Content uploaded by Arthur Bernard Knapp
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Arthur Bernard Knapp on Oct 07, 2020
Content may be subject to copyright.
1 23
Journal of Archaeological Research
ISSN 1059-0161
J Archaeol Res
DOI 10.1007/s10814-020-09148-8
Rethinking Middle Bronze Age
Communities on Cyprus: “Egalitarian” and
Isolated or Complex and Interconnected?
Jennifer M.Webb & A.Bernard Knapp
1 23
Your article is protected by copyright and
all rights are held exclusively by Springer
Science+Business Media, LLC, part of
Springer Nature. This e-offprint is for personal
use only and shall not be self-archived in
electronic repositories. If you wish to self-
archive your article, please use the accepted
manuscript version for posting on your own
website. You may further deposit the accepted
manuscript version in any repository,
provided it is only made publicly available 12
months after official publication or later and
provided acknowledgement is given to the
original source of publication and a link is
inserted to the published article on Springer's
website. The link must be accompanied by
the following text: "The final publication is
available at link.springer.com”.
Vol.:(0123456789)
Journal of Archaeological Research
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10814-020-09148-8
1 3
Rethinking Middle Bronze Age Communities onCyprus:
“Egalitarian” andIsolated orComplex andInterconnected?
JenniferM.Webb1,2· A.BernardKnapp3
© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2020
Abstract
Current views of Cyprus during the Middle Bronze Age (or Middle Cypriot period)
depict an island largely isolated from the wider eastern Mediterranean world and
comprised largely if not exclusively of “egalitarian,” agropastoral communities.
In this respect, its economy stands at odds with those of polities in other, nearby
regions such as the Levant, or Crete in the Aegean. The publication of new excava-
tions and new readings of legacy data necessitate modification of earlier views about
Cyprus’s political economy during the Middle Bronze Age, prompting this review.
We discuss at some length the island’s settlement and mortuary records, materials
related to internal production, external exchange and connectivities, and the earli-
est of the much discussed but still enigmatic fortifications. We suggest that Mid-
dle Bronze Age communities are likely to have been significantly more complex,
mobile, and interconnected than once envisaged and that the changes that mark the
closing years of this period and the transition to the internationalism of Late Bronze
Age Cyprus represent the culmination of an evolving series of internal develop-
ments and external interactions.
Keywords Cyprus· Middle Bronze Age· Legacy data· Mortuary evidence·
Political economy· Production and exchange· Social complexity
* Jennifer M. Webb
jenny.webb@latrobe.edu.au
A. Bernard Knapp
bernard.knapp@glasgow.ac.uk
1 Department ofArchaeology andHistory, School ofHumanities andSocial Sciences, La Trobe
University, Melbourne, Victoria3086, Australia
2 Department ofHistory andArchaeology, University ofCyprus, P.O. Box20537, 1678Nicosia,
Cyprus
3 Archaeology, Department ofHumanities, University ofGlasgow, GlasgowG128QQ,
Scotland,UK
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Introduction
A number of scholars, including one of the present authors, have recently called
into question the current view of Cyprus during the Middle Bronze Age (MBA)
or Middle Cypriot (MC) period (c. 2100/2050–1690/1650 cal BC) as compris-
ing solely “egalitarian,” agropastoral communities largely isolated from the wider
eastern Mediterranean world (Bombardieri 2017, pp. 362–363; Crewe 2017,
p. 149; Manning 2019; Webb 2017a, 2019a). Less than a decade ago, Knapp
(2013a) presented a similar assessment, arguing for a steady-state scenario until
almost the end of the Middle Cypriot period. New excavations and the study and
publication of old, poorly known excavations, however, have given rise to new
data and new readings of legacy data, prompting this review.
The rich material record of Prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus (including both the
Early and Middle Cypriot periods) lends itself well to consideration of broader
issues that impact archaeological interpretation. Here we argue that Cyprus
was far from being egalitarian and isolated during the MBA (on the use of the
term “egalitarian,” see Andreou 2019; Coleman and Barlow 1996, p. 329; Fran-
kel 1988, p. 51). Instead, we suggest that growth in foreign demand for Cypriot
copper, the intensified production of this crucial resource, and the appearance of
prestige goods within the politico-economic and ritual spheres resulted in new
social dynamics of interaction and communication. Although we see no evi-
dence for major inequalities in wealth or status, several metal-rich tombs from
the island’s north coast not only signal some differentiation in mortuary prac-
tices but also imply a level of socioeconomic inequality (Kohler and Smith 2018;
Price and Feinman 2012); such inequalities appear to have been based in part
on competition for control over mineral resources and access to knowledge asso-
ciated with metallurgical production and manufacturing. Craft production (pot-
tery, textiles, and metals) was carried out in formal workspaces or “workshops”
that involved a certain degree of organized labor and technical knowledge within
small-scale “communities of practice” (following Wenger 1998; see also Kohring
2011). Such workshops both promoted and sustained wider social networks, even
if they were not formally attached to political entities. Finally, we argue that
developments in the production, consumption, distribution, and export of cop-
per ores were closely linked to other changes and social consequences associ-
ated with an innovative subsistence package, the “secondary products revolution”
(Knapp 1990; Sherratt 1981). All these factors, and more, combined to transform
Middle Cypriot society.
We conclude that the widely acknowledged internationalism of Late Bronze
Age (LBA) Cyprus had its antecedents in the MBA, and that the changes that
mark the closing years of the Middle Cypriot period represent the culmination
of a series of internal developments and external interactions that have hereto-
fore been interpreted in a “minimalist” manner. This was neither an uninterrupted
nor an island-wide process, and there are signs of overseas contacts and a “sym-
bolically complex social world” well before the MBA (Manning 2019, p. 122;
see also Bolger and Peltenburg 2014; Keswani 2004, 2005, 2013; Webb 2019a;
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Webb and Frankel 2013a). Our focus here, however, is firmly on the transforma-
tive developments that characterize the Middle Cypriot period.
Cyprus inIts Eastern Mediterranean Context
In the early years of the Early Bronze Age (EBA) (or Early Cypriot [EC] period)
in Cyprus, there were major changes in almost all aspects of society and economy,
and the Chalcolithic way of life disappeared. The possible external impetus and
mechanisms of this process have been widely discussed (e.g., Bachhuber 2014;
Frankel 2000; Knapp 2013b, pp. 263–277; Peltenburg 1996; Peltenburg etal. 2019,
pp. 333–336; Webb 2013a; Webb and Frankel 1999, 2007). At the other end of the
spectrum, a dramatic expansion in the island’s connections with the Mediterranean
during the LBA (or Late Cypriot [LC] period) is evident from detailed documentary
and material evidence, including an exponential increase in imports and exports, and
two of the most important Bronze Age shipwrecks ever excavated (Cape Gelidonya,
Uluburun), which form an essential backdrop to this international era of trade and
exchange (Knapp 2013b, pp. 348–447, 2018a, pp. 157–162). Given the tendency
of Cypriot archaeologists to elaborate on these earlier and later periods, the MBA
has rather been lost in the middle, compressed between these two high points of
politico-economic change and external connectivity.
Similarly, Cherry (2017, p. 169) has characterized the Middle Bronze Age of
the Greek mainland (i.e., the Middle Helladic period) as “book-ended … between
two peaks of economic prosperity, social differentiation and cultural connectiv-
ity.” The essential element at play is how some individuals, emergent leaders, and
social networks began to build power platforms that enabled the later Mycenanean
kingdoms (Wright 2004); there are obvious parallels here with MBA Cyprus. While
Cherry’s assessment may be valid for the Greek mainland, on Crete more signifi-
cant developments were afoot. Although settlements expanded on Crete during the
EBA, most were relatively small in comparison with those of the EBA mainland, or
the few well-known Cretan sites—e.g., Knossos, Phaistos, Mallia—all future “pal-
ace” centers located in favorable agricultural or maritime positions. There is now
solid evidence for a rapid, significant increase in settlement size at these unusual
sites by the late third millennium BC (Whitelaw 2018), which coincided with the
emergence of external connections, or at least off-island influences stemming from
Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean (Cherry 2009; Legarra Herrero 2011; Man-
ning 1997). These early stages in Cretan state formation represent the focus of much
current research (e.g., Legarra Herrero 2016; Manning 2018). The subsequent pal-
aces (or court buildings) that emerged on Crete by c. 1900 BC have been seen as
hierarchically organized economic, political, and religious centers that reflect major
changes in Cretan society (e.g., Cherry 1986). More recently, some have maintained
that the palatial model is unrealistic and that at least some production, storage, and
consumption activities may have involved other, affluent households or attached
specialists (e.g., Driessen etal. 2002; Schoep 2002). All agree, however, that these
new monumental complexes became key focal arenas of social, political, and ritual
performance (Driessen 2018). Whether status, power, and authority resided in the
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
palaces or were held more widely by emerging elites throughout the communities of
the island and were articulated via palatial arenas, there is no question that a series
of competing state-level polities, if not a single archaic state, emerged and devel-
oped on MBA Crete (Manning 2018, pp. 49–50).
The situation in the Levant is somewhat different (e.g., Charaf 2014; Cohen 2002,
2016; Marcus 2002; Yasur-Landau 2018). There, EBA urbanization, represented by
imposing walled towns (Greenberg 2002, 2017; Paz and Greenberg 2016), domi-
nates the material record as well as archaeological interest, while involvement in
the wider Near Eastern and Mediterranean world system of the LBA mirrors that
noted above for Cyprus. Yet the MBA was not merely an intervening phase but “a
formative stage in the development of Levantine urban cultures and polities” (Mar-
cus 2002, p. 241; see also Cohen 2014, p. 451). As people and ideas moved from
north to south, and contacts with distant states like Egypt and Mesopotamia were
renewed, settlement revived in the Levant (Greenberg 2019). Many key sites—
e.g., Qatna, Byblos, Hazor, Ashkelon—were enclosed by massive earthen ramparts
topped by thick mudbrick walls. The defensive nature of such constructions seems
evident, even if some element of emulation among peer polities may have been
involved (Ilan 1995, pp. 297–299). Commercial ports like Ugarit, Byblos, Akko,
and Ashkelon serviced both long-distance maritime networks in the eastern Medi-
terranean (Egypt, Cyprus, Anatolia) and inland networks that extended as far east
as Mesopotamia, if not beyond (e.g., to central Asian tin sources) (Boroffka etal.
2002; Stager 2001). The diversity of political organization in a region as extensive
and fragmented as the Levant means that no overarching model is applicable, but it
seems clear nonetheless that a series of competing, urban, city-state polities repre-
sent the high-water mark of MBA Canaanite culture.
In Egypt, of course, the processes that led to the emergence of a primary state
occurred over a millennium earlier; they recently have been reexamined in this jour-
nal through the lens of social inequalities (Stevenson 2016). On Cyprus, in con-
trast to all the above, there is no indication of “urbanization” or state formation in
the Early or Middle Cypriot periods, and nothing that can be considered as such
until well into the Late Cypriot (Fisher 2014; Knapp 1994; Manning etal. 2014;
Negbi 2005). Earlier assessments have proposed an EBA characterized by smaller
and more marginal villages linked with larger sites, but no preeminent population
centers where inherent stimuli to changes in socioeconomic structure might have
evolved, and no evidence for fortifications, writing, sealing systems, centralized
storage, communal buildings, or major inequalities in wealth or status (Keswani
2004, 2005, 2013; Webb 2014a). During the two to three centuries of the subse-
quent MBA, according to Frankel (2014, p. 482), “Cyprus was transformed from
a relatively isolated island with numerous small independent villages to one with
increasing foreign connections,” but it is only toward the end of this time-frame that
there is any suggestion of “a formal social, political, or economic hierarchy of sites”
(see also Knapp 2013a, for a similar presentation of an archaeological “moment of
change” beginning c. 1700 BC).
We believe this picture of the Middle Cypriot period is no longer adequate, and in
this review we revisit the material record of that period and consider how we might
understand and reinterpret it. We adopt a theoretical framework that may be defined
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
in terms of the island’s political economy, considering links among the economy,
social structure, and political power both horizontally (links to economic networks)
and vertically (levels of social complexity) (Kristiansen and Earle 2015, p. 238). In
focusing on the Middle Cypriot period, we note that it encompasses both the latter
part of the Prehistoric Bronze Age (EC III/MC I–MC II) and the early part of the
Protohistoric Bronze Age (MC III), as first set out by Knapp (1994, pp. 274–276).
For ease of reference, however, from this point forward we refer to MC I, MC II,
and MC III. With respect to the (absolute) timescale, we suggest that even the high-
precision recalibrated radiocarbon dates available are not infallible (because of their
limited number), and there is some disagreement between the most recent dates pro-
posed by Manning (2014a, pp. 214–215) and those assigned previously or subse-
quently (Manning 2013, 2014b, 2017, pp. 476–479; see also Paraskeva 2019). The
dates used here (Table1) are meant to serve only as general approximations.
Prevailing Views oftheMiddle Cypriot
We begin with a brief history of research (see Keswani 2005, pp. 362–363 for a
similar appraisal of conflicting views on the social structure of Early and Middle
Cypriot communities). In his influential study of the EBA, Stewart (1962, p. 287)
proposed that the (still unidentified) settlements associated with rich burial grounds
excavated at Bellapais, Lapithos, and Nicosia (Fig.1) must have been “more than
local towns,” and suggested that the growth of such centers may have weakened
local authority and “paved the way for the foundation of states in the Middle Cypriot
period or even earlier.” For Stewart (1962, pp. 297–298), the EBA “was no isolated
world, especially for dwellers on the north coast,” and by MC I Cyprus had “already
achieved her historical position in the eastern Mediterranean.” In an equally impor-
tant study, however, initially published before Stewart’s volume and influenced by
Gjerstad’s (1926, pp. 27–37) excavations at the Middle Cypriot settlement of Kalop-
sidha, Åström (1957, p. 274, n. 1, 1972a, p. 274) described the MBA as “the great
transitional period in Cypriote history” that, apart from “new impulses … discern-
ible in M.C.III,” presents “a picture of gradual decline” and “of an initial inspiration
which was lost.”
This dichotomy of views, largely a dialogue between (existing) cemetery
and (presumed) settlement data, has continued to be part of the ebb and flow of
Table 1 Chronology of Prehistoric Bronze Age (Early–Middle Cypriot) Cyprus
*Dates after Manning 2014a, p. 211
Periods Phase/Culture Dates cal BC*
Prehistoric Bronze Age (PreBA) (Philia–Early/Middle Cypriot) 2500/2400–1700
PreBA 1 Philia Early Cypriot 2500/2400–2200
PreBA 1 Early Cypriot I–III 2200–2100/2050
PreBA 2 Middle Cypriot I–II 2100/2050–1800/1750
PreBA 2 Middle Cypriot III 1800/1750–1690/1650
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Cypriot scholarship. Peltenburg (1994, pp. 158–159), for example, argued for
the presence of “status-conscious,” “weapon-bearing” elites on the north coast
no later than 2000 BC, while Manning (1993, p. 45) suggested that a “key indi-
vidual” may have wielded “sustained and inheritable power” in this region of the
island. Both views were based on the presence of weapons in north coast burials
and the well-known “sacred enclosure” (terracotta) model from Bellapais Tomb
22 (Dikaios 1940, pp. 118–125, 173, pls. 7–8). Concerning this model, which is
of late Early or early Middle Cypriot date, Manning (1993, p. 46) identified the
seated male and the social group surrounding him as likely members of a heredi-
tary elite with all the potential of developing into “entities like polities or states.”
Peltenburg (1994, pp. 161–162) felt that the model represents the “rustic expres-
sion” of a social hierarchy, reflecting an ideological change that points to “a revo-
lution in socio-political and economic organisation” (see also Steel 2013, who
suggests it was an “enchanted object” that “communicated a new ideology and
social order”). A recently discovered model of similar form from Cemetery B at
Nicosia (in use during both the Early and Middle Cypriot periods) depicts seven
men seated on a bench with a second group of figures opposite and a larger, cen-
trally placed, plank-shaped, possibly female figure (Georgiou 2017a, pp. 82–83,
figs. 16–17). This suggests that changes in politico-economic organization, if
Fig. 1 Map of Cyprus with sites mentioned in the text (prepared by J. M. Webb)
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
signaled by such objects, were happening in more than one part of the island.
Both models, however, may have been more relevant ritually than socially.
Other scholars have continued to regard Early and Middle Cypriot society as
localized and cooperative, with a low level of socioeconomic differentiation and
no indicators (before MC III) of social stratification (e.g., Coleman and Barlow
1996; Frankel 2002; Swiny 1989). In turn, Knapp altered his own earlier views
(1990, 1993), which traced the “incipient” stages in the emergence of sociopoliti-
cal complexity to the Early and Middle Cypriot periods; he argued that none of
the material correlates of a stratified society, including increased mobility and
connectivity, appeared before c. 1700 BC (Knapp 2013a, p. 21). Similarly, Kes-
wani’s (2004, 2005) studies of the mortuary evidence led her to suggest a high
level of prestige competition within some communities rather than rigidly hierar-
chical differences in status. Others have followed this “revolution over evolution”
paradigm, broadly accepting that it was not until a defining period in MC III–LC
IA that “social structures in Cyprus transformed from village-based to urban-ori-
ented” (Crewe and Georgiou 2018, p. 54), and that it was not until LC I when the
“established system of local agrarian economies” of the Middle Cypriot period
gave way to ranked societies, emergent elite control, and polity building (Horow-
itz 2018, pp. 89–90).
Methodological and interpretative problems have led to these divergent views.
We have long had to rely on deficient settlement records for the Early and Middle
Cypriot periods, and early 20th century excavations at the extensive cemeteries of
Bellapais and Lapithos on the central north coast conditioned early perceptions of
these periods. Although their accompanying settlements have never been discov-
ered, these type sites were seen to exemplify Early/Middle Cypriot culture, leading
to what might be termed the “maximalist” view of Stewart. Following the Turkish
occupation of the northern part of Cyprus in 1974, and subsequent excavations in
the center and south, it became clear that north coast material culture was not rep-
resentative of the rest of the island. In switching the view of the normative to the
center and south of the island, however, archaeologists working on Cyprus contin-
ued to read the part for the whole (see Webb 2017a, pp. 136–137), and settlements
excavated at Sotira (1981–1986), Alambra (1974–1985), and Marki (1991–2000)
quickly came to be seen as providing a basis for the notion that Early and Middle
Cypriot society was small scale, isolated, and agrarian. Indeed, Coleman and Bar-
low (1996, p. 344) concluded that, prior to the LBA, “the whole population was
dispersed in villages like Alambra, where life was prosperous and peaceful.” This
one-size-fits-all approach was exacerbated by long-delayed publication of earlier
excavations at Lapithos, Ambelikou, and Karmi.
In sum, views have swung back and forth in line with the focus on different
sites, site types, and regions of the island, despite well-founded arguments for Cyp-
riot regionalism (e.g., Webb and Frankel 2013a) that should have alerted us to the
shortcomings of such an approach. There is clearly a need to reassess the available
evidence from across Cyprus, to acknowledge the limitations of the archaeological
record (see Frankel 2019; Manning 2019, p. 113), and to allow for the possibility
of multiple, syncopated, politico-economic pathways to power, prestige, and social
complexity within the Middle Cypriot period.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
The Settlement Record
Despite several recently completed and ongoing excavation projects, Middle Cypriot
settlements with excavated exposures remain limited in number, size, and geograph-
ical distribution. There are no more than 11, all located in the center and south of
the island (Fig.2). Only six sites—Marki, Alambra, Pyrgos, Erimi, Politiko, Kisson-
erga—have exposures over 500 m2. Only Marki (Frankel and Webb 1996, 2006a),
Alambra (Coleman etal. 1996; also Georgiou 2008; Sneddon 2015, 2019), Erimi
(Bombardieri 2017), and the smaller exposure at Ambelikou (Webb and Frankel
2013b) have been comprehensively published. The excavations at Kissonerga have
largely focused on the final phase of occupation, which dates to the transition from
Middle to Late Cypriot (Crewe 2013, 2014, 2017; Crewe and Hill 2012; Crewe etal.
2017). At Kalopsidha in the eastern Mesaoria (central lowlands), small areas of
settlement excavated in 1894 and 1959, and a multiroomed house in 1924, belong
to MC III (Åström 1966, pp. 7–10; Gjerstad 1926, pp. 27–37; Myres 1897, pp.
139–140; Webb 2012, pp. 52–54, fig.5). At multiperiod Prasteio in the southwest-
ern Troodos, all site components, including the Middle Cypriot, are very limited in
scope (McCarthy 2014). At Kalavasos (locality Laroumena) near the south coast,
test excavations in 1993 revealed only parts of several MBA structures (Todd 1993,
p. 94), and at Episkopi, on the south-central coast, Middle Cypriot architecture was
found only in a single trench (Carpenter 1981, p. 60, figs.3.1, 3.2).
