The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community

Abstract

To adequately address intimate partner violence in the black community in the USA, it is imperative to discuss historical oppression and examine how intersecting realities influence intimate partner/gender-based violence and individual, community, and systemic responses. Institutionalized and internalized oppression through racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, xenophobia, religious subjugation, etc., perpetuates unrecognized, unaddressed, and denied traumatic experiences for black survivors. One of the leading causes of death for black women aged 15–35 is intimate partner violence. Black women are almost three times more likely than white women to be killed by an intimate partner. This chapter will explore why culturally specific, trauma-informed practices are essential for holistic responses. For a black survivor, oppression, implicit/explicit bias, and racial loyalty/collectivism directly impact how female survivors perceive, react to, and report intimate partner violence. Racism and stereotypes continue to contribute to the failure of the legal systems, crisis services, and other programs to provide adequate resources and assistance to black survivors. Survivors who are foreign-born Africans, Afro Caribbeans, and Afro Latinas experience limited access to services in their first languages and/or limited interpreters who speak the native language, fear of interacting with systems and deportation, and little cultural understanding and empathy from service providers. We will provide promising practices, guiding principles, and culturally specific resources to illuminate the opportunities that exist to support the resiliency, autonomy, and self-determination of black survivors.

Full text

The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner
Violence in the Black Community
Johnny Rice II, Carolyn M. West, Karma Cottman, and
Gretta Gardner
Contents
Introduction . . . .................................................................................... 2
Intersecting Identities . . . .......................................................................... 3
Ethnic Identity... ............................................................................. 5
Socioeconomic Status . . . . . . .................................................................. 6
Age ... ............................................................ ............................. 6
Sexual Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. . . . .. . .. .. . .. .. . .. . .. .. . 7
Gender Identity . . . ............................................................................. 7
Multiple Forms of Victimization . . . .............................................................. 8
Intimate Partner Violence . . . .................................................................. 9
Historical Trauma . . . .......................................................................... 11
Structural Violence . . . ......................................................................... 13
Institutional Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. .. .. . . . .. .. . .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. . 15
Community Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. . .. 15
Multiple Vulnerabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. . . . . . . . . 16
Physical Health Problems . . . . . . .............................................................. 16
Mental Health Problems . . . ................................................................... 17
Culturally Specific Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
The Asha Project/Asha Family Services: Milwaukee, Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
The Grady Nia Project in Atlanta, Georgia . . . . . ............................................. 20
Key Points . . . . . . . . . . . ............................................................................. 21
Conclusion . . . . .................................................................................... 22
J. Rice II (*)
Department of Criminal Justice, College of Behavioral and Social Sciences, Coppin State
University, Baltimore, MD, USA
e-mail: jrice@coppin.edu;Johnnyrice2@gmail.com
C. M. West
University of Washington, Tacoma, WA, USA
e-mail: carwest@uw.edu
K. Cottman · G. Gardner
Ujima Inc.: The National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community,
Washington, DC, USA
e-mail: kcottman@dccadv.org;ggardner@dccadv.org
© The Author(s) 2020
R. Geffner et al. (eds.), Handbook of Interpersonal Violence Across the Lifespan,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62122-7_240-1
1

