages: Are humorous
responsible drinking campaign messages effec-
tive? Journal of Health Communication,18(3),
354–368. doi:10.1080/10810730.2012.727949
Massa, A. A., Subramani, O. S., Eckhardt, C. I., &
Parrott, D. J. (2019). Problematic alcohol use and
acute intoxication predict anger-related atten-
tional biases: A test of the alcohol myopia theory.
Psychology of Addictive Behaviors,33(2),
139–143. doi:10.1037/adb0000426
Mayrhofer, M., & Matthes, J. (2018). Drinking at
work. The portrayal of alcohol in workplace-
related TV dramas. Mass Communication and
Society,21(1), 94–114. doi:/10.1080/15205436.
2017.136241
Mayrhofer, M., & Naderer, B. (2019). Mass media as
alcohol educator for everyone? Effects of por-
trayed alcohol consequences and the influence
of viewers’ characteristics. Media Psychology,
22(2), 217–243.
McCarty, D., Morrison, S., & Mills, K. C. (1983).
Attitudes, beliefs and alcohol use: An analysis of
relationships. Journal of Studies on Alcohol,
44(2), 328–341. doi:10.15288/jsa.1983.44.328
McCroskey, J. C., Richmond, V. P., & Daly, J. A.
(1975). The development of a measure of per-
ceived homophily in interpersonal communica-
tion. Human Communication Research,1(4),
323–332. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2958.1975.tb00
281.x
Moyer-Gus´e, E. (2008). Toward a theory of enter-
tainment persuasion: Explaining the persuasive
effects of entertainment-education messages.
Communication Theory,18(3), 407–425. doi:10.
1111/j.1468-2885.2008.00328.x
O’Malley, P. M., & Johnston, L. D. (2002). Epide-
miology of alcohol and other drug use among
American college students. JournalofStudies
on Alcohol, Supplement,14, 23–39. doi:10.
15288/jsas.2002.s14.23
Osberg, T. M., Billingsley, K., Eggert, M., & Insana,
M. (2012). From animal house to old school: A
multiple mediation analysis of the association
between college drinking movie exposure and
freshman drinking and its consequences. Addic-
tive Behaviors,37(8), 922–930. doi:10.1016/j.
addbeh.2012.03.030
Palfai, T., & Wood, M. D. (2001). Positive alcohol
expectancies and drinking behavior: The influ-
ence of expectancy strength and memory
Mayrhofer and Matthes 17
accessibility. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors,
15(1), 60. doi:10.1037/0893-164X.15.1.60
Perry, D. G., & Bussey, K. (1979). The social learning
theory of sex differences: Imitation is alive and
well. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol-
ogy,37(10), 1699–1712. doi:10.1037/h0036436
Pinkleton, B. E., Weintraub-Austin, E., & van de
Vord, R. (2010). The role of realism, similarity,
and expectancies in adolescents’ interpretation of
abuse-prevention messages. Health Communica-
tion,25(3), 258–265. doi:10.1080/10410231003
698937
Ridout, B., Campbell, A., & Ellis, L. (2012). “Off
your Face(book)”: Alcohol in online social iden-
tity construction and its relation to problem drink-
ing in university students. Drug and Alcohol
Review,31(1), 20–26. doi:10.1111/j.1465-3362.
2010.00277.x
Romo, L. K. (2012). “Above the influence”: How
college students communicate about the healthy
deviance of alcohol abstinence. Health Commu-
nication,27(7), 672–681. doi:10.1080/10410236.
2011.629409
Russell, C. A., & Russell, D. W. (2009). Alcohol
messages in prime-time television series. Journal
of Consumer Affairs,43(1), 108–128. doi:10.
1111/j.1745-6606.2008.01129.x
Simons, H. W., Berkowitz, N. N., & Moyer, R. J.
(1970). Similarity, credibility, and attitude
change: A review and a theory. Psychological
Bulletin,73(1), 1–16. doi:10.1037/h0028429
van Hoof, J. J., de Jong, M. D., Fennis, B. M., &
Gosselt, J. F. (2009). There’s alcohol in my soap:
Portrayal and effects of alcohol use in a popular
television series. Health Education Research,
24(3), 421–429. doi:10.1093/her/cyn037
Westgate, E. C., & Holliday, J. (2016). Identity, influ-
ence, and intervention: The roles of social media
in alcohol use. Current Opinion in Psychology,9,
27–32. doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2015.10.014
Appendix
The O.C.
We chose the show based on three characteris-
tics. First of all, it ended in 2007. As we
manipulated a main character’s description, it
was crucial that the show was not fresh in par-
ticipants’ minds. Second, we wanted to investi-
gate real television material, ensuring external
validity. Third, one of the characters endured
positive and negative consequences of alcohol
consumption.
Textual character description
The following movie evolves around the char-
acter “Marissa”. She and her best friend enjoy a
carefree life in the California sun. Both love to
spend time on the beach and have fun.
Rare Drinker Condition: Even though Mar-
issa rarely drinks alcohol, she is a popular guest
at the town’s parties.
Experienced Drinker Condition: Marissa
likes to have some cocktails and is a popular
guest at the town’s parties.
Alcoholic Condition: Even though Marissa
has an alcohol problem, she is a popular guest at
the town’s parties.
Some men tried to win her over, but failed.
This changes, when her new neighbour moves
in.
Plot Scenes:
Scene 1: Marissa meets her neighbour
Ryan.
Scene 2: Shortly afterwards, she sees
Ryan at a party. (Textual instruction:
Marissa has an alcohol problem/Marissa
likes to have some drinks/Usually Mar-
issa does not drink.)
Scene 3: Marissa and Ryan become a
couple, they go golfing.
Scene 4: They spend a romantic night at
the beach.
Scene 5: Marissa is sad because Ryan
doesn’t want to spend New Year’s Eve
together. She goes to a party with her best
friend.
Scene 6: Marissa has a drink with her
friend Oliver. (Textual instruction: Even
though Marissa has an alcohol problem,
she tries her friend’s drink/Marissa has a
18 Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs
lot of experience with cocktails, but her
friend lets her try a new one/Marissa
rarely drinks because she doesn’t like the
taste, but this time she tries.)
Scene 7: Ryan attends the New Year’s
Eve party after all.
Positive Consequence
Scene 8: She had some drinks to gather
the courage to talk to Ryan. They flirt.
Scene 9: They have some beers and have
a lot of fun driving around in golf carts.
Scene 10: Marissa is drunk and happy,
she meets Ryan. They kiss and have fun.
Negative Consequence
Scene 11: She drank too much and her
friends have to bring her home. They lay
her unconscious in front of her house.
Ryan observes the scene and tries to help
her.
Scene 12: After the night at the beach,
Marissa is hungover. She stays in bed
instead of spending time with her family
and best friend.
Scene 13: Marissa gets really drunk. She
meets Ryan, he is annoyed, and they
fight.
Positive Consequence No Consequence Negative Consequence
Sequence Scene
1,2,8,3,9,4,10,5,6,7
Scene
1,2,3,4,5,6,7
Scene
1,2,11,3,4,12,13,5,6
Mayrhofer and Matthes 19