Marki was founded in the initial phase of the Early Cypriot period and was
occupied until MC II. The layout of the settlement, which was at least 5 ha at its
maximum point of expansion, reflects its growth from a founding population of
Fig. 2 Map of Cyprus showing MBA settlement and cemetery sites (prepared by J. M. Webb)
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
some 40 people to an estimated maximum of about 400 by MC I (Frankel and
Webb 2006a, pp. 34, 308–311) (Fig. 3). While the social dominance of some
Fig. 3 Marki, excavated house compounds (each compound indicated in a different color/shading) across
seven of the nine identified occupational phases (Phases B to H, c. 2300–1900 BC) (after Frankel and
Webb 2012, fig.11)
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
families may have been expressed in household longevity and the capacity both
to establish and maintain off-shoot households and to control resources, includ-
ing cattle (see Manning 2019, pp. 115–118), the excavators concluded there was
little evidence for major differences in social status at any time, and no indica-
tors of wealth, individual power, or prestige (Frankel and Webb 2006a, pp. 314,
318, 2006b). However, several casting molds leave no doubt that metalworking,
including the manufacture of ingots (200–500 g in weight), was carried out from
the time of the site’s foundation (Fasnacht and Künzler Wagner 2001; Frankel
and Webb 2006a, pp. 215–217); it is also likely that pottery was produced season-
ally for local consumption by part- or even full-time potters (Frankel and Webb
2001, 2006a, pp. 149–153; Webb 2014b, pp. 213–217).
Occupation at Alambra began in EC II and ceased in MC II. The excavators
noted a lack of differentiation in the seven excavated Middle Cypriot household
structures (with the possible exception of Building IV, which may have served
communal or ceremonial purposes) and the absence of “any particular focus of
authority or wealth in the village layout,” suggesting that the society of MBA
Alambra “was in some sense an egalitarian one” (Coleman and Barlow 1996, p.
329). They proposed a settlement size of 6 to 15 ha and a population between 500
and 2000 (Coleman and Barlow 1996, p. 327). Renewed excavation and survey,
however, have revealed a deaggregated settlement, comprising ten or more areas
of habitation separated by fields, ravines, and hill slopes (Lowe etal. 2018; Sned-
don 2015). This is clearly indicative of a significantly smaller population than the
maximum proposed by Coleman and Barlow, with a likely combined settlement
and burial area of 4–5 ha (Sneddon, personal communication, 2019). The funda-
mentals, however, remain the same. Pottery and stone tools were manufactured
locally, and small-scale crucible smelting and/or refining of copper is evident
in the form of molds, crucibles, and small copper ingots (165–168 g in weight)
(Coleman and Barlow 1996, pp. 330–331; Gale etal. 1996, pp. 135–136, fig.31;
Sneddon 2019, p. 8, fig.14).
Excavations at Politiko have revealed another rural village, founded in EC II, with
a diversified agrarian economy based on arboriculture, mixed animal hunting, and
husbandry. Soil resistivity survey and concentrated domestic refuse suggest a site
of about 2 ha with four to five concentrations of buried architecture, possibly sepa-
rated by open spaces (Falconer and Fall 2013, p. 193, 2014; Falconer etal. 2005,
2012). The settlement at Politiko had good access to the Pedheios river and was situ-
ated close to woodlands and copper ore resources (Knapp and Kassianidou 2008, p.
138). A small amount of metallurgical debris, including a limestone mold, chunks
of ore, slag, and crucible fragments, suggests the production of utilitarian objects in
household workshops (Falconer and Fall 2013, p. 108, 2017, pp. 265–267). Archae-
obotanical analyses indicate the intensive cultivation of orchard crops, with a lesser
emphasis on cereals (Fall etal. 2012a, b; Klinge and Fall 2010, pp. 2626–2627).
The excavators describe Politiko as a “distinctly pre-urban, modestly differentiated
society,” which produced commodities for subsistence and for communal activities
that created and sustained social relations and provided “social dividends” to house-
holds, potentially encouraging some accumulation of wealth or status that may have
been expressed in the burial record (Falconer and Fall 2013, p. 102).
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Despite multiple publications, there are problems related to the stratigraphy and
chronology of the important Early and Middle Cypriot settlement at Pyrgos, situ-
ated some 4 km from the central southern coast. It seems clear, nevertheless, that
some industrial workshops were established here during the Middle Cypriot. The
excavator (Belgiorno 2000; Belgiorno etal. 2012, 2017) has reported evidence for
metallurgical activities in MC I and II, including slag, crucibles, molds, anvils, and
nozzles, and subcircular structures interpreted as smelting furnaces, although the
identification of the latter is contested, and the association with surrounding struc-
tures is uncertain (Kassianidou 2008, p. 254; Muhly 2002, p. 81). In addition, the
excavator has identified what she believes to be the remains of an olive press, a “per-
fume factory,” and “workshops” for the production of wine, textiles, and picrolite,
forming “a public organized whole” (Belgiorno etal. 2012, p. 32). The size of the
settlement at Pyrgos during the Middle Cypriot is estimated at 30–35 ha (Belgiorno
etal. 2016, p. 804, 2017, p. 329; see also Belgiorno 2019, p. 7; Farinetti 2000). This
estimate is far larger than approximations known even for most LBA urban and non-
urban centers (Knapp 2013b, fig.95) and thus seems highly unlikely (on problems
of estimating site size, see Iacovou 2007; Webb and Frankel 2004).
While much of this scenario remains unclear, the excavated area at Pyrgos does
not appear to be domestic in nature; it is possible that the inhabitants were engaged
in the full chaîne opératoire of copper production (from mining and smelting to
crushing, refining, casting, and polishing), as well as other industrial-level activities,
including textile production. There is copper mineralization—oxides and sulfides—
in the immediate vicinity (Bear 1963, p. 95; Constantinou and Panayides 2012,
p. 257), and the entrance to an ancient (undated) mine lies some 600 m distant at
Ambelia (Belgiorno etal. 2012, p. 27). The excavator’s suggestion (Belgiorno etal.
2012, p. 27, 2017, p. 331) that copper, perfume essences, colorants, and rare fibers
were traded overseas via “ports” on the south coast is certainly a step too far, but it is
possible that copper was being produced beyond the needs of the settlement. Three
clay molds have axe-shaped negatives with cast lengths of 210–230 mm (Belgiorno
2009a, fig.51; Belgiorno etal. 2012, pp. 28–29). This is larger than any of the 70
known Middle Cypriot axes listed by Balthazar (1990, pp. 361–365, tables121–125)
and twice their average length of 11.4 cm (Webb and Frankel 2013b, p. 212). Such
casts would have contained substantial amounts of metal and may well have been
ingots rather than axes.
Ambelikou lies in the northern foothills of the Troodos, within 150 m of a small
ore body that has evidence for contemporary underground workings (Webb and
Frankel 2013b). Excavations in 1942 left no doubt that it was a mining settlement of
at least 3 ha during MC I and early MC II. Two areas were excavated, covering 440
m2. In Area 1, two complete and nine partial architectural units produced evidence
for metalworking, including a melting and casting hearth, work platforms, pits, an
ingot mold, a blowpipe nozzle, deep mortars, and an array of heavy stone tools used
for crushing and grinding slag (see Webb 2015) (Fig.4). Together with smelting
facilities located at the base of a limestone scarp, the material evidence suggests
that mining, smelting, and the casting of ingots were carried out at Ambelikou
(Webb and Frankel 2013b, pp. 206–213). In Area 2, the excavators uncovered a pot-
tery workshop, with a kiln, wasters, blocks of unfired clay, and 39 very similar jugs,
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
apparently representing the final kiln load (Webb and Frankel 2013b, pp. 213–219)
(Fig.5). Two partially excavated units on an adjacent terrace were associated with
copper working. Although Areas 1 and 2 demonstrate a focus on industrial activi-
ties, it is clear from the wider array of material that Ambelikou also was used for
domestic and agricultural purposes and was associated with a (looted) cemetery.
Erimi (location Laonin tou Porakou), on the east bank of the Kouris River 7
km from the south coast, is a settlement and cemetery complex that was occupied
throughout the Middle Cypriot period. The site comprises what the excavator has
described as a large workshop complex, separate domestic units, and two clusters
of tombs (Fig.6). Based on botanical remains, work installations, and associated
material, Bombardieri (2017, p. 348) identified the workshop as a facility for the
production and dyeing of textiles. The spatial segregation of houses and workspaces
and the functional specialization of work and storage areas within the workshop sug-
gest that industrial tasks were carried out beyond the level of the household from
the early years of the Middle Cypriot. In addition, changes over time, including the
introduction of monolithic thresholds and locking devices, reflect an increasing need
for security and a growing emphasis on the control of spaces for storage (Bombar-
dieri 2017, p. 357). A circuit wall, 1.70 m wide, was built toward the end of the
MBA along the natural edge of the terrace, making Erimi the first identified walled
settlement of the Middle Cypriot period on the island (Bombardieri 2017, p. 350).
The extent of the settlement within the wall is 1.10 ha, and the minimum estimated
Fig. 4 Ambelikou, Room II of the metallurgical workshop in Area 1 (after Webb and Frankel 2013b,
fig.4.9)
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
size of the tomb clusters is 0.6 ha (Area E) and 0.4 ha (locality Vounaros) (Bombar-
dieri, personal communication, 2019).
Surface survey indicated a spread of Early/Middle Cypriot material over approxi-
mately 10 ha at the coastal settlement of Kissonerga in the Paphos district (Crewe
2014, p. 138; Crewe etal. 2017, p. 237). It is unclear, however, how much of this
material is in situ, and the minimum site area was estimated at 2 ha by Philip (1983,
p. 46; see also Maliszewski 2018, p. 49). While domestic structures of Early/Middle
Cypriot date have been found in Area D, excavation has so far focused primarily on
the final phase of occupation, which has revealed a large complex of industrial fea-
tures dating to the transition to the LBA, including a kiln believed to have been used
for beer production (Crewe 2013, 2017, pp. 144–147; Crewe and Hill 2012).
From the above, it seems clear that the excavated settlement record, while lim-
ited, is significantly more diverse than previously allowed (see also Frankel 2019).
Fig. 5 Ambelikou, the pottery workshop in Area 2 (after Webb and Frankel 2013b, fig.5.28)
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Marki, Alambra, and Politiko, located at the interface of the mineral-bearing igne-
ous formations of the northern Troodos and the sedimentary deposits of the central
lowlands, were ideally situated to exploit nearby copper ore bodies and agricultural
land. Despite some architectural anomalies that might be regarded as indications of
social dominance or the locus of ceremonial activities or display, these three sites
conform to what we regard as small agropastoral villages whose inhabitants relied
on the usual faunal and plant resources and engaged in small-scale metalworking,
pottery production, and other craft activities. In contrast, there is evidence at Pyrgos,
Erimi, and Ambelikou for the workshop production of goods. Bombardieri (2013,
pp. 93–99, 2014, p. 46, 2017, pp. 356–357) has linked the presence of these formal
workplaces with a process of increasing industrialization, noting that the planning,
construction, and maintenance of these facilities “suggest significant cooperative
activity and a degree of expertise and labour organisation likely to have involved
authority and decision-making at a supra-household level” (2017, p. 357). Webb and
Frankel (2013b, p. 222) have suggested a similar degree of cooperation in mining,
ore beneficiation, smelting, slag processing, and casting and in the production of
fuel, food, and equipment at Ambelikou.
At all three sites, workshop production seems to have operated beyond the
level of the individual household and perhaps beyond the level of the kin group.
Although the organization of craft production has long been regarded as a marker
for broader social, economic, and political changes associated with urban-
ism or state formation (e.g., Costin 1991, pp. 8–16, 2005), we do not propose
that these installations were formally attached to political entities. Rather, they
Fig. 6 View of the excavated settlement and cemetery areas at Erimi (image courtesy of Luca Bombar-
dieri)
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
would appear to have been cooperative enterprises or “communities of practice”
(Wenger 1998), involving a degree of labor specialization and technical knowl-
edge within small-scale communities that had specialized functions; such com-
munities of practice both created and sustained wider social networks (see also
Andreou 2019; Bombardieri 2014, 2017, pp. 355–358). The identity of these
production groups at Erimi, Ambelikou, and Pyrgos remains unclear for the
moment, but there is nothing to suggest that such groups extended beyond the
local community.
How are we to understand all this diverse evidence? Are these different mate-
rial signatures an accidental result of the choice of excavation areas (domestic ver-
sus industrial) or were different settlements—or settlements in different resource
zones—organized differently? This is, of course, impossible to answer definitively,
but it is important to note that the excavated areas at most if not all these sites rep-
resent less than 5% of the estimated total occupied area, and it would be unwise to
read absence of evidence as evidence of absence. It would appear, however, that
few if any of these settlements were just agricultural villages. Ambelikou was first
and foremost a mining settlement, and the location of Marki, Alambra, and Politiko
on the igneous/sedimentary interface may reflect the desire of the inhabitants to be
close to both ore bodies and agricultural land. Similarly, targeted exploitation of the
polymetallic ores of the Limassol Forest region may explain the establishment of the
settlement at Pyrgos (use of these ores is indicated for both the EBA and MBA—see
Giardino etal. 2002, p. 44; Webb and Frankel 2013b, p. 205; Webb etal. 2006, p.
271, table5). The location of the small village of Erimi on a high, flat-topped ridge
may be due to the availability of wild plants with dyeing properties, the accessibility
to water sources, and the exposure of the site to channeled wind useful for drying
textiles (Bombardieri 2017, pp. 348–349).
Thus, while these settlements needed to be agriculturally self-sufficient, it may
be argued that most if not all of them were established to target specific resources
for extra-household production and beyond-site distribution. This level of focused
production may imply that these sites formed part of regional if not interregional
distribution networks and were linked from the outset with other settlements if not
with larger centers (see below). As relatively small communities with less than 500
inhabitants, they must also have been dependent on their neighbors for the demo-
graphic viability of both human and animal populations.
Indications of interregional connectivity are not hard to find. Ambelikou’s strong-
est ceramic links are with Lapithos, far to the north, beyond the Kyrenia mountain
range. This suggests that mining and smelting were managed from the north coast,
but there are also connections with the west, and communities in the Polis region
may have obtained copper from the northwest Troodos during the Middle Cypriot
period (Webb 2017b, 2019a; Webb and Frankel 2013b, pp. 205, 219–220; see also
Keswani and Knapp 2003, pp. 214–216). Drab Polished ware assemblages at Erimi,
Pyrgos, and Episkopi in the south include imports from western Cyprus (Webb
2017c, pp. 182–183), and the movement of regional products between north and
south coast settlements is indicated by the presence, inter alia, of north coast White
Painted II ware at Pyrgos (Karageorghis 2017), imported Red Polished III vessels at
Erimi (Webb 2017c, pp. 172–179), and picrolite objects with parallels at Episkopi,
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Erimi, and Pyrgos found in tombs at Lapithos and Bellapais (Webb 2018a, p. 47,
fig.4). We return to this below.
What is missing from this picture is excavated evidence for larger settlements
located on or near the coast, near major communication routes and in particularly
favored areas, such as the rich river valleys of the Pedheios and Ovgos. In our view,
the existence of such settlements—at Lapithos and Bellapais on the north coast,
Deneia in the Ovgos Valley, and Nicosia in the Pedheios Valley—is adequately indi-
cated by the mortuary record (see below). Another possible major focus of Mid-
dle Cypriot settlement is the Vasilikos Valley along the south coast, where a large
site complex has been documented at the localities of Malouteri, Arkhangelos, and
Laroumena (Horowitz 2016, p. 39; Todd 2013, p. 90; see also Knapp 2013b, pp.
350–352). Lapithos and Bellapais have been inaccessible for legitimate excavation
since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974. The settlements at Deneia and Nicosia
also remain unknown, apart from occasional surface finds and accidental discover-
ies (Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 1; Pilides 2014). Such large, arguably aggregated
MBA settlements—yet to be identified in the archaeological record—are likely to
have been different, possibly very different, from the settlements discussed above,
all of which were 5 ha or smaller.
The Mortuary Record
There are well-known cemeteries of the Middle Cypriot period (see Fig.2), includ-
ing, on the north coast, Bellapais (Dikaios 1940; Dunn-Vaturi 2003; Stewart and
Stewart 1950), Lapithos (Gjerstad etal. 1934; Grace 1940; Herscher 1975, 1978;
Myres 1946; Webb 2018b, 2020), and Karmi (localities Palealona and Lapatsa)
(Webb etal. 2009); in the central lowlands, at Deneia in the Ovgos Valley (Åström
and Wright 1962; Frankel and Webb 2007; Nicolaou and Nicolaou 1988) and Nico-
sia (Georgiou 2013); and in the south, at Kalavasos (Karageorghis 1958; Todd 1986,
2007), Pyrgos (Belgiorno 1997, 2002, 2019), and Erimi (Bombardieri 2017; Christ-
ofi etal. 2015). All of these sites, however, have suffered extensive looting, and only
Bellapais, Lapithos, and Kalavasos have significantly more than ten undisturbed,
fully published Middle Cypriot tombs.
Pyrgos and Erimi are the only sites with substantial settlement and mortuary evi-
dence. At Ambelikou and Marki, the burial grounds were systematically looted prior
to investigation of the settlements (Frankel and Webb 1996, pp. 11–15; Sneddon
2002, pp. 9–12). At Alambra and Politiko, tombs were either cleared in the 19th cen-
tury or looted more recently (Buchholz and Untiedt 1996, p. 72; Decker etal. 1996,
pp. 113–123; Gjerstad 1926, p. 5). At Kalopsidha, tombs excavated in the early 20th
century were poorly recorded (Åström 1966, pp. 7–8, 12–37; Frankel 1983, pp.
93–98; Webb 2012, pp. 50–52), while those at Episkopi and Kissonerga (locality
Ammoudhia) await full publication (Carpenter 1981; Duryea 1965; Graham 2012;
Herscher 1981; Weinberg 1956). Small numbers of tombs at other sites, including
Kition (Herscher 1988; Karageorghis 1974), Katydhata (Åström 1989; Georgiou
2014, pp. 128–132), Linou (Flourentzos 1989), Avdimou (Manginis and Vavourana-
kis 2004; Vavouranakis and Manginis 1995), Klavdhia (Malmgren 2003), and Lofou
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
(Violaris etal. 2013), have been published but most had been looted, damaged, or
disturbed. Thus, the mortuary record is uneven and, in most cases, unlikely to be
representative of the full diversity of funerary features. Despite these problems, we
attempt to compare cemeteries and tombs across the island before returning to the
question of the settlement record.
Keswani (2004, p. 53) estimated a total of ~100 burials at Bellapais Site A and
350 at Site B, which contained most of the excavated Middle Cypriot tombs. Cham-
bers were routinely cleared for reuse during the Early Cypriot, and many burials are
likely to have been removed over time (Webb etal. 2009, pp. 239–240). At Karmi,
the excavated cemeteries at the localities Lapatsa and Palealona appear to have been
quite small, each servicing a maximum population of 50–100 (Webb et al. 2009,
p. 202). Large dromoi (entrance passages), multiple chambers, and architectural
embellishments, however, suggest that even relatively small north coast communi-
ties invested in funerary architecture (Webb ZZand Frankel 2010). At Bellapais Site
B, 75% of late EC III–MC II tombs contained metal artifacts, with a mean number
per chamber of 4.5 (Keswani 2004, p. 65). At the smaller site of Karmi, 50% of the
chambers had some metal, with 2.9 metal items per excavated chamber (Webb etal.
2009, p. 235).
At Lapithos (locality Vrysi tou Barba), over 140 excavated tombs were densely
concentrated over 10 ha, with additional tombs beyond in all directions, suggest-
ing an east/west extent of at least 0.8 km (Diakou and Webb 2018, p. 29). Tombs
have also been identified at six other locations at Lapithos (Georgiou 2007, pp. 215,
217–218, nos. 45, 48–50, 52, 53, table10.1), all of which signals a substantial pop-
ulation during the Middle Cypriot period. There is considerable diversity in tomb
size and structure, burial numbers, and grave goods (Keswani 2004, pp. 43–44, 58).
Some tomb chambers (e.g., nos. 18A,50, 201A, 204, 313A, 315, 322A) are much
larger (up to 20 m2) and more complex than the norm, with ten or more burials
and up to 400 grave goods, including imports and locally produced luxury goods
(plank figures, composite vessels, elaborate pins) (Keswani 2004, p. 45; Webb
2018a, 2019b, 2020). Metal is also remarkably common at Lapithos, occurring as
25.6% and 36% of combined tomb assemblages in MC I–II and MC II–III, respec-
tively (Keswani 2004, pp. 67–71, table4.11c; Webb 2016a, b, c). There is, however,
significant variation in the distribution of metal. Ten tombs with 40 or more metal
objects account for 73% of over 1000 metal objects recovered in 1913 (Webb2021,
fig.3), while burials related to just seven of 59 dromoi yielded over 70% of 701
metal objects excavated in 1927 and 1931 (Swiny 1989, p. 27).