Culturally Based Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......................................................... 23
Recommended Culturally Based Programs . . . . . . . ........................................... 23
Recommended Technical Assistance Providers . . . . .......................................... 23
Additional Resources Recommended . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Cross-References ... .............................................. ................................ 24
References... .............. ................................................... .................... 24
Abstract
To adequately address intimate partner violence in the black community in the
USA, it is imperative to discuss historical oppression and examine how
intersecting realities influence intimate partner/gender-based violence and indi-
vidual, community, and systemic responses. Institutionalized and internalized
oppression through racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, xenophobia, religious
subjugation, etc., perpetuates unrecognized, unaddressed, and denied traumatic
experiences for black survivors. One of the leading causes of death for black
women aged 15–35 is intimate partner violence. Black women are almost three
times more likely than white women to be killed by an intimate partner. This
chapter will explore why culturally specific, trauma-informed practices are essen-
tial for holistic responses. For a black survivor, oppression, implicit/explicit bias,
and racial loyalty/collectivism directly impact how female survivors perceive,
react to, and report intimate partner violence. Racism and stereotypes continue to
contribute to the failure of the legal systems, crisis services, and other programs to
provide adequate resources and assistance to black survivors. Survivors who are
foreign-born Africans, Afro Caribbeans, and Afro Latinas experience limited
access to services in their first languages and/or limited interpreters who speak
the native language, fear of interacting with systems and deportation, and little
cultural understanding and empathy from service providers. We will provide
promising practices, guiding principles, and culturally specific resources to illu-
minate the opportunities that exist to support the resiliency, autonomy, and self-
determination of black survivors.
Keywords
Intimate partner violence · Victims and survivors · Black women · African
immigrant · Black Caribbean women · Ethnic identity · Intersectionality ·
Marginalization · Racism and bias · Historical trauma · Foreign-born African
Introduction
In this chapter, the term “black”will be used to refer collectively to individuals of
African and Caribbean ancestry and “African American”will be used to refer
specifically to those of African ancestry who were born in the USA. According to
the 2010 US Census, 14% of the population, which is 42 million people, are self
identified as black or African American, either alone or in combination with one or
2 J. Rice II et al.

more races (Rastogi et al. 2011). Although the black population is remarkably
diverse and resilient, they are overrepresented among victims and perpetrators of
intimate partner violence (IPV). In the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Vio-
lence Survey (NISVS), 45.1% of black women reported sexual violence, physical
aggression, and/or stalking that was committed by an intimate partner during their
lifetime (Smith et al. 2017). Based on these prevalence rates, it is estimated that more
than six million black women are survivors of some form of IPV (Black et al. 2011).
In addition to ethnicity and country of origin, black Americans vary in terms of
racial identity, educational and socioeconomic status (SES), geographic residence
(urban, rural, and suburban), religious affiliation, sexual orientation, and gender
identity. An intersectional approach can be used to make these black subpopulations
more visible. Accordingly, in the first section of this chapter, we will brieflydefine
intersectionality and discuss the prevalence rates and risk factors of IPV based on
various intersecting identities. When compared to other ethnic groups, black women
frequently experience multiple types of victimization. Accordingly, in the second
section we will discuss the importance of situating nonfatal strangulation, domestic
homicide, and reproductive coercion in the context of historical trauma, structural
violence, institutional violence, and community violence. Because they live at the
intersection of multiple intersecting identities, black women are at risk for multiple
vulnerabilities in the form of physical and mental health problems, which will be the
focus of the third section. We will conclude the chapter with programs that provide a
cultural framework for intervention and treatment with black survivors of IPV.
Intersecting Identities
Rooted in black feminist scholarship, intersectionality posits that people simulta-
neously occupy multiple social identities, and each of these identities intersects with
one another to form a person’s unique experience of the world, particularly as it
relates to their marginalization and encounters with oppression (Crenshaw 1991).
Imagine a survivor of IPV who self identifies as a low-income, black lesbian with a
history of mental health challenges who resides in an under-resourced urban com-
munity. This means that she may simultaneously experience racism, classism,
homophobia, and discrimination based on her perceived mental disability as she
navigates her daily life, including how she contends with IPV and attempts to access
services and systems (Simpson and Helfrich 2014). Figure 1is an attempt to
visualize multiple intersecting identities of victims and the complex way that various
forms of oppression can co-occur in the context of IPV.
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 3