At Deneia, ~1300 looted tomb shafts are visible over 6 ha, at least 764 of which
were cut in the Middle Cypriot period (Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 149). The larg-
est chambers are more spacious than those recorded at any other site (up to 55 m2),
and one partly excavated tomb contained a minimum of 15 adults and 31 subadults
(Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 150, table8.2; Tucker and Cleggett 2007). The estimate
of adult burials attributable to the Middle Cypriot period is at least 9000 (Frankel
and Webb 2007, pp. 152–154, table8.5). If we assume a population of 300 people,
at most, at Deneia at the beginning of the Middle Cypriot period, the striking num-
ber of burials cannot be attributed to natural increase alone; there likely was signifi-
cant demographic expansion and rapid settlement growth in MC I.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
At Nicosia, two cemeteries were in use during the Middle Cypriot period. Cem-
etery B, at its maximum extent, covered ~15 ha (estimated from Georgiou 2013,
fig.1), but Early and Middle Cypriot tombs may have been located in clusters; if
so, they are unlikely to have occupied this entire area. Although heavily looted or
destroyed by modern construction, there were a number of very large, rich tombs in
Cemetery B, in particular the still not fully published but notable Tomb 50, which
contained an array of unique vessels and models, including the multiple-figured one
noted above (Georgiou 2017a, pp. 69–85). This tomb lay at the physical center of
the cemetery and, perhaps, as Georgiou (2013, p. 88) has suggested, marked the sta-
tus of the deceased or singled out the burial of a prominent community member.
At Marki, five looted cemetery areas contained an estimated 750–800 tombs;
thus, even a long-inhabited, modest village had extensive associated burial grounds.
While it is not clear how many of the tombs are Middle Cypriot, a maximum popu-
lation estimate for the settlement is 400 people in MC I, which thereafter decreased
(Frankel and Webb 2006a, pp. 308–311). The Middle Cypriot tombs appear to have
been single-chambered and relatively small. At Alambra, tombs were located along-
side dispersed household clusters, and both small (<2 m in diameter), single-cham-
bered tombs and pit tombs with one or two burials were in use during the Middle
Cypriot (Decker etal. 1996, pp. 113–123). Three formally excavated, undisturbed
tombs had eight metal objects. At Politiko, reports of silver and gold ornaments
from locality Lambertis, and 60 copper-base objects from Chomazoudhia Tomb 3
(Åström 1972a, pp. 151–152; Buchholz 1973, pp. 304–309), prompted Keswani
(2004, p. 72) to suggest the occurrence of mortuary ceremonies comparable to those
at Lapithos in this part of the island in the Middle Cypriot period.
At Kalavasos, Middle Cypriot tombs were located in two areas ~90 m apart
within the modern village. It is unclear whether they belong to discrete burial
grounds or to a single cemetery (Todd 2007, p. 326, fig.3). Some 40, mostly intact
tombs have been published (Todd 1986, 2007). Several were multichambered, but
no chambers are larger than 2.90 m (Todd and Pearlman 2007, table1). The mean
number of burials per chamber is 2.33 (Keswani 2004, pp. 53–54). Interregional
ceramic imports and metal artifacts were present in 24 tombs, but most contained
fewer than ten copper-based objects (Todd 2007, p. 329).
Twenty rescue-excavated Early and Middle Cypriot tombs located c. 300 m east
of the excavated settlement at Pyrgos have been published (Belgiorno 1997, 2002,
2019). Many had been disturbed but appear to be primarily pit tombs, most less than
3 m in maximum dimension. Some tombs in use during both periods contained mul-
tiple burials (eight in Tomb 2a with 59 grave gifts). Tomb 21, the so-called “cop-
persmith’s tomb,” was c. 4 m in diameter and contained one burial and over 100
objects, including 13 copper/bronze artifacts (Belgiorno 1997). This tomb, however,
is exceptional; other tombs contained only a few bronzes (Belgiorno 2009b, p. 59, n.
42; see also Belgiorno 2019).
Two burial grounds associated with the settlement at Erimi contained pit, pit/
chamber, and chamber tombs, and several features not recorded elsewhere (e.g.,
funerary cists and shelves to display vessels) (Bombardieri 2017: 359; Christofi etal.
2015). The excavator has suggested that the presence of special burials with rich
offerings (including interregional imports and personal ornaments) and variations
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
in tomb size and elaboration indicate some social differentiation among commu-
nity members (Bombardieri 2017, p. 361). Indications of community stress also
may be visible in Tomb 248, the largest excavated chamber tomb, which was filled
almost completely with stones that had crushed the burial layer (Bombardieri 2017,
pp. 361–362). Whereas 11.2% of the funerary assemblage in the Erimi tombs con-
sisted of imported Red Polished vessels from the center or north of the island (Webb
2017c, pp. 172–179), only three objects were metal (Fissore 2017). Elsewhere in the
south and west, the picture is similar. Swiny (1986, p. 88) noted a general scarcity of
metal; only 12 of 60 Bronze Age burials stored in the Limassol Museum contained
any metal. Tombs in the Paphos District have the same pattern.
This overview reveals both complexity and diversity in the mortuary record. Most
settlements were associated with multiple burial grounds, suggesting that burial
location was always linked with subgroup affiliation, which calls into question the
notion of an inclusive village cemetery (Webb 2018c). There are, however, very
significant differences in cemetery size. Apart from Marki, no other cemetery has
even a fifth as many known tombs as Deneia. While it is not possible to estimate
the extent of all burial grounds, it is clear that the Middle Cypriot cemeteries at
Lapithos, Deneia, and Nicosia were several orders of magnitude larger than those at
Marki, Alambra, Pyrgos, Kalavasos, and Erimi.
Similarly, while larger, richer tombs were present at Politiko, Pyrgos, and Erimi,
and may reflect a degree of social differentiation within their parent communities,
intrasite distinctions are nowhere as marked as at Lapithos, Deneia, and Nicosia. At
Lapithos and Nicosia, the elaboration of tombs, mortuary assemblages, and the dead
implies a significant increase in the wealth and corporate status of some groups in
the Middle Cypriot period. Prior to the end of MC II, metal artifacts also appeared
in caches in the tombs at Lapithos, suggesting that metal was by then viewed as an
exchange commodity and managed at a corporate level (Knapp 1990, pp. 161–162;
Webb and Frankel 2015). The social position of some individuals may have been
enhanced, perhaps heritable by their descendants. This assumption of power dynam-
ics in the mortuary domain contrasts with Keswani’s (2013, p. 229) view that
Early and Middle Cypriot burial complements reflect a conventional set of social
categories.
Some Middle Cypriot tombs at Lapithos also were used after the final burial as
private space for ongoing ritual activities, perhaps linked with emerging notions of
lineage unity and property transmission (Webb 2017d, 2019b). Notions of dedicated
ritual space are also evident in Tomb 6 at Karmi (locality Palealona), which may
have served as a mortuary shrine during burial events in the surrounding tombs
(Webb etal. 2009, pp. 242–245; Webb and Frankel 2010, pp. 191–194). Other
carved tombs at Karmi and Bellapais and Tomb 50 at Nicosia Cemetery B indicate
similar, qualitative differences in tomb construction and use and link mortuary rit-
ual with the elaboration of physical space occupied by particular ancestors (see also
Keswani 2004, pp. 56–58).
In sum, it is evident that high levels of social capital were invested in the mortu-
ary domain in the Middle Cypriot cemeteries at Vounous, Lapithos, Deneia, and
Nicosia. Processes underway in the Early Cypriot, notably an increasing emphasis
on prestige displays and consumption of metals (Keswani 2004, 2005, 2013), set
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
the stage for these developments, particularly on the north coast. While cemeteries
elsewhere were not undifferentiated entities, they are qualitatively dissimilar to these
much larger burial grounds. Such differences in labor investment, metal wealth, and
social differentiation between larger and smaller cemeteries suggest, once again, that
the (yet to be identified) MBA settlements associated with the cemeteries at Lapi-
thos, Nicosia, and Deneia may have been different, possibly very different, to those
settlements that have been excavated.
Production, Exchange, andConnectivity
Earlier views on the complexity of intersite relationships and the extent of social
articulation within and between regions in the Middle Cypriot period were largely
based on assumptions of a domestic versus craft specialization/trade model for the
production of pottery—the former associated with less-formal relationships and the
latter with a more stratified society and formal interrelationships (Frankel 1988, p.
32, 1993). Frankel (1988, p. 51) argued that unstructured household production by
nonspecialist potters provides evidence for an egalitarian society on most of Cyprus
before ~1700 BC. While not without its critics, this broad view of Early/Middle
Cypriot society was widely accepted (e.g., Coleman and Barlow 1996, pp. 327–331;
Steel 2004, pp. 134–135, 141, 161–162).
With the availability of larger data sets as well as chemical and petrographic
analyses, and the publication of the pottery workshop at Ambelikou, the domestic
production model has been overturned in favor of one that emphasizes specialized
manufacture and limited trade for much if not all ceramic production in Early/Mid-
dle Cypriot Cyprus (e.g., Webb 2014b). Most vessels were probably made by semi-
specialized or part-time potters in village workshops like that at Ambelikou, while
high-value vessels for ritual/mortuary purposes, special-purpose flasks, cooking
pots, and pithoi (large storage jars) were likely made in dedicated workshops.
The networks responsible for the transmission of pottery-producing traditions
and, in some cases, the movement of pottery, appear to have operated largely within
regions, and minor fabrics are rarely found beyond their core production areas. This
is not an indication, however, of interregional isolation. For example, finely incised
Red Polished (RP) III vessels, produced in the center and north of the island, moved
south and west during the Middle Cypriot, probably for their own sake rather than
for their contents. Moreover, Drab Polished containers and their contents made their
way from the west along the south coast, and to the northwest and central plain,
although apparently not to the north coast (Webb 2014b, pp. 220–221). This period
also saw the development of localized ceramic traditions, most obviously at Middle
Cypriot Deneia, where it may represent one outcome of rapid population growth and
demographic aggregation (Webb 2010).
This model of pottery production and distribution fits with increasing evidence
for specialized production with regard to other resources. As argued above, some
specialization in relation to local copper resources may be proposed from the foun-
dation of the settlements at Marki, Alambra, Politiko, and Pyrgos, and workshop
production of textiles is likely at Erimi and possibly also at Pyrgos. From the eastern
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Mesaoria and southern side of the Troodos mountains, evidence for copper working
is reported from Kalopsidha, Kalavasos (locality Laroumena), Episkopi, and Para-
mali (Åström 1966, p. 8; Carpenter 1981, p. 64; Swiny and Mavromatis 2000, p.
435; Todd 1993, p. 93). North of the Troodos, PIXE analysis of Early and Middle
Cypriot metal objects from Lapithos revealed that the copper used in their produc-
tion was likely the same as that used in locally made copper oxhide ingots of the
Late Cypriot period; Muhly (1989, p. 300) long ago concluded that these copper
deposits were already being exploited in the Early Cypriot period. Middle Cypriot
Ambelikou was first and foremost a mining settlement, and others may have existed
in the cupriferous zone. If the Troodos range had earlier represented a barrier to
intra-island contacts and communication, the exploitation of sulfide ores in its north-
ern copper belt likely provided the catalyst for intersite relations and interregional
trade (Knapp 1990, pp. 159–160). Settlement location north of the Troodos was
determined at least in part by the distribution of ore bodies. Moreover, logistical and
transport factors dictated that the primary smelting of copper ores had to be carried
out close to the mines (Stech 1985, pp. 102–103).
On the north coast, the sheer quantity of metal, the use of imported copper and
bronze, and the presence of unique artifact types suggest that the presumed settle-
ment associated with the tombs at Lapithos was likely a major production center
(Charalambous and Webb 2020; Webb 2019a). This increasing level of specialized
production clearly impacted the spatial configuration of MBA settlements more gen-
erally, with discrete workshop areas evident at Ambelikou and Erimi and an indus-
trial zone claimed for Pyrgos. The deaggregation of the settlement at MBA Alam-
bra, which Sneddon (2015, p. 159) has suggested was due in part to the emergence
of specialized activity areas, may also reflect this broader trend.
This targeted use of resources implies a significant degree of variability in the
volume and flow of goods and information within regional networks. While we can-
not yet trace these in detail, we can argue for the interdependence of settlements,
within networks maintained through regular contacts and the movement of people
and goods. These patterns of association may have been linked to broader exchange
systems, in particular that involving copper.
In MC I, foreign demand for Cypriot copper (discussed in the following sec-
tion) led to the establishment of new mining villages (like Ambelikou) and the rees-
tablishment of north-coast supply networks. In a recent study, Webb (2019a) has
argued that Lapithos was a central node in a communication and transport network
that ensured a secure supply of copper to the north coast from sources in the north-
ern Troodos, ~35–40 km away. The movement of stylistically distinctive pottery
and plank figures indicates further instances of connectivity between larger settle-
ments—such as those proposed for Lapithos, Deneia, and Nicosia—and smaller vil-
lages, including Krini, Marki, Ambelikou, and Politiko (Dikomitou-Eliadou 2019a,
b; Frankel 1974, pp. 203–204; Frankel and Webb 2007, pp. 154–156; Webb 2018b,
pp. 236–237, 2019a; Webb and Frankel 2013b, pp. 205, 219–220).
The reach of this proposed procurement network may have been even more exten-
sive. Recent compositional analysis of 415 Middle Cypriot copper-base artifacts
from tombs at Lapithos suggests that high-arsenic copper ores from the Limassol
Forest, on the southern side of the island, were available in the north in significant
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
quantities (Charalambous and Webb 2020). Although the minimum presence of
arsenic required to distinguish the deliberate addition of this metal from the use of
ores naturally rich in arsenic is controversial, analyses of most objects indicate a
distribution more likely to reflect natural ore content. Other indications of the move-
ment of goods and perhaps people between the north and south coasts include the
recovery of south-coast spindle whorls, picrolite pendants, disks and beads, and
occasional pottery vessels in northern cemeteries at Lapithos and Bellapais (Webb
2018a, p. 47, 2018b, pp. 237–238), and north-coast type pottery at the southern set-
tlements of Erimi, Pyrgos, Episkopi, Alassa, and Kalavasos (Webb 2014b, p. 220).
What emerges from this evidence is a complex relational mix of autonomy and
connectivity, interdependence and complementarity, within a network of economic
transactions that linked functionally specialized settlements over considerable dis-
tances. The extent to which larger settlements, like those presumed for Lapithos,
Nicosia, and Deneia, may have organized the distribution of metal and other goods
to consumers across the island remains unclear, but some degree of interdependence
and cooperation would appear to be necessary if we are to explain how such exten-
sive networks—key components of the political economy—could have worked.
External Connections andInternal Production
Swiny (1989, p. 28) suggested that, prior to the end of the Middle Cypriot period,
the production of copper on the island was insufficient to attract foreign imports or
to enable the accumulation of wealth and the emergence of “status-conscious elites.”
Others argued that tin bronze only became common at the end of the MBA (Bal-
thazar 1990, pp. 161–162; Stos-Gale and Gale 1994, p. 97; see also Swiny 1982,
p. 69). At the same time, however, Knapp (1990, p. 158) suggested that items of
conspicuous wealth among Middle Cypriot grave goods, notably the metal items
from Lapithos, pointed to links between access to metal resources, wealth, and pres-
tige display and indicated changing power relations in society. Keswani (2005, pp.
392–394) also noted the impact of introduced foreign prestige goods and elite ide-
ologies in the changing construction of Cypriot elite systems. The metal wealth evi-
dent in cemeteries along the north coast not only indicates overseas contacts (tin
was imported) but also makes it feasible to propose links between intensified copper
production and contemporary innovations in subsistence agriculture, i.e., the “sec-
ondary products revolution” (see further below).
Charalambous and Webb (2020), using portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spec-
trometry (pXRF), identified tin (essential for the production of bronze) in 283 of
415 Middle Cypriot artifacts from Lapithos, in concentrations ranging from 0.1 to
21.3 weight percent (wt.%). Since tin does not occur in Cyprus and is not present
in Cypriot copper ores, tin-bronze objects could only have been produced locally
using imported tin (Sn, as stanniferous mineral) or tin-bronze ingots, scrap metal,
or finished artifacts. The incidence of Sn in objects assigned to MC II–III (55%)
is double that of objects in the MC I–II group (27%), suggesting an increase in
the use of (imported) tin during the Middle Cypriot. A decrease in the number of
artifacts with no tin, from 56% in MC I–II to 25% in MC II–III, and an increase in
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
the number with low tin (0.1–2.9 wt.%), from 28% to 41%, also suggest a marked
growth in recycling practices. While analytical problems associated with pXRF
may be exaggerating the presence of tin in individual artifacts, at an assemblage
level these results show that the amount of tin that entered Cyprus during the
Middle Cypriot may have been underestimated; they also point to significant met-
allurgical developments along the north coast. Emergent copper production and
consumption may well have provided the basis for differences in wealth or social
status.
Keswani (2004, pp. 153–154) suggested that the metal-rich tombs at Lapithos
not only point to differentiation in mortuary practices but also connote some level
of socioeconomic inequality, something typically argued only for the Late Cypriot
period (Knapp 2018b). Such inequality would have been based on competition for
control over copper resources and access to knowledge related to sophisticated ore
extraction and metal manufacturing techniques. These developments in mining Cyp-
riot copper ores and producing sophisticated metal items seem to have been closely
linked to other changes—in subsistence and settlement patterns and the attendant
social consequences—associated with the secondary products revolution (Knapp
1990; see also Manning 2019). There seems to have been a new concern with social
status and prestige, at least among those who were involved in the production and
exchange of copper. Metallurgy no longer simply represented social differentiation
but also may have helped create socioeconomic distinctions (Knapp 1990, p. 159;
Shennan 1986, p. 117).
Given the high local demand evident in mortuary ritual, where large amounts of
metal were not only displayed but taken out of circulation, Keswani (2005, p. 391)
was skeptical that foreign trade could have served as a prime mover in the expand-
ing copper industry during the Middle Cypriot period. Nonetheless, the unparalleled
metal wealth in the cemetery at Lapithos may well reflect the initial stages of exter-
nal demand for Cypriot copper, which in turn is demonstrated by the quantity of
goods imported to the island during the Middle Cypriot period. Earlier estimates of
~25 objects for the whole island from the beginning of the Early Cypriot to the end
of MC II (Keswani 2004, table4.11b–c, 2005, pp. 388–389, table13; Knapp 2013a,
p. 114, 2013b, p. 24) now seem misleading, as the number for Middle Cypriot cem-
eteries at Lapithos, Bellapais, and Karmi alone is estimated at more than 150, not
including raw metals and other possible imports (Webb 2019a,2021, fig.4, table2)
(Table2). Some of these goods were also moving inland, e.g., a Syro-Cilician jug
found in a MC I or II tomb at Nicosia (Merrillees and Tubb 1979). Other foreign
goods include faience necklaces and pendants, silver and gold jewelry, lead rings,
knives, razors, tweezers, needles, dress pins of copper and bronze, and a small num-
ber of pottery vessels from Crete, the Levant, and Anatolia (Fig.7). These imports,
most of which are personal items designed to enhance individual visibility, may
have had a significant social impact within local communities. Once “entangled” in
new contexts, such goods take on different social or symbolic values (Hodder 2012,
pp. 32–33; Stockhammer 2012, p. 14), carrying their own messages of power and
prestige and likely spurring internal developments on Cyprus. Moreover, as Man-
ning (2019, p. 114) notes, it is precisely during periods when exotic goods are rare
that they are most socially powerful.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Foreign-influenced goods in both ceramics and metal also hint at broader connec-
tions and suggest that much of the picture is still missing. These include four EC III
or MC I “duck vases” from Lapithos, Nicosia, and possibly Deneia, all local copies
of imported Cycladic vessels (Merrillees 1979). A number of shoulder-handled jars
with conical necks and carinated rims in various fabrics, from MC II tombs at Lapi-
thos, may have been inspired by MBA Levantine forms (Webb 2018b, pp. 228–231,
fig.6.52). Similarly, over 20 bronze toggle pins from Lapithos, virtually identical
to MBA examples at sites in Syria and Lebanon (e.g., Gernez 2012, pp. 108–109,
pls. 4.1–4, 5.1–2, 15.3–8), are either imports or local imitations of Levantine pins
(Webb2021, fig.2).
Cuneiform documents from Mari, Babylon, and Alalakh on the western Asiatic
mainland, all dated from c. 1900 BC onward, reveal that Alašiya (Cyprus) provided
copper to the Levant long before the LBA (Knapp 1996, pp. 17–20, 30, 2008, pp.
307–309; Muhly 1986, p. 52). Lead isotope analysis suggests the use of copper con-
sistent with production from Cypriot ores in Crete, the Cyclades, and on the Greek
mainland during the EBA, at Malia on Crete during the 19th century BC, and possi-
bly on Kos in MBA II–III (Gale and Stos-Gale 2008, p. 398, fig.37.4b; Kafaya etal.
2000, pp. 43–44, 48, tables2.4, 2.6; Poursat and Loubet 2005, p. 120; Stos-Gale
2016, p. 389; Stos-Gale and Gale 2003, p. 92, table5). At the same time, however,
only a handful of foreign pots have been found on Cyprus prior to the MC III/LC IA
transition, and very few Cypriot vessels have turned up abroad, all in Crete—a RP
III amphora from Knossos (Catling and MacGillivray 1983), a Black Polished bowl
from a post-Bronze Age tomb near Siteia (Graziadio 2013), and a White Painted IV
juglet from Kommos (Rutter 2006, pp. 653–658). The exception is a possible jug of
Black Slip II ware from Buhen in Nubia (Merrillees 1968, pp. 141, 145, pl. I.1).
Although Cypriot involvement in long-distance exchange during the Middle Cyp-
riot period has been described variously as sporadic (Keswani 2005, p. 387), casual
(Merrillees 2007, p. 88), and passive (Peltenburg 2008, p. 153), recent study of legacy
data from Lapithos suggests a different picture. The settlement site or sites of Lapithos
Table 2 Objects identified as imports from MBA tombs at Lapithos, Bellapais, and Karmi*
*Compiled by J. M. Webb (see Webb 2019a)
Gold Silver Lead Faience Copper/
bronze
Pottery Total
Lapithos 12 ornaments 6 rings
5 pins
3 bracelets
1 diadem
1 vessel
62 rings
2 pins
30+ necklaces
(=1426+
beads)
2 pendants
5 knives
4 pins
2 tweezers
1 razor
2 needles
1 Minoan jar
2 Syrian
juglets
1 Syro/Cili-
cian jug
142
Bellapais 1 spiral 1 necklace
(13 beads)
2 knives
1 pin
1 tweezers
2 Syrian jars 8
Karmi 1 necklace (4
beads)
1 Minoan cup 2
Total 13 16 64 34+ 18 7 152
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Fig. 7 Imported objects recovered in MBA tombs (prepared by J. M. Webb). Karmi Palealona: c. Minoan cup
(Tomb 11B.6). All other objects are from Lapithos: a. Minoan spouted jar (Tomb 806A.16), b. Syrian juglet
(Tomb 18A.44), d. Syrian juglet (Tomb 702.19), e. gold ornaments (Tomb 806A.25, 29), f. three gold rings
(Tomb 322A.29–31), g. bronze needle (Tomb 18A, Metal 1330), h. silver pin (Tomb 806A.26), i. bronze toggle
pin (Tomb 313A.115b), j. copper-zinc alloy pin (Tomb 14E.38), k. copper pin (Tomb 18A.295), l. copper or
bronze tweezers (Tomb 313B.84), m. bronze knife (Tomb 18B.2), n. bronze knife (Tomb 2.8), o. two copper or
bronze pins (Tomb 320.137), p. bronze tweezers (Tomb 18A.264), q. faience frog-shaped bead or amulet (Tomb
15.72), r. faience face amulet (Tomb 51.53), s. two faience necklaces (Tomb 201A.60)
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
remain unknown, but the cemetery at locality Vrysi tou Barba runs along the coast and
extends several hundred meters inland; thus, the settlement was probably on or near the
coast, close to a small protected bay. Accordingly, one may argue that the settlement
was well situated to become involved in seaborne trade and, perhaps, also to serve as
a gateway for external goods (Manning 2014b, p. 25; Webb 2013b, pp. 65–66, 2017b,
p. 132, 2019a; Webb etal. 2009, pp. 251–252). While the scale of Cyprus’s overseas
trade must be seen in context (Knapp 2018a, p. 171), and settlement data are needed to
confirm any scenario proposed here, current evidence suggests that MC Lapithos could
have functioned as a proto-harbor, an attractor for economic activity, including external
trade, within an intra-island coastal system that involved specialized production and the
procurement of raw materials from a distance.
In light of such external Cypriot connections during the Middle Cypriot, it is worth
mentioning the Mit Rahina inscription from early 12th Dynasty Egypt, which to date
has played little part in discussions of this period on Cyprus (cf. Fabre 2005, p. 30,
n. 83; Kitchen 2009; Knapp 2018a, p. 170; Wachsmann 1998, p. 10). Derived from
the court records of the pharaoh Amenemhet II, it details activities during two years
of his reign at least partly contemporary with MC I or II on Cyprus (Marcus 2007, n.
28). There is some consensus among Egyptologists that two fortified cities, ʼIȜwi and
ʼIȜsii, described as having been devastated by Egyptian forces that arrived by sea, are
likely to be, respectively, the port of Ura in western Cilicia and Alašiya (i.e., Cyprus)
(Eder 1995, p. 191; Helck 1989; Kitchen 2009, p. 3; Quack 1996; Redford 1992, n. 47;
cf. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991). Marcus (2007, pp. 144–148), however, concluded
that the identification of ʼIȜsii with Cyprus is “incompatible with current textual and
material evidence,” and in particular with the level of social complexity on Cyprus at
that time (Gubel and Loffet 2011–2012, p. 151) also question the equation of ʼIȜsii
with Cyprus).
For Marcus (2007, p. 147), the most problematic issue was the lack of evidence for
the existence on Cyprus of settlements “worthy of conquest” and limited evidence for
external contacts. The materials we have discussed above, however, indicate that the
north coast of Cyprus had significant external contacts throughout the Middle Cypriot
period and that the metal wealth of Lapithos was extensive. Regarding the reference to
ʼIȜsii as a fortified settlement (which may well be an Egyptian exaggeration), we have
no evidence either way. We do, however, know that the cemeteries at Lapithos (and, to
a lesser extent, at Bellapais) were remarkably well supplied with weapons in the Mid-
dle Cypriot period and that the proposed settlement location was in the vicinity of the
only two defensive plateaus on the whole of the north coast (see Webb 2018b, pp. 2–5,
figs.1.2, 1.4). In short, the wealth (and reputation) of Lapithos by MC II may well have
been sufficient to attract an opportunistic attack by armed Egyptian ships only a day’s
sail away from Ura (likely located in the vicinity of Silifke; Blue 1997, p. 38).
Settlement Restructuring andAbandonment intheMiddle Cypriot
The Middle Cypriot period was not a time of uninterrupted peace and stability (con-
tra Sneddon 2014; see also Monahan and Spigelman 2019, p. 140). The cemetery
at Lapithos continued in use during MC III, but all 22 sites documented at Lapithos
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
and nearby Karavas, Elia, and Motides (Georgiou 2007, pp. 215–219, table 10.1)
had gone out of use before the transition to LC I; the only possible exception is Lap-
ithos Tomb 702 (locality Kylistra), which might have survived into the earliest phase
of the Late Cypriot period (Georgiou 2018, pp. 10–11). Other sites—Bellapais,
Karmi, Marki, Alambra, Pyrgos, Ambelikou—were abandoned by or before the end
of MC II. The reasons were no doubt various: Bellapais appears to have been super-
seded by Lapithos, and the Karmi cemeteries, which had strong ties to Bellapais,
may have been a casualty of this rivalry (Webb 2013b, p. 68). Both Pyrgos (Bel-
giorno 2004, p. 21; Belgiorno etal. 2012, p. 26) and Ambelikou (Webb and Frankel
2013b, p. 225) are thought to have been destroyed by an earthquake followed by fire.
There are also burnt final deposits, though not apparently sitewide, at Marki (Fran-
kel and Webb 1996, p. 29, Units I–IV) and at Alambra (Georgiou 2008; Lowe etal.
2018, p. 1980; Sneddon 2015, 2019). This is also the case at Erimi, which, however,
continued in use until just before the transition to LC I (Bombardieri 2017, p. 359).
The excavators have suggested that these conflagrations were a result, variously, of
localized fire events, postabandonment forest fire, and deliberate preabandonment
destruction, but other, more turbulent possibilities are also plausible.
At Episkopi, settlement shifted from Area G to Area A in LC IA, where it sur-
vived for only a few generations before being destroyed (Carpenter 1981, p. 65).
Kissonerga also was abandoned in LC IA (Crewe 2017, pp. 146–147). Settlement
continued through the Late Cypriot period at Nicosia, Deneia, Katydhata, and Poli-
tiko, but habitation and burial areas shifted to new locations. At Deneia, 22 unfin-
ished tombs suggest a major disruption toward the end of MC III; Frankel and Webb
(2007, pp. 162–163) suggest that either there was a significant movement of people
away from Deneia at that time or a catastrophe struck the settlement(s), leading to
considerable loss of life. Other indications of inter- or/and intracommunity tension
in the second half of the Middle Cypriot period include, at Erimi, the destruction of
the burial layer in Tomb 248, the construction of a circuit wall, and the installation
of locking mechanisms, and at Karmi (locality Palealona) the partial desecration of
the burial ground (Webb 2013b, p. 68).
The abandonment of Bellapais and the Karmi cemeteries may be linked to settle-
ment aggregation at Lapithos, Deneia, and Nicosia in MC I–II. Marki and Alambra
may also have been abandoned in favor of a more concentrated pattern of settle-
ment and more tightly controlled regional networks. The loss of Marki, Alambra,
and Ambelikou by the end of MC II, however, must have had a significant impact
on Lapithos’ copper procurement network. The demise of Lapithos in late MC III
and the apparent retraction of settlement at Deneia have been widely attributed to a
shift in market focus toward Egypt, the Levant, and the Aegean (see Knapp 2013a,
pp. 32–35). It is possible that this was a lengthy process, with the disruption vis-
ible at Deneia likely matched at Lapithos, where habitation appears to have contin-
ued for a short time after the last of the excavated burials in the cemetery at Vrysi
tou Barba, perhaps on a much-reduced scale and with a full or partial shift inland
in the location of tombs (Webb 2018b, p. 239). While many of the inhabitants of
Lapithos may have moved west to found or join settlements at Ayia Irini, Morphou,
Myrtou, and Pendayia, the north coast was not entirely abandoned. New settlements
were established on or near the coast at Phlamoudhi (Smith 2008) and Kazaphani
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
(Nicolaou and Nicolaou 1989) during the MC III/LC IA transition. The boat model
from Kazaphani Tomb 2B might reflect continued involvement in maritime trade
on the north coast (Nicolaou and Nicolaou 1989, p. 52, nos. 249+377, fig.14, pl.
XXXIV; see also Knapp 2018a, p. 142).
How this phenomenon of settlement abandonment and relocation is to be under-
stood—in particular its connection with the much-discussed forts and the appear-
ance of notable numbers of Cypriot wares in the Levant and the Egyptian Delta
toward the end of the Middle Cypriot period—is far from clear. Regarding the for-
tresses, ~22 sites in the north, center, and east of the island have been seen variously
(1) as representing a strategy for long-distance control of copper mining by newly
founded coastal settlements (Peltenburg 1996); (2) as part of a broader process of
local elite behavior (Peltenburg 2008), perhaps involving an agrarian-based, regional
system of control (Pilides 2018, p. 85; see also Manning 2019, p. 114, who suggests
that the forts reflect a hierarchical society); and (3) as an outcome of a destabilized
Middle Cypriot environment and a suite of interconnected changes that led to new
lifeways (Monahan and Spigelman 2019, p. 133).
Despite acknowledging uncertainties about the dates of these fortified sites,
Monahan and Spigelman (2019, pp. 133–134, 153), like others (see also Bartel-
heim etal. 2019), assign them all to MC III/LC IA and associate their construction
directly with the “abandonment of many long-lived Bronze Age villages.” The aban-
donment of Middle Cypriot settlements, however, was not a single event. Some were
abandoned in MC II (Marki, Alambra, Pyrgos, Ambelikou), others in late MC III or
LC IA. Thus, we need to disconnect the phenomenon of fortress building from Mid-
dle Cypriot site abandonment and relocation or revisit the issue of their construction
date. We propose, briefly, to do both.
The majority of fortified sites, and in particular those in the Karpas Peninsula and
the central lowlands (Mesaoria), have no recorded evidence of occupation prior to
the MC III/LC IA transition (Georgiou 2007, tables10.1, 10.2, 10.5; for the Ayios
Sozomenos sites, see Pilides 2017, 2018). This is not the case, however, for three of
the four associated with the Kyrenia (Agirda) Pass, which have certain or probable
surface remains of the EC III, MC I, and MC II phases (Georgiou 2007, tables10.1,
10.2, nos. 42 [Bellapais Kapa Kaya], 91 [Dikomo Onisia], 109 [Krini Merra];
Fig.1). The dating of the Krini fortress, in particular, is based on the presence of
diagnostic Middle Cypriot material from Deneia (Frankel 1983, pp. 108–110, nos.
1138–1154; Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 155). Andreou (2019) also notes a poten-
tially earlier date for the construction of these forts.
The fortified sites in the Kyrenia Pass, the only corridor through this part of the
Kyrenia range and a critical north/south communication route, are located on steep
cliffs high above the pass, forming a network of intervisibility (Monahan and Spi-
gelman 2019, p. 146). The fortress at Krini, with a massive double wall and several
bastions, was initially dated “sans doute de l’Age du Bronze Moyen” (Karageorghis
1960, p. 298, fig.76; see also Åström 1972b, p. 51; Catling 1962, pp. 151, no. 77,
158, no. 102). With an estimated area of 14,400 m2, it dominates the western Mesao-
ria as far as Nicosia and the southern end of the Kyrenia Pass, and is located in line
with the fort at Bellapais (locality Kapa Kaya) that overlooks the pass from east
to west as well as the north coast (Pilides 2017, p. 159, fig.1, table1). These forts
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
suggest an overriding concern with the defense and surveillance of the pass, creating
a problem for those who assign them to the MC III/LC IA transition because there
was no major center of this period on thecentral north coast (Monahan and Spigel-
man (2019, p. 146).
The sites associated with the fortified structures at Krini and Dikomo (Onisia),
and perhaps at Bellapais (Kapa Kaya) and Dikomo (Pamboulos), were founded in
EC III or MC I/II, and it is certainly possible that they served as fortified guard posts
for all or part of the Middle Cypriot period. This would place them firmly within the
purview of two major areas of purported Middle Cypriot settlement, located, respec-
tively, north (Lapithos) and south (Deneia) of the pass, and assign their construction
and use to a period when the pass was of major strategic importance (see Georgiou
2017b, pp. 120–122). Lapithos, 12 km west of the pass, was no doubt dependent on
its security for shipments of copper from the Troodos, and perhaps agricultural pro-
duce from the Mesaoria. The ceramic record similarly suggests close connections
between the Krini fortress and Deneia in the Middle Cypriot (Frankel 1983, pp.
108–110, nos. 1138–1154; Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 155), with Deneia perhaps
operating as a transshipment point for the transmission of raw copper from mining
communities to the north coast (Frankel and Webb 2007, p. 160; Webb 2019a).
Many scholars (e.g., Monahan and Spigelman 2019; Pilides 2017) have noted that
the fortresses differ in size, structure, and likely function, suggesting that they are
localized responses to a variety of new material conditions. We suggest that they
also differ in their date of construction. If the Kyrenia Pass sites were built in the
earlier Middle Cypriot at the behest of Lapithos or/and Deneia, they become the
first in a series of fortified sites that, rather than being a sudden and interconnected
phenomenon, may in fact have extended over several centuries, particularly if, as
Crewe (2007, p. 66) has suggested, Korovia (locality Nitovikla), Phlamoudhi (local-
ity Vounari), and perhaps others were not built until LC IA2. Once built, the Kyre-
nia Pass sites may have resulted in “the creation and reinforcement of emergent hier-
archical social relations” (Monahan and Spigelman 2019, p. 141). Equally, however,
as Manning (2019, p. 114) has pointed out, such monumental constructions could
have been achieved only by communities already of sufficient size and with suffi-
cient hierarchy and existing leadership to conceive, organize, and deliver large-scale
building projects. In Manning’s (2019, p. 124) view, these buildings, from their
very creation to their monumentality, shaped further sociopolitical changes within
increasingly bounded social worlds.
The chronology is again crucial here. If Krini, Dikomo, and other forts associated
with the Kyrenia Pass were built in MC I or II, or even in early MC III, the aggre-
gated settlements presumed for Lapithos, Deneia, and Nicosia are all more than ade-
quate candidates for such an enterprise. If they were built in MC III/LC IA, not only
had Lapithos been abandoned, leaving a much-weakened Deneia, but also the raison
d’être for such major oversight of this pass had disappeared.
The Kyrenia Pass fortified sites—and at least some in the environs of Nicosia
(such as Aglanjia La Cava/locality Leondari Vouno, Georgiou 2007, p. 270, no.
192, table10.5)—may, if constructed in the earlier Middle Cypriot, be linked in
some way with the abandonment of small villages like Marki and Alambra and
the growth of larger centers. This phase of settlement restructuring appears to
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
have lasted for some generations, from the end of MC II to the end of MC III,
ultimately giving ground to a new series of LBA settlements at Enkomi, Hala
Sultan Tekke, Maroni, Morphou, and elsewhere. Whether this revamped set-
tlement pattern involved open conflict within or between the territories of the
larger settlements is as yet unclear, but the latter (i.e., Lapithos, Deneia, Nico-
sia), all of which continued until at least the end of MC III, are likely to have
been the principal protagonists. In this context, we note the remarkable concen-
tration of bladed weapons on the north coast and particularly at Lapithos (Webb
2018b, pp. 4–5, figs. 1.3–1.4). While initially this likely reflects competition
between Lapithos and Bellapais for dominance on the central north coast (Webb
2016a, b, c, pp. 58–60), it is clear that by MC I some groups at Lapithos had the
capacity both to acquire forcibly and to defend their wealth. The relative rarity
of weapons elsewhere (Webb and Frankel 2015, table9.1) suggests that relation-
ships on either side of the Kyrenia range became increasingly asymmetrical dur-
ing the MBA.
While our argument is for a more complex MBA era, involving a series of
developments that were precursors of the Late Cypriot, the situation changed
dramatically in the transitional MC III/LC IA period. For example, Enkomi
seems to have served as an emporion (trading post) from the outset of the LBA,
receiving imported prestige goods and other specialized products—ivory, metal
goods, and precious metals, cylinder seals, jewelry, Levantine and Egyptian pot-
tery (Courtois etal. 1986; Crewe 2007, pp. 16–25; Keswani 1989). Imports of
foreign pottery in Cyprus included numerous Syrian Black Burnished juglets
(Georgiou 2009, pp. 72–73), Egyptian Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglets (Maguire 2009,
p. 24, fig.18; Merrillees 2007), and Canaanite jars (Crewe 2012, pp. 232–234;
Knapp and Demesticha 2017, pp. 56–58; see also Manning 2014b, pp. 30–35,
2019, p. 119). Similarly, but in much greater numbers, late MC III and LC IA
pottery has been unearthed at Tell el-Dab‘a in the Egyptian Delta, as well as
at many sites in the Levant and in Cilicia (Hein 2018; Kozal 2005, 2017, pp.
87–98; Maguire 2009; Vilain 2015).
There is hyperbole surrounding this phenomenon. Broodbank (2013, p. 385),
for example, regards this Cypriot ceramic trade as “tracers of consignments of
copper” into the new “economic super-attractor” of the east Mediterranean (i.e.,
Tell el-Dab‘a). In turn, Manning (2014b, p. 30) sees the exchange as occur-
ring alongside “the dramatic rise of the Hyksos-driven trading world in the east
Mediterranean.” Crewe (2010), by contrast, has proposed that it was primarily a
trade in precious oils or perfume exported via a gateway community at Enkomi.
There are numerous issues here that require further discussion, including
the stratigraphic association of the earliest appearance of Cypriot wares at Tell
el-Dab‘a and elsewhere (Hein 2018, pp. 129–130), the absolute dates for the
Levantine MBA (Höflmayer etal. 2016, p. 53), and the tendency to lump all of
MC III with LC IA (e.g., Crewe 2017, p. 149; Knapp 2013a). We assign these
changes to the actual transitional phase, i.e., the very end of MC III and the
beginning of LC IA (cf. Crewe 2007, pp. 40, 64, who would assign them entirely
to LC IA), which is beyond the scope of this paper.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
The Middle Cypriot Period: AnOverview
Coleman and Barlow (1996, p. 341) downplayed claims for regional diversity in the
Middle Cypriot period (as suggested, e.g., by Gjerstad 1980; Herscher 1991), argu-
ing that they were based only on variations in pottery styles. This view must now be
regarded as a significant underestimation of the variability in material culture and in
site size and type across the island (see also Frankel 2019). Although the proposition
of a “commercial” north versus an “industrial” south (Belgiorno 2017, p. 3) is an
oversimplification, it does capture something of the current archaeological record,
especially if the proposed settlement at Lapithos was a large-scale producer and dis-
tributor of finished metal goods.