Definitions
Ableism Assigning different (lower) value to people who have develop-
mental, emotional, physical, and sensory or health-related disabil-
ities, thereby resulting in differential treatment.
Cisgenderism System of beliefs that reinforces a negative evaluation based on
gender nonconformity or an incongruence between sex and gender.
Classism Systematic oppression and differential treatment of subordinated
class groups to advantage dominant class groups. It is supported by
a culture of attitudes and values that assigns characteristics of
worth and ability based on social class or perceived social class.
Homophobia Homophobia can be manifested as fear of association with lesbian,
gay, or bisexual persons or being perceived as lesbian, gay, or
bisexual.
Racism Individual action, or institutional practice backed by institutional
power, which subordinates people because of their color or
ethnicity.
Transphobia Conveys society’s fear of hatred of different genders.
Xenophobia An unreasonable fear, distrust, or hatred of strangers, foreign
peoples, or anything perceived as foreign or different (Miller and
Garran 2017)
Next we will discuss prevalence rates and risk factors for IPV based on the
following identities: ethnicity, age, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, and
gender.
Fig. 1 Intersection of identities and oppression in the lives of black victims of intimate partner
violence
4 J. Rice II et al.

Ethnic Identity
As a result of increasing rates of voluntary migration in the past four decades, the
black American population has become more diverse and has grown to include
almost 8 million individuals of Caribbean ancestry (Zong and Batalova 2019) and
approximately 4.3 million members of the sub-Saharan African diaspora
(Echeverria-Estrada and Batalova 2019). Due to their presumed similarity in race,
scholars have often aggregated black ethnic groups (US- born African Americans,
black Caribbeans, and African immigrants) into a single combined category. This
practice of “ethnic lumping”has obscured important differences in rates of IPV
across ethnic groups. For example, using the National Survey of American Life
(NSAL), researchers have found higher rates of lifetime severe physical victimiza-
tion among African American women when compared to US Caribbean black
women (17.9% vs. 12%, respectively) (Lacey et al. 2016). Accordingly, in this
section we will discuss the prevalence rates and risk factors of IPV for black
Caribbean and African immigrant women.
Black Caribbeans
Two national studies have investigated IPV among black Caribbean populations
within the USA and its territories. Based on the 2005 Behavioral Risk Factor
Surveillance System, 22% of black women in the US Virgin Islands (USVI) expe-
rienced lifetime physical and sexual IPV (Breiding et al. 2008). More recently, cross-
sectional data from the NSAL, the only known representative study on Caribbeans
residing in the USA, revealed that 12% of US Caribbean black women reported
severe physical IPV, as measured by the question “Have you ever been badly beaten
up by a spouse or romantic partner”(Lacey et al. 2016).
Interestingly, there were important differences in the types of partner violence
between islands. Women in St. Thomas reported more combined physical and
psychological abuse than those in St. Croix (44% vs. 24%, respectively) (Stockman
et al. 2014). Moreover, rates of IPV varied based on generational status. For
example, the rates of partner violence varied among Caribbean immigrants when
compared to those who identified as second-generation Caribbeans (those born in the
USA to immigrant parents), and those who identified as third-generation Caribbeans
(those with Caribbean immigrant grandparents) (Lacey and Mouzon 2016). These
findings underscore the importance of investigating rates of IPV across various
Caribbean populations, across generational status, and conducting research on the
historical context, risk factors, and consequences of IPV within Caribbean commu-
nities and across its Diaspora (Lacey et al. in press).
In terms of risk factors, when compared to their nonvictimized counterparts, US
Caribbean black women with a history of severe IPV were less likely to be college
educated, were more likely to have lower household incomes (less than $25,000),
and were less likely to be homeowners (Lacey and Mouzon 2016). Among African
Caribbean women, victimization in the past 2 years, defined as “recent IPV,”was
associated with the following risk factors: using drugs in the past year, having
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 5