Our own reading of the MBA in Cyprus finds echoes in other recent publications
that also draw on current fieldwork and research. Crewe (2017, p. 149), for example,
sees the emerging picture as “not so much a ‘revolution’ as Knapp (2013a[a]) sug-
gests, but rather steps towards a different way of living, including specialisation and
supra-household activities” (italics in original); she notes “an incremental increase
in spatial planning involving greater community organisation and participation
through time.” Monahan and Spigelman (2019, p. 139) also refer to the develop-
ment of craft specialization in the MBA and specifically to the development of com-
munities around multicrafting (e.g., Hirth 2009; Shimada 2007), a strategy where a
diversity of goods is produced. They argue this was part of “the new assemblage of
people, things, and landscapes” in villages on the margins of the Troodos mountains
that emerged during the Middle Cypriot.
Bombardieri (2017, p. 362) is even more forceful, arguing for a long, gradual,
largely internal process of proto-urbanization through the MBA that culminated in
MC III–LC I. In his view, this process includes the emergence of specialized labor,
interregional trade, and the production of prestige/symbolic objects that linked a net-
work of dedicated industrial districts and centers. While terms such as “proto-urban”
or “proto-industrial” (Belgiorno 2009b, p. 59) seem inappropriate, three small vil-
lages (Ambelikou, Erimi, Pyrgos) have revealed discrete, functionally specialized,
industrial areas, indicating that new forms of supra-household production and deci-
sion making emerged in the MBA (Bombardieri 2017, p. 363).
Manning (2019, pp. 111–124) also maintains that the MBA was a period of
increasing complexity and change, suggesting that a secondary-products-based
“stealth revolution” in the Early Cypriot (see Knapp 1990) was followed by
“foundational shifts” that led to the emergence of large communities by MC I–II;
this process may have involved “several escalating cycles of revolution and chal-
lenge.” He predicts that such settlements, with significant levels of social com-
plexity and hierarchy, will one day be recognized at Bellapais, Lapithos, Nicosia,
Deneia, and perhaps in the Vasilikos Valley (Manning 2019, p. 123). Manning
(2019, p. 115) posits that specialists must have been involved in the industrial
complexes devoted to the production of copper ores, pottery, textiles, and oils/
perfumes, and that people, at least at larger settlements, were not merely subsist-
ence farmers but were “engaged in other roles supported or financed by an under-
lying agricultural surplus created by others.” The size of the population at these
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
larger settlements—Manning (2019, pp. 120–121) suggests 1100–2500 adults for
Middle Cypriot Deneia—would have required complex forms of social integra-
tion to mitigate and overcome scalar stress, which would have created opportu-
nities for sustained leadership that over time likely gave rise to individuals and
groups with ascribed or institutionalized power (Manning 2019, pp. 121–122).
Although Manning’s thought experiment does not engage the relevant faunal
data (e.g., Croft 2006; Spigelman 2006), and bearing in mind that the archaeolog-
ical record remains limited, we may nonetheless envisage communities of skilled
miners/smelters and producers of pottery, textiles, and other commodities, like
those at Ambelikou, Pyrgos, and Erimi, within and beyond the cupriferous zone.
Such communities might be viewed as “mobilised, local industries” (Raber 1987,
p. 302), distinguished by a planned use of resources, a skilled labor force depend-
ent on a local support base, and production and distribution networks embedded
in wider systems of demand and exchange. The linkage to larger regional or per-
haps even interregional entities provides one key for understanding the internal,
politico-economic dynamics of the Middle Cypriot period. Ambelikou, Pyrgos,
and Erimi almost certainly produced surplus goods for distribution beyond the
site and, perhaps, beyond the region.
Copper ingots also were produced at Marki (molds indicate ingots of 200–500
g) and Alambra (ingots of 165–168 g) (Frankel and Webb 2006a, b, pp. 215–217;
Sneddon 2019, fig.14), while casting and refining are indicated at Politiko, Kala-
vasos, Episkopi, and Paramali. This suggests some diversity in the organization
of copper production, perhaps in accordance with the location and size of ore
bodies and fluctuations in demand. Specialized mining villages like that at Ambe-
likou may have been established in more remote regions, close to the ore bodies.
While all these sites probably enjoyed considerable autonomy, relations between
at least some mining and metalworking communities and the presumed coastal
settlement at Lapithos were clearly well developed by the Middle Cypriot period.
It would appear that the social networks and alliances required to implement and
sustain a system of direct procurement—accepted without question for coastal
outlets like Enkomi in the Late Cypriot period—were already in place during the
MBA (Webb 2019a).
It would also appear that the rationality of specializing in a particular commod-
ity to create a surplus for exchange was in place early in the Middle Cypriot period.
Small communities like those at Ambelikou or Erimi may well have been founded to
take advantage of particular environmental opportunities. If so, it implies the exist-
ence of appropriate organizational structures in the political economy, of the knowl-
edge and craft skills needed to supply materials with a high economic and symbolic
value (and the workshops necessary to produce them), and of networks and alliances
required to sustain demand and ensure distribution. This likely promoted some
degree of social differentiation, with value created through the application of skilled
labor to commodities that could be claimed as the exclusive possession of regional
groups (similarly, Rowlands and Ling 2013, p. 497). Long-term continuities in
regional identities, based on the exploitation and distribution of localized resources
(copper, fine clays, picrolite, etc.), thus appear to have been a fundamental feature
of the island during the MBA, sustaining a pattern of small communities alongside
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
larger entities located in more agriculturally productive areas, at nodal points along
communication routes, and, in the case of Lapithos, on the coast.
The expansion of extractive industries to produce surplus goods and an increase
in regional if not interregional exchange during the Middle Cypriot would have
provided opportunities for aspiring elites to exert influence over the production
and distribution of metals and other goods in demand. While complex urbanized
regional polities with institutionalized inequality did not develop on Cyprus until
well into the LBA (Knapp 2018b), various aspects of mining, specialized produc-
tion, and external trade began well before the transition to the LBA. Access to long-
distance exchange systems seems evident both in exports—copper from Alašiya in
the Levant and beyond—and imports—tin or bronze for local bronze production,
and occasional pottery vessels, faience, and metal items from the Levant, Anatolia,
and possibly Crete or the Cyclades. Given what we assume was the coastal location
of the settlement at Lapithos, the diversity of its imports, and its likely role in the
export trade, we believe this site could have served as an occasional port of call for
a wider, nonlocal maritime network. As both of us have argued previously, involve-
ment in such interregional networks of trade—while not on the scale or distance
involved in the international exchange systems of the LBA—would have provided
opportunities for elites to control the means of production, establish direct access
to raw materials, and oversee the movement of various goods and resources (Knapp
2013b, pp. 345–346; Webb 2019a).
The disproportionate deposition of copper and bronze items in the north-coast
cemeteries versus sites nearer the ore sources may point to differing attitudes toward
metals. If copper functioned as a commodity for the miners and smelters, metals
likely served as items of wealth and status for the consumers and distributors on the
north coast. For the producers, therefore, metal was valued as a medium of exchange
for other goods; for consumers, metal was valued as a marker of wealth, prestige,
and social distinction. Within the political economy of the MBA, the competition
for, if not control over, access to both copper resources and metal items provided
the basis for intensified (surplus) production and the expansion of power relations
(similarly, Shennan 1986, p. 128). As Knapp (1990, pp. 161–162) has argued, it
would thus seem that emergent elites established their preeminence in the northern
region of the island by ~2000–1900 BC and that technological advances in metallur-
gical production led to further politico-economic change and social differentiation.
Alongside these developments in copper metallurgy, the impact of a growing exter-
nal demand for copper and an innovative subsistence package (the secondary prod-
ucts revolution) combined to transform Middle Cypriot society. This transformation
did not take place overnight, nor were its benefits and drawbacks felt island wide.
Elements of regional discontinuity, rooted in locally controlled elite exploitation of
mineral, material, and symbolic resources, continued to characterize island society
well into the LBA.
The settlements that must have existed near the cemeteries of Lapithos, Deneia,
and Nicosia, and possibly in the Vasilikos Valley, may well have comprised large
populations during the MBA (Knapp 2013b, pp. 350–352), home to people who
would have benefitted from all these developments, as well as from a range of
associated economic and ideological opportunities. We are not arguing for highly
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
stratified urban centers with formal relationships, marked boundaries, and extensive
involvement in international exchange systems, as seems to have been the case in
the contemporary Levant and on Crete. Rather we suggest that the communities and
social structures of the MBA were significantly more complex, mobile, and inter-
connected than once envisaged, both at the village and the regional level. Despite
the current state of the archaeological record, diversity is apparent in mortuary prac-
tices, industrial enterprises (copper, textiles, pottery), material culture, and argu-
ably in settlement size and type. While most settlements were probably fairly small
(less than 500 people), they were not undifferentiated, nor were all their occupants
full-time “village agriculturists” (Frankel 1993, p. 69). Other settlements must have
been notably larger and appear to have had a distinctive material (primarily ceramic)
identity. Population size would have been linked to location in relation to agrarian,
mineral, arboreal, and marine resources and to economic opportunities afforded by
access to social exchange networks, communication routes, and coastal outlets. Such
a scenario suggests significant intersite connectivity and mobility between larger
and smaller settlements and between regions across the island.
Understanding previous biases and incorporating new and legacy data have
important implications for resolving various debates concerning the Middle Cypriot
period. While the MBA certainly cannot (and should not) be compared with the very
different types of evidence—from large urban centers and monumental architecture
to “oxhide” ingots (28 kg), maritime transport containers, and the Cypro-Minoan
script—that typified technological developments, social change, and politico-eco-
nomic exchange during the LBA, the scale and extent of overseas exchange in the
Middle Cypriot was much more extensive than previously argued. At the same time,
internal developments on the island—links among the economy, social structure,
and political power—were more complex and diverse. The transition to a centrally
organized, early “state” on Cyprus, however, only came later, when the political
economy was transformed and became solidified in the hands of powerful elites who
controlled internal production and external exchange throughout the island (Knapp
2013c; Peltenburg 1996; Webb 1999, pp. 305–308).
Future Directions
The international context of archaeological research in Cyprus has long ensured
a diversity of approaches and cultural perspectives. In more recent years, estab-
lished and younger Cypriot scholars, the latter primarily graduates of the University
of Cyprus, have played a key role in setting new research agendas, together with
the Department of Antiquities, the Cyprus Institute, and other local institutions.
Although the Early and Middle Cypriot periods are still primarily the domain of for-
eign scholars, with some notable exceptions, the number of younger Cypriots now
working on the prehistory of Cyprus (see Kearns and Manning 2019) suggests that
this will change within the current generation, heralding another important and wel-
come shift in the long process of decolonizing Cypriot archaeology.
Many archaeologists working on Bronze Age Cyprus have been inspired by
archaeological theory, but their publications still focus primarily on the data. This
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
focus and the often-exemplary level of site publication have long been among
the strengths of Cypriot archaeology. However, as others have argued (e.g., Olsen
2012, p. 100), the best way to increase archaeological understanding of material
culture is to dissolve the artificial separation between data, method, and theory
and instead look to common ground, where theory interacts with and is infused
by data, thus no longer separating the “what” from the “how” of material things.
To date, theoretical applications in Cypriot archaeology have revolved around
the political economy and ideology, gender and the body, mortuary analysis, land-
scape studies and place making, regionalism and rural archaeology, and urbaniza-
tion and state formation. Only a handful of published papers deal with the new
materialisms—i.e., material agency, symmetrical archaeology, or “thing theory”
(Hodder 2011, 2012). Looking ahead, studies that espouse or engage a postcolo-
nial approach (e.g., Given 1998, 2004) would add a new dimension to any aspect
of Cypriot archaeology, while prehistoric archaeology generally and Bronze Age
studies particularly would benefit from more emphasis on household and every-
day archaeology, identity and ethnicity, social inequalities, seafaring and mari-
time networks, and related issues of mobility and connectivity.
For the Early and Middle Cypriot periods, there also remains a pressing need
for continued high-quality excavation of settlement sites and the full publication
of results. The excavation of settlements in the relatively understudied west and
southeast, areas that remain under the jurisdiction of the Department of Antiq-
uities of the Republic of Cyprus, would be particularly valuable—alongside the
further study and publication of archival data, including additional tomb material
from many of the sites mentioned here (e.g., Lapithos, Nicosia, Deneia) and else-
where on the island (e.g., Arpera, Kissonerga, Episkopi). A strong case also could
be made for republishing the more important earlier excavations, including those
undertaken by Dikaios (1940) and Stewart (1950) at Bellapais and by the Swed-
ish Cyprus Expedition (Gjerstad etal. 1934) at Lapithos, in a modern idiom, with
drawings and photos of all finds and scientific analyses of material.
Even if this need were fulfilled, however, it would not resolve the dilemma
faced by all archaeologists working on Cyprus, namely the lack of access to sites
and material in the occupied northern half of the island; both the north and pos-
sibly the northwest coasts are prime candidates for the location of major settle-
ments in the earlier Bronze Age. While the publication of material recovered in
this occupied part of Cyprus prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974 has significant
potential to provide new insights, our understanding of the full diversity of social
structures on the island in all periods continues to be dependent on a political
solution to the “Cyprus problem.”
Acknowledgments We thank Luca Bombardieri and Andrew Sneddon for their suggestions regarding the
areal extent of the settlements at Erimi and Alambra, which helped ensure this paper is fully up to date.
Bombardieri also kindly provided the image that appears as Fig.6. We also acknowledge the influence
of Sturt Manning’s recent paper (2019), which inspired us to collaborate and present a more elaborated,
material picture of the entire Middle Cypriot period, in response to several of the points he raised. We
also thank the editors of JARE and the referees (including Priscilla Keswani and David Frankel) for their
perceptive comments on and critiques of an earlier draft of this paper.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
References Cited
Altenmüller, H., and Moussa, A. M. (1991). Die Inschrift Amenemhets II aus dem Ptah-Tempel von
Memphis: Ein Vorbericht. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 18: 1–48.
Andreou, G. M. (2019). Socioeconomics of agrarian production: Considering rural cooperatives in
the archaeology of the eastern Mediterranean through the lens of 2nd millennium BCE Cyprus.
World Archaeology 51: 291–310.
Åström, P. (1957). The Middle Cypriote Bronze Age, Håkan Ohlssons Boktryckeri, Lund.
Åström, P. (1966). Excavations at Kalopsidha and Ayios Iakovos in Cyprus, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 2, Paul Åströms Förlag, Lund.
Åström, P. (1972a). The Swedish Cyprus Expedition Volume IV, Part 1B, The Middle Cypriote Bronze
Age, Swedish Cyprus Expedition, Lund.
Åström, P. (1972b). Some aspects of the Late Cypriote I period. Report of the Department of Antiqui-
ties, Cyprus 1972: 46–57.
Åström, P. (1989). Katydhata. A Bronze Age Site in Cyprus, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
86, Paul Åströms Förlag, Partille, Sweden.
Åström. P., and Wright, G. H. R. (1962). Two Bronze Age tombs at Dhenia in Cyprus. Opuscula
Atheniensia 4: 225–276.
Bachhuber, C. (2014). The Anatolian context of Philia material culture in Cyprus. In Knapp, A. B.,
and van Dommelen, P. (eds.), The Cambridge Prehistory of the Bronze and Iron Age Mediter-
ranean, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 139–156.
Balthazar, J. W. (1990). Copper and Bronze Working in Early through Middle Bronze Age Cyprus,
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket-book 84, Paul Åströms Förlag,
Jonsered, Sweden.
Bartelheim, M., Kızılduman, B., and Müller, U. (2019). Bronze Age fortifications on Cyprus. In
Hansen, S., and Krause, R. (eds.), Bronze Age Fortresses in Europe, Universitätsforschungen
zur Prähistorischen Archäologie 335, Habelt-Verlag, Bonn, pp. 29–52.
Bear, L. M. (1963). The Mineral Resources and Mining Industry of Cyprus, Geological Survey
Department Cyprus, Bulletin 1, Ministry of Science and Industry, Nicosia, Cyprus.
Belgiorno, M. R. (1997). A coppersmith’s tomb of Early–Middle Bronze Age in Pyrgos (Limassol).
Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1997: 119–146.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2000). Project ‘Pyrame’ 1998–1999: Archaeological, metallurgical and historical
evidence at Pyrgos (Limassol). Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2000: 1–17.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2002). Rescue-excavated tombs of the Early and Middle Bronze Age from Pyrgos
(Limassol): Part I. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2002: 1–32.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2004). Pyrgos-Mavroraki: Advanced Technology in Bronze Age Cyprus, Theopress
Ltd., Nicosia, Cyprus.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2009a). Progetto Pyrame: Pyrgos ricerche archeologiche e archeometallurgiche, lo
stato dell’arte a dicembre 2008. In Belgiorno, M. R. (ed.), Cipro all’Inizio dell’Età del Bronzo.
Realtà sconosciute della comunità industrial di Pyrgos/Mavroraki, Gangemi Editore, Rome, pp.
14–105.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2009b). New suggestions from Pyrgos/Mavrorachi on Cypriote 2000 BC proto-
industrial society and its gender perspectives. In Medelhavsmuseet. Focus on the Mediterranean
5, Finds and Results From the Swedish Cyprus Expedition 1927–1931: A Gender Perspective,
Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm, pp. 50–62.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2017). Pyrgos/Mavroraki. In Belgiorno, M. R. (ed.), Archaeometry and Aphrodite,
de Strobel, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 1–34.
Belgiorno, M. R. (2019). Pyrgos (Lm), The Early–Middle Bronze Age Necropolis. From Tomb 1 to
Tomb 19, Scripta Cypria 1, de Strobel, Nicosia, Cyprus.
Belgiorno, M. R., Ferro, D., and Loepp, D. R. (2012) Pyrgos-Mavrorachi in Cypriot metallurgy. In
Kassianidou, V., and Papasavvas, G. (eds.), Eastern Mediterranean Metallurgy and Metalwork
in the Second Millennium BC, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 26–34.
Belgiorno, M. R., Ferro, D., and Loepp, D. R. (2016). Excavations at Pyrgos/Mavroraki Cyprus: The
metallurgical installation of Early–Middle Bronze Age. In Thuesen, I. (ed.), Proceedings of the
Second International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, Volume 1, Univer-
sity of Bologna and Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, IN, pp. 803–821.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Belgiorno, M. R., Ferro, D., and Loepp, D. R. (2017). Pyrgos (Lemesos) and its territory: Preliminary
report 2010. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2011–2012 (2017): 327–364.
Blue, L. K. (1997). Cyprus and Cilicia: The typology and palaeogeography of second millennium har-
bors. In Swiny, S., Hohlfelder, R. L., and Swiny, H. W. (eds.), Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the
Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity, CAARI Monograph Series 1, Scholars
Press, Atlanta, pp. 31–43.
Bolger, D., and Peltenburg, E. (2014). Material and social transformations in 3rd millennium BC Cyprus:
Evidence of ceramics. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning. Studies on Pre-
historic Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms
Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 187–198.
Bombardieri, L. (2013). The development and organisation of labour strategies in prehistoric Cyprus:
The evidence from Erimi Laonin tou Porakou. In Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., and McCarthy, A.
(eds.), J. R. B. Stewart: An Archaeological Legacy, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 139,
Åström’s Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 91–102.
Bombardieri, L. (2014). The second face of identity: Processes and symbols of community affiliation in
Middle Bronze Age Cyprus. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning. Studies
on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143,
Åström’s Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 43–55.
Bombardieri, L. (2017). Erimi Laonin tou Porakou: A Middle Bronze Age Community in Cyprus: Excava-
tions 2008–2014, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 145, Åström Editions, Uppsala, Sweden.
Boroffka, M., Cierny, J., Lutz, J., Parzinger, H., Pernicka, E., and Weisgerber, G. (2002). Bronze Age
tin from central Asia: Preliminary notes. In Boyle, K., Renfrew, C., and Levine, M. (eds), Ancient
Interactions: East and West in Eurasia, McDonald Institute, Cambridge, pp. 135–159.
Broodbank, C. (2013). The Making of the Middle Sea: A History of the Mediterranean From the Begin-
ning to the Emergence of the Classical World, Thames and Hudson, London.
Buchholz, H.-G. (1973). Tamassos, Zypern, 1970–1972. Archäologischer Anzeiger 3: 295–387.
Buchholz, H.-G., and Untiedt, K. (1996). Tamassos. Ein antikes Königreich auf Zypern, Studies in Medi-
terranean Archaeology Pocket-book 136, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden.
Carpenter, J. R. (1981). Excavations at Phaneromeni: 1975–1978. In Biers, J. C., and Soren, D. (eds.),
Studies in Cypriote Archaeology, Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles,
pp. 59–78.
Catling, H. W. (1962). Settlement patterns in Bronze Age Cyprus.Opuscula Atheniensia 4: 129–169.
Catling, H. W., and MacGillivray, J. A. (1983). An Early Cypriot II vase from the palace at Knossos.
Annual of the British School at Athens 78: 1–8.
Charaf, H. (2014). The northern Levant (Lebanon) during the Middle Bronze Age. In Steiner, M. L.,
and Killebrew, A. E. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant (c. 8000–332
BCE), Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 434–450.
Charalambous, A., and Webb, J. M. (2020). Metal procurement, artefact manufacture and the use
of imported tin bronze in Middle Bronze Age Cyprus. Journal of Archaeological Science 113:
105047. https ://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2019.10504 7.
Cherry, J. F. (1986). Polities and palaces: Some problems in Minoan state formation. In Renfrew, C.,
and Cherry, J. F. (eds.), Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-Political Change, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, pp. 19–45.
Cherry, J. F. (2009). Sorting out Crete’s Prepalatial off-island interactions. In Parkinson, W. A., and
Galaty, M. L. (eds.), Archaic State Interaction: The Eastern Mediterranean in the Bronze Age,
School for Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe, NM, pp. 107–140.
Cherry, J. F. (2017). Middle Helladic reflections. In Wiersma, W. C., and Voutsaki, S. (eds.), Social
Change in Aegean Prehistory, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 168–184.
Christofi, P., Stefani, E., and Bombardieri, L. (2015). Bridging the gap: Long-term use and re-use of the
Bronze Age funerary area at Ypsonas-Vounaros and Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou. In Matthaus, H.,
Morstadt, B., and Vonhoff, C. (eds.), PoCA (Postgraduate Cypriot Archaeology) 2012, Cambridge
Scholars Publishing, Cambridge, pp. 130–169.
Cohen, S. L. (2002). Canaanites, Chronology, and Connections: The Relationship of Middle Bronze Age
IIA Canaan to the Middle Kingdom, Studies in the History and Archaeology of the Levant 3, Har-
vard Semitic Museum and Eisenbrauns, Cambridge, MA.
Cohen, S. L. (2014). The southern Levant (Cisjordan) during the Middle Bronze Age. In Steiner, M. L.,
and Killebrew, A. E. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant (c. 8000–332
BCE), Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 451–464.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Cohen, S. L. (2016). Peripheral Concerns: Urban Development in the Bronze Age Southern Levant, Equi-
nox, Sheffield.
Coleman, J. E., and Barlow, J. A. (1996). Conclusions. In Coleman, J. E., Barlow, J. A., Mogelonsky,
M. K., and Schaar, K. W., Alambra: A Middle Bronze Age Settlement in Cyprus: Archaeological
Investigations by Cornell University 1974–1985, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 118, Paul
Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden, pp. 327–342.
Coleman, J. E., Barlow, J. A., Mogelonsky, M. K., and Schaar, K. W. (1996). Alambra: A Middle Bronze
Age Site in Cyprus: Investigations by Cornell University, 1974–1978, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 118, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden.
Constantinou, G., and Panayides, I. (2012). Appendix I: Geological aspects of the broader area of Limas-
sol Bay. In Karageorghis, V., and Violaris, Y., Tombs of the Late Bronze Age in the Limassol Area
(17th–13th Centuries BC), Municipality of Limassol, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 254–263.
Costin, C. L. (1991). Craft specialization: Issues in defining, documenting, and explaining the organiza-
tion of production. In Schiffer, M. B. (ed.), Archaeological Method and Theory 3, University of
Arizona Press, Tucson, pp. 1–56.
Costin, C. L. (2005). Craft production. In Maschner, H. D. G., and Chippendale, C. (eds.), Handbook of
Methods in Archaeology, Volume I, AltaMira Press, Lanham, MD, pp. 1032–1105.
Courtois, J.-C., Lagarce, J., and Lagarce, E. (1986). Enkomi et le Bronze Récent à Chypre, Leventis Foun-
dation, Nicosia, Cyprus.
Crewe, L. (2007). Early Enkomi: Regionalism, Trade and Society at the Beginning of the Late Bronze Age
on Cyprus, BAR International Series 1706, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Crewe, L. (2010). Rethinking Kalopsidha: From specialisation to state marginalization. In Bolger, D. L.,
and Maguire, L. (eds.), The Development of Pre-state Communities in the Ancient Near East: Stud-
ies in Honour of Edgar Peltenburg, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 63–71.
Crewe, L. (2012). Beyond copper: Commodities and values in Middle Bronze Cypro-Levantine
exchanges. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 31: 225–243.
Crewe, L. (2013). Regional connections during the Middle–Late Cypriot transition: New evidence from
Kissonerga-Skalia. Pasiphae 7: 47–56.
Crewe, L. (2014). A reappearing Early Bronze Age in western Cyprus. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure,
Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 137–149.
Crewe, L. (2017). Interpreting settlement function and scale during MC III–LC IA using old excavations
and new: Western Cyprus and Kisonerga (Kissonerga) Skalia in context. In Pilides, D., and Mina,
M. (eds.), Four Decades of Hiatus in Archaeological Research in Cyprus: Towards Restoring the
Balance, Studies on Ancient Cyprus 2, Holzhausen der Verlag, Vienna, pp. 140–152.
Crewe, L., and Georgiou, A. (2018). Settlement nucleation at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age in
Cyprus: The evidence from Palaepaphos. In Hulin, L., Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Struc-
tures of Inequality on Bronze Age Cyprus: Studies in Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Medi-
terranean Archaeology PB 187, Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 53–70.
Crewe, L., and Hill, I. (2012). Finding beer in the archaeological record: A case study from Kissonerga-
Skalia on Bronze Age Cyprus. Levant 44: 205–237.
Crewe, L., Dalton, M., Hill, I., and Vallance, C. (2017). Second preliminary report of excavations at
Kissonerga-Skalia, 2008–10. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2011–2012 (2017):
237–253.
Croft, P. (2006). Animal bones. In Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M., Marki Alonia. An Early and Middle
Bronze Age Settlement in Cyprus. Excavations 1995–2000, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
123.2, Paul Åströms Förlag, Sävedalen, Sweden, pp. 263–281.
Decker, L. F., Coleman, J. E., and Barlow, J. A. (1996). Tombs. In Coleman, J. E., Barlow, J. A. Mogelon-
sky, M. K., and Schaar, K. W., Alambra: A Middle Bronze Age Settlement in Cyprus: Archaeologi-
cal Investigations by Cornell University 1974–1985, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 118,
Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden, pp. 113–128.
Dikaios, P. (1940). The Excavations at Vounous-Bellapais in Cyprus, 1931–2, Archaeologia 88, Society
of Antiquaries of London, Oxford.
Diakou, S., and Webb, J. M. (2018). Locating the Bronze Age tombs at Lapithos Vrysi tou Barba. In
Webb, J. M., Lapithos Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus: Early and Middle Bronze Age Tombs Excavated
by Menelaos Markides, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 148, Åström Editions, Nicosia,
Cyprus, pp. 17–30.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Dikomitou-Eliadou, M. (2019). The fabric next door: A comparative study of pottery technology and
composition at the Early and Middle Bronze Age settlements of Marki Alonia and Alambra
Mouttes. In Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.), New Directions in Cypriot Archaeology, Cor-
nell University Press, Ithaca, NY, pp. 75–98.
Driessen, J. (2018). Beyond the collective … the Minoan palace in action. In Relaki, M., and Papadatos,
Y. (eds.), From the Foundations to the Legacy of Minoan Archaeology: Studies in Honour of Pro-
fessor Keith Branigan, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 291–313.
Driessen, J., Schoep, I., and Laffineur, R. (eds.) (2002). Monuments of Minos: Rethinking the Minoan
Palaces, Aegaeum 23, Universite de Liège, Liége, Belgium.
Dunn-Vaturi, A.-E. (2003). Vounous: C. F. A. Schaeffer’s Excavations in 1933 Tombs 49–79, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 130, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden.
Duryea, D. (1965). The Necropolis of Phaneromeni and its relation to other Early Bronze Age sites in
Cyprus. M.S. thesis, Faculty of the Graduate School, University of Missouri, Columbia.
Eder, C. (1995). Die Ägyptischen Motive in der Glyptik des Östlichen Mittelmeerraumes zu Anfang des 2.
Jts. v. Chr., Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 71, Peeters, Leuven, Belgium.
Fabre, D. (2005). Seafaring in Ancient Egypt, Periplus, London.
Falconer, S. E., and Fall, P. L. (2013). Household and community behavior at Bronze Age Politiko Troul-
lia, Cyprus. Journal of Field Archaeology 38: 101–119.
Falconer, S. E., and Fall, P. L. (2014). The meaning of space and place in Middle Cypriot communi-
ties. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in
Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åström Editions, Uppsala,
Sweden, pp. 175–184.
Falconer, S. E., and Fall, P. L. (2017). Archaeological and landscape studies at Politiko-Troullia, Cyprus.
Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2011–2012 (2017): 255–273.
Falconer, S. E., Fall, P. L., Hunt, J., and Metzger, M. C. (2005). Initial archaeological investigations at
Politiko-Troullia, 2004. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2005: 69–85.
Falconer, S. E., Fall, P. L., Hunt, J., and Metzger, M. C. (2012). Agraian settlement at Politiko-Troullia,
2008. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2010: 183–198.
Fall, P. L., Falconer, S. E., Galletti, C. S., Schirmang, T., Ridder, E., and Klinge, J. (2012). Long-term
agrarian landscapes in the Troodos foothills, Cyprus. Journal of Archaeological Science 39:
2335–2347.
Farinetti, E. (2000). Rilievi topografici in corso nell’area di Pyrgos/Mavrorakhi (Cyprus). Studi Micenei
ed Egeo-anatolici 42: 336–337.
Fasnacht, W., and Künzler Wagner, N. (2001) Stone casting moulds from Marki-Alonia. Report of the
Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2001: 38–41.
Fisher, K. D. (2014). Making the first cities on Cyprus: Urbanism and social change in the Late Bronze
Age. In Creekmore, A., and Fisher, K. D. (eds.), Making Ancient Cities: Space and Place in Early
Urban Societies, Cambridge University Press, New York, pp. 181–219.
Fissore, M. (2017). Metal objects. In Bombardieri, L., Erimi Laonin tou Porakou: A Middle Bronze
Age Community in Cyprus: Excavations 2008–2014, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 145,
Åström Editions, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 245–248.
Flourentzos, P. (1989). A group of tombs of Middle Bronze Age date from Linou. In Åström, P., Katy-
dhata. A Bronze Age Site in Cyprus, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 86, Paul Åströms För-
lag, Partille, Sweden, pp. 61–68.
Frankel, D. (1974). Inter-site relationships in the Middle Bronze Age of Cyprus. World Archaeology 6:
190–208.
Frankel, D. (1983). Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities 7: Early and Middle Bronze Age Material in the Ash-
molean Museum, Oxford, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 20.7, Paul Åströms Förlag, Göte-
borg, Sweden.
Frankel, D. (1988). Pottery production in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus: Assessing the problem. Jour-
nal of Mediterranean Archaeology 1.2: 27–55.
Frankel, D. (1993). Inter- and intra-site variability in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus: Types, ranges,
trends. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 292: 59–72.
Frankel, D. (2000). Migration and ethnicity in prehistoric Cyprus: Technology as habitus. European
Journal of Archaeology 3: 167–187.
Frankel, D. (2002). Social stratification, gender and ethnicity in third millennium Cyprus. In Bolger, D.,
and Serwint, N. (eds), Engendering Aphrodite: Women and Society in Ancient Cyprus, Cyprus
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
American Archaeological Research Institute Monograph 3, American Schools of Oriental Research
Archaeological Reports 7, American Schools of Oriental Research, Boston, pp. 171–179.
Frankel, D. (2014). Cyprus during the Middle Bronze Age. In Steiner, M. L., and Killebrew, A. E. (eds.),
The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant (c. 8000–332 BCE), Oxford University
Press, Oxford, pp. 476–488.
Frankel, D. (2019). Exploring diversity in Bronze Age Cyprus. In Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.),
New Directions in Cypriot Archaeology, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, pp. 16–41.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (1996). Marki Alonia: An Early and Middle Bronze Age Town in Cyprus:
Excavations 1990–1994, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 123, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jon-
sered, Sweden.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2001). Population, households and ceramic consumption in a prehistoric
Cypriot village. Journal of Field Archaeology 28: 115–129.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2006a). Marki Alonia: An Early and Middle Bronze Age Settlement in
Cyprus: Excavations 1995–2000, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 123.2, Paul Åströms För-
lag, Sävedalen, Sweden.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2006b). Neighbours: Negotiating space in a prehistoric village. Antiquity
80: 287–302.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2007). The Bronze Age Cemeteries at Deneia in Cyprus, Studies in Medi-
terranean Archaeology 135, Paul Åströms Förlag, Sävedalen, Sweden.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2012). Household continuity and transformation in a prehistoric Cypriot
village. In Parker, B. J., and Foster, C. P. (eds.), New Perspectives in Household Archaeology,
Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, IN, pp. 473–500.
Gale, N. H., and Stos-Gale, Z. A. (2008). Changing patterns in prehistoric Cycladic metallurgy. In Bro-
die, N., Dole, J., Gavalas, G., and Renfrew, C. (eds.), Horizon. A Colloquium on the Prehistory of
the Cyclades, McDonald Institute, Cambridge, pp. 387–408.
Gale, N. H., Stos-Gale, Z. A., and Fasnacht, W. (1996). Metal and metalworking. In Coleman, J. E.,
Barlow, J. A. Mogelonsky, M. K., and Schaar, K. W., Alambra: A Middle Bronze Age Settlement in
Cyprus: Archaeological Investigations by Cornell University 1974–1985, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 118, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden, pp. 129–142.
Georgiou, G. (2007). The Topography of Human Settlement in Cyprus in the Early and Middle Bronze
Ages (in Greek), Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History and Archaeology, University of Cyprus,
Nicosia, Cyprus.
Georgiou, G. (2008). The settlement at Alambra Mouttes revisited. Report of the Department of Antiqui-
ties, Cyprus 2008: 133–143.
Georgiou, G. (2009). The dynamism of central Cyprus during Middle Cypriot III: Funerary evidence
from Nicosia Agia Paraskevi. In Hein, I. (ed.), The Formation of Cyprus in the 2nd Millennium
BC: Studies in Regionalism during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, Contributions to the Chro-
nology of the Eastern Mediterranean 20, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 52, Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, pp. 65–78.
Georgiou, G. (2013). 1955–2013: The necropolis of Nicosia Ayia Paraskevi almost 60 years after Stew-
art’s excavations. In Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., and McCarthy, A. (eds.), J. R. B. Stewart: An
Archaeological Legacy, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 139, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala,
Sweden, pp. 81–90.
Georgiou, G. (2014). The area of Skouriotissa mine during the Bronze Age. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Struc-
ture, Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Stud-
ies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 109–136.
Georgiou, G. (2017a). New light on prehistoric Nicosia from recent excavations (in Greek). Ιn Papadimi-
triou, N., and Toli, M. (eds.), Ancient Cyprus: Recent Developments in the Archaeology of the
Eastern Mediterranean, Cycladic Museum of Art, Athens, pp. 69–91.
Georgiou, G. (2017b). The political division of a culturally unified island: The case of Early and Middle
Bronze Age in the northern part of Cyprus. In Pilides, D., and Mina, M. (eds.), Four Decades of
Hiatus in Archaeological Research in Cyprus: Towards Restoring the Balance, Studies on Ancient
Cyprus 2, Holzhausen der Verlag, Vienna, pp. 114–126.
Georgiou, G. (2018). Ceramic innovation in central and northwestern Cyprus during the Middle/Late
Cypriot transition: Two new additions. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2018:
3–17.
Gernez, G. (2012). La collection d’objets en bronze de Tell Sougha (ca. 2000 av. J.-C.) et la question des
‘porteurs de torques’ au Levant. Syria 89: 101–128.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Giardino, C., Gigante, G. E., and Ridolfi, S. (2002). Archaeometallurgical investigations on the Early–
Middle Bronze Age finds from the area of Pyrgos (Limassol). Report of the Department of Antiqui-
ties, Cyprus 2002: 33–48.
Given, M. (1998). Inventing the Eteocypriots: Imperialist archaeology and the manipulation of ethnic
identity. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11: 3–29.
Given, M. (2004). The Archaeology of the Colonized, Routledge, London.
Gjerstad, E. (1926). Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus, Lundequistska Bokhandeln, Uppsala, Sweden.
Gjerstad, E. (1980). The origin and chronology of the Early Bronze Age in Cyprus. Report of the Depart-
ment of Antiquities, Cyprus 1980: 1–16.
Gjerstad, E., Lindros, J., Sjoqvist, E., and Westholm, A. (1934). The Swedish Cyprus Expedition: Finds
and Results of the Excavations in Cyprus 1927–1931, Volume 1, Swedish Cyprus Expedition,
Stockholm.
Grace, V. (1940). A Cypriote tomb and Minoan evidence for its date. American Journal of Archaeology
44: 10–52.
Graham, L. (2012). The necropolis at Kissonerga-Ammoudhia: New ceramic evidence from the Early–
Middle Bronze Age in western Cyprus. In Georgiou, A. (ed.), Cyprus: An Island Culture: Soci-
ety and Social Relations from the Bronze Age to the Venetian Period, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp.
38–47.
Graziadio, G. (2013). A Middle Cypriot unique bowl from eastern Crete and the earliest contacts between
Cyprus and the Aegean. In Graziadio, G., Guglielmino, R., Lenuzza, V., and Vitale, S. (eds.), Stud-
ies in Mediterranean Archaeology for Mario Benzi, BAR International Series 2460, Archaeopress,
Oxford, pp. 165–175.
Greenberg, R. (2002). Early Urbanizations in the Levant: A Regional Narrative, Leicester University
Press, London.
Greenberg, R. (2017). No collapse: Transmutations of Early Bronze Age urbanism in the southern Levant.
In Höflmayer, F. (ed.), The Late Third Millennium in the Ancient Near East: Chronology, C14, and
Climate Change, Oriental Institute Seminars 11, University of Chicago, Chicago, pp. 31–58.
Greenberg, R. (2019). The Archaeology of the Bronze Age Levant: From Urban Origin to the Demise of
City-States, 3700–1000 BCE, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Gubel, E., and Loffet, H. (2011–2012). Sidon, Qedem and the Land of Iay. Archaeology and History in
Lebanon 34–35: 79–92.
Hein, I. (2018). Second thoughts on Cypriot pottery and first appearances. In Forstner-Müller, I., and
Moeller, N. (eds.), The Hyksos Ruler Khyan and the Early Second Intermediate Period in Egypt:
Problems and Priorities of Current Research, Ergänzungshefte zu den Jahresheften des Österrei-
chischen Archäologischen Institutes 17, Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna,
pp. 125–142.
Helck, W. (1989) Ein Ausgreifen des Mittleren Reiches in den Zypriotischen Raum? Göttinger Miszellen
109: 27–30.
Herscher, E. (1975). New light from Lapithos. In Robertson, N. (ed.), The Archaeology of Cyprus: Recent
Developments, Noyes Press, Park Ridge, NJ, pp. 39–60.
Herscher, E. (1978). The Bronze Age Cemetery at Lapithos, Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus: Results of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Museum Excavation, 1931, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Classical
Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Herscher, E. (1981). Southern Cyprus, the disappearing Early Bronze Age and the evidence from Phan-
eromeni. In Biers, J. C., and Soren, D. (eds.), Studies in Cypriote Archaeology, Institute of Archae-
ology, University of California, Los Angeles, pp. 79–85.
Herscher, E. (1988). Kition in the Middle Bronze Age: The tombs at Larnaca-Ayios Prodromos. Report of
the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1988: 141–166.
Herscher, E. (1991). Beyond regionalism: Toward an island-wide Early and Middle Cypriot sequence.
In Barlow, J., Bolger, D., and Kling, B. (eds.), Cypriot Ceramics: Reading the Prehistoric Record,
University Museum Monograph 74, Leventis Foundation and University Museum of Archaeology
and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, pp. 45–50.
Hirth, K. (2009). Intermittent crafting and multicrafting at Xochicalco. In Hirth, K. (ed.), Housework:
Craft Production and Domestic Economy in Ancient Mesoamerica, Archeological Papers No. 19,
American Anthropology Association, Wiley, Hoboken, NJ, pp. 75–91.
Hodder, I. (2011). Human-thing entanglement: Towards an integrated archaeological perspective. Jour-
nal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (n.s.) 17: 154–177.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Hodder, I. (2012). Entangled: An Archaeology of the Relationships between Humans and Things, Wiley-
Blackwell, Oxford.
Höflmayer, F., Kamlah, J., Sader, H., Dee, M., Kutschera, W., Wild, E., and Riehl, S. (2016). New evi-
dence for Middle Bronze Age chronology and synchronisms in the Levant: Radiocarbon dates from
Tell el-Burak, Tell el-Dabʿa, and Tel Ifshar compared. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 375: 53–76.
Horowitz, M. T. (2016). Early Bronze Age–Middle Bronze Age. In Todd, I. A., Vasilikos Valley Project
10: The Field Survey of the Vasilikos Valley II: Artefacts Recovered by the Field Survey, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 71.10, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 31–70.
Horowitz, M. T. (2018). Community storage and social change: Late Cypriot I pithoi at Phlamoudhi
Vounari. In Hulin, L., Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Structures of Inequality on Bronze Age
Cyprus: Studies in Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 187,
Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 89–105.
Iacovou, M. (2007). Site size estimates and the diversity factor in Late Cypriot settlement histories. Bul-
letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 348: 1–23.
Ilan, D. (1995). The dawn of internationalism: The Middle Bronze Age. In Levy, T. E. (ed.), The Archae-
ology of Society in the Holy Land, Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp. 297–319.
Kafaya, M., Stos-Gale, S., and Gale, N. (2000). The circulation of copper in the Early Bronze Age in
mainland Greece: The lead isotope evidence from Lerna, Lithares and Tsoungiza. In Pare, C. F.
E. (ed.), Metals Make the World Go Round: The Supply and Circulation of Metals in Bronze Age
Europe, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 39–55.
Karageorghis, V. (1958). Finds from Early Cypriot cemeteries. Report of the Department of Antiquities,
Cyprus 1940–1948 (1958): 115–152.
Karageorghis, V. (1960). Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques à Chypre en 1959. Bul-
letin de Correspondance Hellénique 84: 242–299.
Karageorghis, V. (1974). Excavations at Kition I, The Tombs, Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, Nico-
sia, Cyprus.
Karageorghis, V. (2017). A White Painted ware pyxis from Pyrgos-Mavrorachi. Report of the Depart-
ment of Antiquities, Cyprus(2011–2012)2017: 365–372.
Kassianidou, V. (2008). The formative years of the Cypriot copper industry. In Tzachili, I. (ed.), Aegean
Metallurgy in the Bronze Age, Ta Pragmata, Athens, pp. 249–267.
Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.). (2019). New Directions in Cypriot Archaeology, Cornell Univer-
sity Press, Ithaca, NY.
Keswani, P. S. (1989). Dimensions of social hierarchy in Late Bronze Age Cyprus: An analysis of the
mortuary data from Enkomi. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 2: 49–86.
Keswani, P. S. (2004). Mortuary Ritual and Society in Bronze Age Cyprus, Monographs in Mediterranean
Archaeology 9, Equinox, London.
Keswani, P. S. (2005). Death, prestige, and copper in Bronze Age Cyprus. American Journal of Archaeol-
ogy 109: 341–401.
Keswani, P. S. (2013). Burial practices in 3rd millennium Cyprus: A chronological overview. In Pelten-
burg, E. (ed.), Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Medi-
terranean II: Cyprus, Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium, pp. 161–229.
Keswani, P. S., and Knapp, A. B. (2003). Bronze Age boundaries and social exchange in north-west
Cyprus. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22: 213–223.
Kitchen, K. A. (2009). Alas(h)i(y)a (Irs) and Asiya (Isy) in ancient Egyptian sources. In Michaelides,
D., Kassianidou, V., and Merrillees, R. S. (eds.), Egypt and Cyprus in Antiquity, Oxbow Books,
Oxford, pp. 2–8.
Klinge, J., and Fall, P. (2010). Archaeobotanical inference of Bronze Age land use and land cover in the
eastern Mediterranean. Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 2622–2629.
Knapp, A. B. (1990). Production, location and integration in Bronze Age Cyprus. Current Anthropology
31: 147–176.
Knapp, A. B. (1993). Social complexity: Incipience, emergence and development on prehistoric Cyprus.
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 292: 85–106.
Knapp, A. B. (1994). Emergence, development and decline on Bronze Age Cyprus. In Mathers, C., and
Stoddart, S. (eds.), Development and Decline in the Mediterranean Bronze Age, Sheffield Archaeo-
logical Monograph 8, John Collis Publications, Sheffield, pp. 271–304.
Knapp, A. B. (ed.) (1996). Near Eastern and Aegean Texts from the Third to the First Millennia BC,
Sources for the History of Cyprus 2, Greece/Cyprus Research Center, Altamont, New York.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Knapp, A. B. (2008). Identity, Insularity and Connectivity: Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cyprus, Oxford
University Press, Oxford.
Knapp, A. B. (2013a). Revolution within evolution: The emergence of a ‘secondary state’ on Protohis-
toric Bronze Age Cyprus. Levant 45: 19–44.
Knapp, A. B. (2013b). The Archaeology of Cyprus: From Earliest Prehistory through the Bronze Age,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Knapp, A. B. (2013c). The emergence of the state on prehistoric Cyprus: J. R. B. Stewart and V. Gordon
Childe. In Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., and McCarthy, A. (eds.), J. R. B. Stewart: An Archaeologi-
cal Legacy, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 139, Åström’s Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp.
109–119.
Knapp, A. B. (2018a). Seafaring and Seafarers in the Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean, Sidestone
Press, Leiden.
Knapp, A. B. (2018b). Wealth, inequality and complexity: Mortuary practices at Kalavasos Ayios Dhim-
itrios. In Hulin, L., Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Structures of Inequality on Bronze Age
Cyprus: Studies in Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 187,
Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 7–19.
Knapp, A. B., and Demesticha, S. (2017). Mediterranean Connections: Maritime Transport Containers
and Seaborne Trade in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages, Routledge, London.
Knapp, A. B., and Kassianidou, V. (2008). The archaeology of Late Bronze Age copper production:
Politiko Phorades on Cyprus. In Yalçin, Ü. (ed.), Anatolian Metal 4: Frühe Rohstoffgewinnung
in Anatolien und seinen Nachbarländern, Die Anschnitt, Beiheft 21, Veröffentlichungen aus dem
Deutschen Bergbau-Museum 157, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, pp. 135–147.
Kohler, T. A., and Smith, M. E. (eds.) (2018). Ten Thousand Years of Inequality: The Archaeology of
Wealth Differences, University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Kohring, S. (2011). Social complexity as a multi-scalar concept: Pottery technologies, ‘communities of
practice’ and the Bell Beaker phenomenon. Norwegian Archaeological Review 44: 145–163.
Kozal, E. (2005). Unpublished Middle and Late Cypriot pottery from Tarsus-Gözlükule. In Özyar,
A., Field Seasons 2001–2003 of the Tarsus-Gözlükule Interdisciplinary Research Project, Ege
Yayınları, Istanbul, pp. 135–144.
Kozal, E. (2017). Fremdes in Anatolien: Importgüter aus dem Ostmittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien als
Indikator für spätbronzezeitlicher Handels- und Kulturkontakte, Schriften zur Vorderasiatischen
Archäeologie 11, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden.
Kristiansen, K., and Earle, T. K. (2015). Neolithic versus Bronze Age social formations: A political econ-
omy approach. In Kristiansen, K., Smejda, L., and Turek, J. (eds.), Paradigm Found: Archaeologi-
cal Theory Past, Present and Future, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 234–247.
Legarra Herrero, B. (2011). New kid on the block: The nature of the first systemic contacts between Crete
and the eastern Mediterranean around 2000 BC. In Wilkinson, T., Sherratt, S., and Bennet, J. (eds),
Interweaving Worlds: Systemic Interactions in Eurasia, 7th to 1st Millennia BC, Oxbow Books,
Oxford, pp. 266–281.
Legarra Herrero, B. (2016). Primary state formation processes on Bronze Age Crete: A social approach
to change in early complex societies. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26: 349–367.
Lowe, K. M., Fogel, A. S., and Sneddon, A. (2018). Archaeological geophysical survey of a prehistoric
Bronze Age site in Cyprus (Alambra Mouttes)—Applications and limitations. Archaeological and
Anthropological Sciences 10: 1971–1989.
Maguire, L. C. (2009). The Cypriot Pottery and Its Circulation in the Levant, Tell el-Dab’a 21, Denk-
schriften der Gesamtakademie 51, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna.
Maliszewski, D. (2018). Western Cyprus in the Bronze Age: Terra Inhabitata? Mediterranean World
Archaeology 3, Creator Publishing House, Warsaw.
Malmgren, K. (2003). Klavdhia-Tremithos: A Middle and Late Cypriote Bronze Age Site, Studies in Med-
iterranean Archaeology Pocket-book 159, Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden.
Manginis, G., and Vavouranakis, G. (2004). Excavations at the Middle Cypriot site Avdhimou-Kamares
II (in Greek). Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2004: 93–147.
Manning, S. W. (1993). Prestige, distinction and competition: The anatomy of socioeconomic complexity
in 4th–2nd millennium BCE Cyprus. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 292:
35–58.
Manning, S.W. (1997). Cultural change in the Aegean c. 2200 BC. In Dalfes, H. N., Kukla, G., and Weiss,
H. (eds.), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series I vol.
49, Springer, Berlin, pp. 149–171.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Manning, S. W. (2013). A new radiocarbon chronology for prehistoric and protohistoric Cyprus. In
Knapp, A. B., The Archaeology of Cyprus: From Earliest Prehistory through the Bronze Age, Cam-
bridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 485–533.
Manning, S. W. (2014a). A radiocarbon-based chronology for the Chalcolithic through Middle Bronze
Age of Cyprus (as of AD 2012). In Höflmayer, F., and Eichmann, R. (eds.), Egypt and the Southern
Levant in the Early Bronze Age, Orient-Archäologie 31, Verlag Marie Leidorf, Rahden, Germany,
pp. 207–240.
Manning, S. W. (2014b). Timings and gaps in the early history of Cyprus and its copper trade—What
these might tell us. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Pre-
historic Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms
Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 23–41.
Manning, S. W. (2017). Comments on climate, inter-regional variations, chronology, the 2200 BC hori-
zon of change in the east Mediterranean region, and socio-political change on Crete. In Höflmayer,
F. (ed.), The Late Third Millennium in the Ancient Near East: Chronology, C14, and Climate
Change, Oriental Institute Seminars 11, University of Chicago, Chicago, pp. 451–490.
Manning, S. W. (2018). The development of complex society on Crete: The balance between wider con-
text and local agency. In Knodell, A. R., and Leppard, T. P. (eds.), Regional Approaches to Society
and Complexity: Studies in Honor of John F. Cherry, Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology
15, Equinox, Sheffield, pp. 29–58.
Manning, S. W. (2019). Environment and sociopolitical complexity on prehistoric Cyprus: Observa-
tions, trajectories, and sketch. In Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.), New Directions in Cypriot
Archaeology, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, pp. 99–130.
Manning, S. W., Andreou, G. A, Fisher, K. D., Gerard-Little, P., Kearns, C., Leon, J. F., Sewell, D. A.,
and Urban, T. M. (2014). Becoming urban: Investigating the anatomy of the Late Bronze Age com-
plex, Maroni, Cyprus. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27: 3–32.
Marcus, E. S. (2002). The southern Levant and maritime trade during the Middle Bronze IIA period. In
Oren, E. D., and Ahituv, S. (eds.), Aharon Kempinski Memorial Volume: Studies in Archaeology
and Related Disciplines, Beer-Sheva 15, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva, Israel,
pp. 241–263.
Marcus, E. S. (2007). Amenemhet II and the sea: Maritime aspects of the Mit Rihana (Memphis) inscrip-
tion. Ägypten und Levante 17: 138–190.
McCarthy, A. (2014). Landscape resources and site longevity: Prasteio Mesorotos and the Dhiarizos Val-
ley in prehistory. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Prehis-
toric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms
Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 97–107.
Merrillees, R. S. (1968). The Cypriote Bronze Age Pottery Found in Egypt, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 18, Carl Bloms Boktryckeri A.-B., Lund, Sweden.
Merrillees, R. S. (1979). Cyprus, the Cyclades and Crete in the Early to Middle Bronze Age. In Kara-
georghis, V. (ed.), The Relations Between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000–500 BC, Department of
Antiquities, Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 8–55.
Merrillees, R. S. (2007). The ethnic implications of Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware for the history of the Middle
to Late Bronze Age in Cyprus. Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes 37: 87–96.
Merrillees, R. S., and Tubb, J. N. (1979). A Syro/Cilician jug from Middle Bronze Age Cyprus. Report of
the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1979: 223–229.
Monahan, E., and Spigelman, M. (2019). Negotiating a new landscape: Middle Bronze Age fortresses
as a component of the Cypriot political landscape. In Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.), New
Directions in Cypriot Archaeology, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, pp. 133–159.
Muhly, J. D. (1986). The role of Cyprus in the economy of the eastern Mediterranean during the second
millennium BC. In Karageorghis, V. (ed.), Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident, Depart-
ment of Antiquities, Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 45–60.
Muhly, J. D. (1989). The organisation of the copper industry in Late Bronze Age Cyprus. In Peltenburg,
E. J. (ed.), Early Society in Cyprus, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp. 298–314.
Muhly, J. D. (2002). Early metallurgy in Greece and Cyprus. In Yalçin, Ü. (ed.), Anatolian Metal 2, Der
Anschnitt, Beiheft 15, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, pp. 77–82.
Myres, J. L. (1897). Excavations in Cyprus, 1894. Journal of Hellenic Studies 17: 134–173.
Myres, J. L. (1946). Excavations in Cyprus, 1913: A Bronze Age cemetery at Lapithos. Annual of the
British School at Athens 41: 78–85.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Negbi, O. (2005). Urbanism on Late Bronze Age Cyprus: LC II in retrospect. Bulletin of the American
Schools of Oriental Research 337: 1–45.
Nicolaou, I., and Nicolaou, K. (1988). The Dhenia ‘Kafkalla’ and ‘Mali’ tombs. Report of the Depart-
ment of Antiquities, Cyprus 1988: 72–120.
Nicolaou, I., and Nicolaou, K. (1989). Kazaphani: A Middle/Late Cypriot Tomb at Kazaphani-Ayios
Andronikos: T. 2A, B, Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus.
Olsen, B. (2012). Archaeological theory, Christmas port and red herrings: Reply to comments. Current
Swedish Archaeology 20: 95–106.
Paraskeva, Ch. (2019). The Middle Chalcolithic to Middle Bronze Age chronology of Cyprus: Refine-
ments and reconstructions. In Kearns, C., and Manning, S. W. (eds.), New Directions in Cypriot
Archaeology, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, pp. 45–74.
Paz, S., and Greenberg, R. (2016). Conceiving the city: Streets and incipient urbanism at Early Bronze
Age Bet Yerah. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 29: 197–223.
Peltenburg, E. J. (1994). Constructing authority: The Vounous enclosure model. Opuscula Atheniensia
20: 157–162.
Peltenburg, E. J. (1996). From isolation to state formation in Cyprus, c. 3500–1500 BCE. In Kara-
georghis, V., and Michaelides, D. (eds.), The Development of the Cypriot Economy from the Pre-
historic Period to the Present Day, Bank of Cyprus and University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp.
17–44.
Peltenburg, E. J. (2008). Nitovikla and Tell el-Burak: Cypriot mid-second millennium BC forts in a
Levantine context. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2008: 45–57.
Peltenburg, E., Bolger, D., and Crewe, L. (2019). Figurines Makers of Prehistoric Cyprus: Settlement and
Cemeteries at Souskiou, Oxbow Books, Oxford.
Philip, G. (1983). Kissonerga-Skalia ceramics. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1983:
46–53.
Pilides, D. (2014). Windows onto the Bronze Age of Nicosia: Another glimpse. In Webb, J. M. (ed.),
Structure, Measurement and Meaning: Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel,
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 143, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 151–159.
Pilides, D. (2017). The Ayios Sozomenos Excavations and Survey Project: Fortifying the current evi-
dence. In Pilides, D., and Mina, M. (eds.), Four Decades of Hiatus in Archaeological Research
in Cyprus: Towards Restoring the Balance, Studies on Ancient Cyprus 2, Holzhausen der Verlag,
Vienna, pp. 154–167.
Pilides, D. (2018). The Agios Sozomenos Excavations and Survey Project: Results and preliminary infer-
ences. In Hulin, L., Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Structures of Inequality on Bronze Age
Cyprus: Studies in Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 187,
Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 71–88.
Poursat, J.-C., and Loubet, M. (2005). Métallurgie et contacts extérieurs à Malia (Crète) au Minoen
Moyen II: Remarques sur une série d’analyses isotopiques du plomb. In Laffineur, R., and Greco,
E. (eds.), EMPORIA: Aegeans in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean, Aegaeum 25, Université
de Liège, Liège, and University of Texas, Austin, pp. 117–121.
Price, T. D., and Feinman, G. (eds.) (2012). Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of
Social Inequality, Springer, New York.
Quack, J. F. (1996). KftZw and ‘lZssy. Ägypten und Levante 6: 75–81.
Raber, P. (1987). Early copper production in the Polis region, western Cyprus. Journal of Field Archaeol-
ogy 14: 297–312.
Redford, D. B. (1992). Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton University Press, Princeton.
Rowlands, M., and Ling, J. (2013). Boundaries, flows and connectivities: Mobility and stasis in the
Bronze Age. In Bergerbrant, S., and Sabatini, S. (eds.), Counterpoint: Essays in Archaeology and
Heritage: Studies in Honour of Professor Kristian Kristiansen, BAR International Series 2508,
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 497–509.
Rutter, J. (2006). Ceramic imports of the Neopalatial and later Bronze Age eras. In Shaw, J. W., and
Shaw, M. C. (eds.), Kommos V: The Monumental Minoan Buildings at Kommos, Princeton Univer-
sity Press, Princeton, pp. 646–688, 712–715.
Schoep, I. (2002). Social and political organization on Crete in the proto-palatial period: The case of
Middle Minoan II Malia. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 15: 101–132.
Shennan, S. J. (1986). Central Europe in the third millennium BC: An evolutionary trajectory for the
beginning of the European Bronze Age. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5: 115–146.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Sherratt, A. G. (1981). Plough and pastoralism: Aspects of the secondary products revolution. In Hod-
der, I., Isaac, G., and Hammond, N. (eds.), Pattern of the Past: Studies in Honour of David Clarke,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 261–305.
Shimada, I. (ed.) (2007). Craft Production in Complex Societies: Multicraft and Producer Perspectives,
University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Smith, J. S. (ed.) (2008). Views from Phlamoudhi, Cyprus, Annual of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 63, American Schools of Oriental Research, Boston.
Sneddon, A. C. (2002). The Cemeteries at Marki: Using a Looted Landscape to Investigate Prehistoric
Bronze Age Cyprus, BAR International Series 1028, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Sneddon, A. C. (2014). Making love not war? An archaeology of violence and some lessons for the study
of prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning:
Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
143, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 57–67.
Sneddon, A. C. (2015). Revisiting Alambra Mouttes: Defining the spatial configuration and social rela-
tions of a prehistoric Bronze Age settlement in Cyprus. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 28:
141–170.
Sneddon, A. C. (2019). An analog from the prehistoric Bronze Age site of Alambra Mouttes (Cyprus)
for adornments on the enigmatic ‘Vounous Bowl.’ Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 382: 1–14.
Spigelman, M. (2006). Investigating the faunal record from Bronze Age Cyprus: Diversification and
intensification. In McCarthy, A. (ed.), Island Dialogues: Cyprus in the Mediterranean Network,
University of Edinburgh Archaeology, Occasional Paper 21, Edinburgh, pp. 119–129. Online:
https://www.academia.edu/544988/9_Investigating_the_Faunal_Record_from_Bronze_Age_
Cyprus_Diversification_and_Intensification.
Stager, L. E. (2001). Port power in the Early and Middle Bronze Ages: The organization of maritime
trade and hinterland production. In Wolff, S. R. (ed.), Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and
Neighboring Lands in Memory of Douglas L. Esse, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 59,
Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, Chicago, pp. 625–638.
Stech, T. (1985). Copper and society in Late Bronze Age Cyprus. In Knapp, A. B., and Stech, T. (eds.),
Prehistoric Production and Exchange: The Aegean and East Mediterranean, Monograph 25, Insti-
tute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, pp. 100–105.
Steel, L. (2004). Cyprus Before History: From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age, Blooms-
bury Academic, London.
Steel, L. (2013). The social world of Early–Middle Bronze Age Cyprus: Rethinking the Vounous Bowl.
Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 26: 51–73.
Stevenson, A. (2016). The Egyptian predynastic and state formation. Journal of Archaeological Research
24: 421–468.
Stewart, J. R. (1962). The Early Cypriote Bronze Age. In Dikaios, P., and Stewart, J. R., Swedish Cyprus
Expedition IV.1A, Swedish Cyprus Expedition, Lund, Sweden, pp. 205–401.
Stewart, E., and Stewart, J. R. (1950). Vounous 1937–38, Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom 14,
Lund, Sweden.
Stockhammer, P. (2012). Performing the practice turn in archaeology. Transcultural Studies 2012.1: 7–42.
Stos-Gale, Z. A. (2016). Bronze Age metal sources and the movement of metals between the Aegean and
Anatolia. In Bartelheim, M., Horejs, B., and Krauss, R. (eds.), Von Baden bis Troia: Ressourcen-
nutzung, Metallurgie und Wissenstransfer: Eine Jubiläumsschrift für Ernst Pernicka, Oriental and
European Archaeology 3, Verlag Marie Leidorf, Rahden, Germany, pp. 375–398.
Stos-Gale, Z., and Gale, N. H. (1994). Metals. In Knapp, A. B., and Cherry, J. F. (eds.), Provenience
Studies and Bronze Age Cyprus: Production, Exchange and Politico-Economic Change, Mono-
graphs in World Archaeology 21, Prehistory Press, Madison, WI, pp. 92–121.
Stos-Gale, Z., and Gale, N. H. (2003). Lead isotopic and other isotopic research in the Aegean. In Foster,
K. P., and Laffineur, R. (eds.), METRON: Measuring the Aegean Bronze Age, Aegaeum 24, Univer-
sité de Liège, Liège, and University of Texas, Austin, pp. 83–100.
Swiny, S. (1982). Correlations between the composition and function of Bronze Age metal types in
Cyprus. In Muhly, J. D., Maddin, R., and Karageorghis, V. (eds.), Early Metallurgy in Cyprus,
Pierides Foundation, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 69–79.
Swiny, S. (1986). The Kent State University Expedition to Episkopi Phaneromeni: Part 2, Studies in Med-
iterranean Archaeology 74.2, Paul Åströms Förlag, Göteborg, Sweden.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Swiny, S. (1989). From round house to duplex: A reassessment of prehistoric Bronze Age Cypriot soci-
ety. In Peltenburg, E. J. (ed.), Early Society in Cyprus, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp.
14–31.
Swiny, S., and Mavromatis, C. (2000). Land behind Kourion: Results of the 1997 Sotira Archaeological
Project Survey. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 2000: 433–452.
Todd, I. A. (1986). Vasilikos Valley Project 1, The Bronze Age Cemetery in Kalavasos Village, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 71.1, Paul Åströms Förlag, Göteborg, Sweden.
Todd, I. A. (1993). Kalavasos-Laroumena: Test excavation of a Middle Bronze Age settlement. Report of
the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1993: 80–96.
Todd, I. A. (2007). Vasilikos Valley Project 11: Kalavasos Village Tombs 52–79, Studies in Mediterra-
nean Archaeology 71.12, Paul Åströms Förlag, Sävedalen, Sweden.
Todd, I. A. (2013). Vasilikos Valley Project 12: The Field Survey of the Vasilikos Valley Volume II:
Human Settlement in the Vasilikos Valley, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 71.12, Åströms
Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden.
Todd, I. A., and Pearlman, D. (2007). Tombs in the Panayia church area. In Todd, I. A., Vasilikos Valley
Project 11: Kalavasos Village Tombs 52–79, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 71.12, Paul
Åströms Förlag, Sävedalen, Sweden, pp. 4–25.
Tucker, K., and Cleggett, S. (2007). Human remains from Tomb 789. In Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M.,
The Bronze Age Cemeteries at Deneia in Cyprus, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 135, Paul
Åströms Förlag, Sävedalen, Sweden, pp. 131–136.
Vavouranakis, G., and Manginis, G. (1995). Excavations at the Middle Cypriot site Avdhimou-Kamares
(in Greek). Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1995: 67–94.
Vilain, S. (2015). Pour une archéologie des échanges en Méditerranée orientale: La céramique chypriote
au Levant nord aux ages du Bronze moyen et du Bronze recent, Ph.D. dissertation, École doctorale
Sciences humaines et sociales – Perspectives européennes, University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg.
Violaris, Y., Sciré Calabrisotto, C., Fedi, M., Caforio, L., and Bombardieri, L. (2013). The Bronze Age
cemetery at Lofou-Koulauzou (Cyprus): Towards a cross-analysis of radiocarbon data and funerary
assemblages from burial contexts. In Bombardieri, L., D’Agostino, A., Guarducci, G., Orsi, V., and
Valentini, S. (eds.), SOMA 2012: Identity and Connectivity, Volume I, BAR International Series
2581.1, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 331–343.
Wachsmann, S. (1998). Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, Texas A&M Univer-
sity Press, College Station.
Webb, J. M. (1999). Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriote Bronze Age,
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket-book 75, Paul Åström’s Förlag, Jon-
sered, Sweden.
Webb, J. M. (2010). The ceramic industry of Deneia: Crafting community and place in Middle Bronze
Age Cyprus. In Bolger, D. L., and Maguire, L. (eds.), The Development of Pre-state Communi-
ties in the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honour of Edgar Peltenburg, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp.
174–182.
Webb, J. M. (2012). Kalopsidha: Forty-six years after SIMA volume 2. In Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D.
(eds.), Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology: Fifty Years On, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeol-
ogy 137, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 49–58.
Webb, J. M. (2013a). Changing technological and social environments in the second half of the third
millennium BCE in Cyprus. In Frankel, D., Webb, J. M., and Lawrence, S. (eds.), Archaeology
in Environment and Technology: Intersections and Transformations, Routledge, New York, pp.
135–148.
Webb, J. M. (2013b). ‘The mantle of Vasilia’: Have Stewart’s views on the centrality of the copper trade
in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus stood the test of time? In Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., and McCa-
rthy, A. (eds.), J. R. B. Stewart: An Archaeological Legacy, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
139, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 59–71.
Webb, J. M. (2014a). Cyprus in the Early Bronze Age. In Steiner, M. L., and Killebrew, A. E. (eds.), The
Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant (c. 8000–332 BCE), Oxford University Press,
Oxford, pp. 347–360.
Webb, J. M. (2014b). Pottery production and distribution in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus: The long
road from measurement to meaning. In Webb, J. M. (ed.), Structure, Measurement and Meaning:
Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus in Honour of David Frankel, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
143, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 213–227.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Webb, J. M. (2015). Identifying stone tools used in mining, smelting, and casting in Middle Bronze Age
Cyprus, Journal of Field Archaeology 40: 22–36.
Webb, J. M. (2016). Lapithos revisited: A fresh look at a key Middle Bronze Age site in Cyprus. In
Bourogiannis, G., and Mühlenbock, C. (eds.), Ancient Cyprus Today: Museum Collections and
New Research, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 184, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden,
pp. 57–67.
Webb, J. M. (2017a). Vounoi (Vounous) and Lapithos in the Early and Middle Bronze Age: A reappraisal
of the central north coast of Cyprus in the light of fieldwork and research undertaken since 1974.
In Pilides, D., and Mina, M. (eds.), Four Decades of Hiatus in Archaeological Research in Cyprus:
Towards Restoring the Balance, Studies on Ancient Cyprus 2, Holzhausen der Verlag, Vienna, pp.
128–139.
Webb, J. M. (2017b). A west coast flask of Middle Cypriot date from Ampelikou: A note on a regional
style and its chronology. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (2011–2012) 2017:
373–391.
Webb, J. M. (2017c). The pottery. In Bombardieri, L., Erimi Laonin tou Porakou: A Middle Bronze
Age Community in Cyprus: Excavations 2008–2014, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 145,
Åström Editions, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 129–205.
Webb, J. M. (2017d). Lapithos Tomb 322: Voice, context and the archaeological record. In Minchin, E.,
and Jackson, H. (eds.), Text and the Material World: Essays in Honour of Graeme Clarke, Studies
in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 185, Åström Editions, Uppsala, Sweden, pp. 1–12.
Webb, J. M. (2018a). Lapithos Tomb 201: A singular Middle Bronze Age burial assemblage. In Hulin,
L., Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Structures of Inequality on Bronze Age Cyprus: Studies in
Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology PB 187, Åström Editions, Nico-
sia, Cyprus, pp. 35–52.
Webb, J. M. (2018b). Lapithos Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus: Early and Middle Bronze Age Tombs Excavated
by Menelaos Markides, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 148, Åström Editions, Nicosia,
Cyprus.
Webb, J. M. (2018c). Spatial and social discontinuities in burial practice and the privatisation of mortuary
space in Bronze Age Cyprus. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 31: 203–228.
Webb, J. M. (2019a). Shifting centres: Site location and resource procurement on the north coast of
Cyprus over the longue durée of the prehistoric Bronze Age. In Papantoniou, G., and Vionis, A.
(eds.), Central Places and Un-central Landscapes: Political Economies and Natural Resources in
the Longue Durée, Land Special Issue 7.2, Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute, Basel,
pp. 70–100.
Webb, J. M. (2019b). Socio-spatial discontinuities in burial ritual in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus. In
Papantoniou, G., Morris, C., and Vionis, A. (eds.), Unlocking Sacred Landscapes: Spatial Analysis
of Ritual and Cult in the Mediterranean, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 151, Åström Edi-
tions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 171–188.
Webb, J. M. (2020). Lapithos Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus: Early and Middle Bronze Age Tombs Excavated in
1913: Tombs 1–47, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 152, Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus.
Webb, J. M. (2021). Cyprus’ external connections in the prehistoric Bronze Age. In Manning, S. W. (ed.),
Critical Approaches to the Archaeology of Cyprus and the Wider Mediterranean, Monographs in
Mediterranean Archaeology 16, Equinox, Sheffield.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (1999). Characterizing the Philia facies: Material culture, chronology, and
the origin of the Bronze Age in Cyprus. American Journal of Archaeology 103: 3–43.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2004). Intensive site survey: Implications for estimating settlement size,
population and duration in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus. In Iacovou, M. (ed.), Archaeological
Field Survey in Cyprus: Past History, Future Potentials, British School at Athens Studies 11, Brit-
ish School at Athens, London, pp. 125–137.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2007). Identifying population movements by everyday practice: The case
of third millennium Cyprus. In Antoniadou, S., and Pace, A. (eds.), Mediterranean Crossroads,
Pierides Foundation, Athens, pp. 189–216.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2010). Social strategies, ritual and cosmology in Early Bronze Age Cyprus:
An investigation of burial data from the north coast. Levant 42: 185–209.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2013a). Cultural regionalism and divergent social trajectories in Early
Bronze Age Cyprus. American Journal of Archaeology 117: 59–81.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2013b). Ambelikou Aletri: Metallurgy and Pottery Production in Middle
Bronze Age Cyprus, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 138, Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2015). Coincident biographies: Bent and broken blades in Bronze Age
Cyprus. In Harrell, K., and Driessen, J. (eds.), Damaged Goods: Contextualising Intentional
Destruction of Objects in the Bronze Age Aegean and Cyprus, Aegis 9, Presses Universitaires de
Louvain, Louvain, Belgium, pp. 117–142.
Webb, J. M., Frankel, D., Stos, Z. A., and Gale, N. (2006). Early Bronze Age metal trade in the east-
ern Mediterranean: New compositional and lead isotope evidence from Cyprus. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 25: 261–288.
Webb, J. M., Frankel, D., Eriksson, K., and Hennessy, J. B. (2009). The Bronze Age Cemeteries at Karmi
Palealona and Lapatsa in Cyprus: Excavations by J. R. B. Stewart, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 136, Paul Åströms Förlag, Göteborg, Sweden.
Weinberg, S. (1956). Exploring the Early Bronze Age in Cyprus. Archaeology 9: 112–121.
Wenger, E. (1998). Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Whitelaw, T. (2018). Recognising polities in prehistoric Crete. In Relaki, M., and Papadatos, Y. (eds.),
From the Foundations to the Legacy of Minoan Archaeology: Studies in Honour of Professor Keith
Branigan, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 210-255.
Wright, J. C. (2004). The emergence of leadership and the rise of civilization in the Aegean. In Barrett,
J. C., and Halstead, P. (eds.), The Emergence of Civilisation Revisited, Sheffield Studies in Aegean
Archaeology 6, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 64–89.
Yasur-Landau, A. (2018). The Middle Bronze Age Canaanite city as a domesticating apparatus. In Yasur-
Landau, A., Cline, E. H., and Rowan, Y. M. (eds.), The Social Archaeology of the Levant: From
Prehistory to the Present, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 224–244.
Bibliography of Recent Literature
Amadio, M. (2018). From deposits to social practices: Integrated micromorphological analysis of floor
sequences at Middle Bronze Age Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou, Cyprus. Journal of Archaeological
Science Reports 21: 433–449.
Amadio, M., and Bombardieri, L. (2019). Abandonment processes at Middle Bronze Age Erimi: A multi-
scalar approach. Antiquity 93: 1–7.
Bombardieri, L. (2019). Mill-songs: The soundscape of collective grinding in the Bronze and Iron Age
Near East and eastern Mediterranean. In Squitieri, A., and Eitam, D. (eds.), Stone Tools in the
Ancient Near East and Egypt: Ground Stone Tools, Rock-cut Installations and Stone Vessels from
Prehistory to Late Antiquity, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 71–80.
Bombardieri, L., and Muti, G. (2018). Erimi Laonin tou Porakou: A textile community of practice in
Middle Bronze Age Cyprus. Fasciculi Archaeologiae Historicae 31: 25–38.
Bombardieri, L., and Muti, G. (2019). To weave or not to weave? Textile production and the development
of a technological habitus in Cypriot prehistory. Origini 41: 25–51.
Bombardieri, L., Chelazzi, F., and Amadio, M. (2015). Working with water: Procurement, consumption
and water-based working activities at Middle Bronze Age Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou (2009–2011
seasons). In Hadjikyriakos, I., and Trentin, M. G. (eds.), Cypriot Cultural Details, Oxbow Books,
Oxford, pp. 111–138.
Bombardieri, L., Graziadio, G., and Jasink, A. M. (eds.) (2015). Preistoria e protostoria egea e cipriota:
Periploi-Collana di studi egei e ciprioti 6, Manuali Umanistica 12, Firenze University Press, Flor-
ence, Italy.
Bombardieri, L., Scirè Calabrisotto, C., Chelazzi, F., and Amadio, M. (2018). Little big data: On-going
archaeological science-based researches at Bronze Age Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou. Archaeologia
Cypria 7: 69–94.
Chelazzi, F. (2020). From self-sufficiency to interdependence: Changes in the Cypriot socio-economic
structure in the light of mobility during the second millennium BC. In Gibson, C., Frieman, C., and
Cleary, K. (eds.), Making Journeys: Archaeologies of Movement, Oxbow, Oxford, in press.
Crist, W. (2019). Playing against complexity: Board games as social strategy in Bronze Age Cyprus.
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 55: 101078.
Demesticha, S., and Knapp, A. B. (eds.) (2016). Maritime Transport Containers in the Bronze–Iron Age
Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature PB 183,
Åströms Förlag, Uppsala, Sweden.
Author's personal copy
Journal of Archaeological Research
1 3
Dikomitou-Eliadou, M. (2019). A preliminary compositional study of Early and Middle Bronze Age pot-
tery from Lapithos. In Papanikola-Bakirtzi, D. (ed.), Ceramic Art from the Soil of Lapithos, The
Leventis Municipal Museum of Nicosia, Municipality of Lapithos, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 57–76.
Falconer, S. E., Monahan, E. M., and Fall, P. L. (2014). A stone plank figurine from Politiko-Troullia,
Cyprus: Potential implications for inferring Bronze Age communal behaviour. Bulletin of the Ameri-
can Schools of Oriental Research 371: 3–16.
Fall, P., and Klinge, J. (2010). Archaeobotanical inference of Bronze Age land use and land cover in the
eastern Mediterranean. Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 2622–2629.
Fall, P., Ridder, E., and Galetti C. (2012). Long-term agrarian landscapes in the Troodos foothills,
Cyprus. Journal of Archaeological Science 39: 2335–2347.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2012). Pottery production and distribution in prehistoric Bronze Age
Cyprus: An application of pXRF analysis. Journal of Archaeological Science 39: 1380–1387.
Frankel, D., and Webb, J. M. (2014). A potter’s workshop from Middle Bronze Age Cyprus: New light on
production context, scale and variability. Antiquity 88: 425–440.
Georgiou, A. (ed.) (2012). Cyprus: An Island Culture: Society and Social Relations from the Bronze Age
to the Venetian Period, Oxbow, Oxford.
Goude, G., Clarke, J., Webb, J. M., Frankel, D., Georgiou, G., Herscher E., and Lorentz, K. (2018).
Exploring the potential of human bone and teeth collagen from the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age in
Cyprus for isotopic analysis. Journal of Archaeological Science Reports 22: 115–122.
Hein, I. (ed.) (2009). The Formation of Cyprus in the 2nd Millennium BC Studies in Regionalism during
the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 20,
Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 52, Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna.
Keswani, P. (2018). On the relationship between modes of agricultural production and social inequality
in Bronze Age Kalavasos: A theoretical essay. In Hulin, L. Crewe, L., and Webb, J. M. (eds.), Struc-
tures of Inequality on Bronze Age Cyprus: Studies in Honour of Alison K. South, Studies in Mediter-
ranean Archaeology PB 187, Åström Editions, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 139–154.
Knapp, A. B. (2014). Mediterranean archaeology and ethnicity. In McInerney, J. (ed.), A Companion to
Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean, Wiley Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 34–49.
Knapp, A. B. (2015). Prehistoric Cyprus: A ‘crossroads’ of interaction? In Lichtenberger, A., and von
Rüden, C. (eds.), Multiple Mediterranean Realities: Current Approaches to Spaces, Resources,
and Connectivities, Mittelmeerstudien 6, Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag and Fink-Verlag, Paderborn,
Munich, pp. 17–30.
Muti, G. (2017). Following the fil rouge: Productive, economic, and social aspects of textile dyeing in
Middle and Late Cypriot communities. In Bombardieri, L., Amadio, M., and Dolcetti, F. (eds.),
Ancient Cyprus, an Unexpected Journey: Communities in Continuity and Transition, Artemide,
Rome, pp. 19–45.
Peltenburg, E. (2018). The entry of Cyprus into the circum-Aegean world and the growth of regionalism
on the island. In Dietz, S., Mavridis, F., Tankosi, Z., and Takaolu, T. (eds.), Communities in Transi-
tion: The Circum-Aegean Area during the 5th and 4th Millennia BC, Monographs of the Danish
Institute at Athens 20, Oxbow, Oxford, pp. 456–465.
Peltenburg, E. (ed.) (2013). Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern
Mediterranean, Volume 2: Cyprus, ARCANE 2, Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium.
Scirè Calabrisotto, C., Bombardieri, L. Albertini, E., and Chelazzi, F. (2012). Dating the context (or con-
textualizing the dating?). New evidence from the Southern Cemetery at Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou
(EC–LC I). Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes 41: 87–108.
Steel, L. (2016). Kitchenalia in Bronze Age Cyprus. Gastronomica 16: 79–90.
Steel, L. (2019). Watery entanglements in the Cypriot hinterland. In Papantoniou, G., and Vionis, A.
(eds.), Central Places and Un-central Landscapes: Political Economies and Natural Resources in
the Longue Durée, Land Special Issue 7.2, Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute, Basel, pp.
101–116.
Turco, F., Davit, P., Chelazzi, F., Borghi, A., Bombardieri, L., and Operti, L. (2016). Characterization of
late prehistoric plasters and mortars from Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou (Limassol, Cyprus). Archae-
ometry 58: 284–296.
Webb, J. M. (2009). Deneia: A Middle Cypriot site in its regional and historical context. In Hein, I. (ed.),
The Formation of Cyprus in the 2nd Millennium BC: Studies in Regionalism during the Middle
and Late Bronze Ages, Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 20, Series:
Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie LII. Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna,
pp. 27–37.
Author's personal copy
1 3
Journal of Archaeological Research
Webb, J. M. (2014). Ritual as the setting for contentious interaction: From social negotiation to insti-
tutionalised authority in Bronze Age Cyprus. In Knapp, A. B., and van Dommelen, P. (eds.), The
Cambridge Prehistory of the Bronze and Iron Age Mediterranean, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, pp. 619–634.
Webb, J. M. (2016). Women at home and in the community in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus. In Budin,
S. L., and Turfa, J. M. (eds), Women in Antiquity: Real Women Across the Ancient World, Rout-
ledge, London, pp. 375–385.
Webb, J.M. (2016). The production and distribution of plank-shaped figurines in Middle Bronze Age
Cyprus: The role of Lapithos. In Balandier, C., Imhaus, B., Raptou, E., and Yon, M. (eds.),
Kypromedousa: Hommage à Jacqueline Karageorghis, Cahiers d’Études Chypriotes 45: 241–254.
Webb, J. M. (2017). Anthropomorphic figures from Middle Bronze Age Cyprus: Who or what do they
represent? Iris: Journal of the Classical Association of Victoria New Series 29: 5–21.
Webb, J. M. (2017). Cattle in ritual practice and iconography in Bronze Age Cyprus. Journal of Greek
Archaeology 2: 53–80.
Webb, J. M. (2019). Pottery production at Lapithos in the Early and Middle Bronze Age. In Papanikola-
Bakirtzi, D. (ed.), Ceramic Art from the Soil of Lapithos, Leventis Municipal Museum of Nicosia,
Municipality of Lapithos, Nicosia, Cyprus, pp. 41–55.
Webb, J. M., and Frankel, D. (2009). Exploiting a damaged and diminishing resource: Survey, sampling
and society at a Bronze Age cemetery complex in Cyprus. Antiquity 83: 54–68.
Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.
Author's personal copy
A preview of this full-text is provided by Springer Nature.
Content available from Journal of Archaeological Research
This content is subject to copyright. Terms and conditions apply.