concurrent sex partners, and having a past-year history of sexually transmitted
infection (STI) (Stockman et al. 2013).
African Immigrants
Despite their vulnerability, research on IPV among African immigrant women is
sparse. Based on a literature review, frequency rates of IPV were primarily gleaned
from qualitative studies that used small samples, focus groups, and individual
interviews. Results revealed that African immigrant women reported multiple
types of physical, sexual, and emotional IPV. The types of violence that were
reported by victims varied based on their level of acculturation, as measured by
English language skills. In addition, language barriers, immigration status, and
gender roles were risk factors that contributed to IPV in African immigrant families
(Mose and Gillum 2016; West 2016).
Socioeconomic Status
As a result of living at the intersection of multiple forms of oppression, black women
are more likely to be impoverished (for reviews see Gillum 2019; West 2019).
Socioeconomic disadvantage, rather than race, appears to account for higher rates
of IPV. For example, unemployed intimate partners were more likely to murder black
women. The researchers concluded that “unemployment appears to underlie
increased risks often attributed to race/ethnicity”(Campbell et al. 2003, p. 1092).
Equally important, social class is related to other risk factors for violence. Using a
complex path analysis, researchers found that “...those from lower SES strata may
have greater exposure to childhood violence, have higher rates of depression,
experience more alcohol-related problems, have poorer coping mechanisms, and
more commonly endorse the use of physical aggression as a tactic in marital
disputes”(Cunradi et al. 2002, p. 386).
Age
Partner violence has been documented across the age spectrum. For example, dating
violence has been found among African American students beginning in middle
school and throughout high school (Black et al. 2014). According to the Youth Risk
Behavior Surveillance, 12% of black high school girls had been physically hurt on
purpose by someone they had been dating in the year prior to the survey (Kann et al.
2016). Relationship violence can also continue into the college years. Among
undergraduate women who were enrolled at Historically Black College and Univer-
sities (HBCUs), 17.8% had experienced physical IPV in the past year (Barrick et al.
2013).
At the other end of the age continuum, older African American women in both
urban communities (Paranjape et al. 2009) and Southern rural areas (Lichtenstein
and Johnson 2009) experienced various forms of family violence. Specifically, they
6 J. Rice II et al.

were financially abused by their adult children and physically abused by their
spouses. To further complicate this family violence, older women often lacked
resources for independent living, stable housing, personal income, and good phys-
ical and mental health. Therefore, there is a need to understand how IPV occurs in the
context of other risk factors within their families.
Sexual Orientation
Although African American lesbians are at elevated risk, few researchers have
investigated physical and sexual partner violence in this population (Hill et al.
2012; Simpson and Helfrich 2014). In a Chicago community sample of self identi-
fied black lesbians (n¼164), 39% reported IPV victimization as measured by items
that asked the respondent if their most recent partner ever “threw something at you,
pushed you, or hit you”or “threatened to kill you, with a weapon or in some other
way”(Bostwick et al. 2019). In a sample of black college women, women who were
only attracted to women were more likely to experience each type of IPV under
investigation (verbal, physical, and sexual) when compared to women who were
only attracted to men (Barrick et al. 2013).
Likewise, bisexual black women reported high rates of IPV. In a small (n ¼42),
exploratory study of black bisexual women, defined as respondents who reported
lifetime gender or sex partners as “equally men and women,”71.4% reported IPV
during their lifetime (Alexander et al. 2016). In another community-based sample of
black bisexual women (n ¼61), 44.3% reported IPV in their most recent relationship
(Bostwick et al. 2019). Finally, when compared to black college women who
reported being attracted to both men and women were more likely to report physical
or sexual IPV when compared to black women who were only attracted to men
(Barrick et al. 2013).
Gender Identity
Transgender individuals, defined as those whose gender identity differs from the sex
they were assigned at birth, are at elevated risk for IPV. In fact, across multiple
studies more than 40% of transgender respondents reported IPV. In a San Francisco
study of transgender women with a history of sex work, among the surveyed African
American women (n¼235), 43.5% had been physically assaulted by a primary
partner (Nemoto et al. 2011). In a sample of transgender and gender nonconforming
youth from 14 cities in the USA, 45% of black youths (n¼60) reported that they had
been slapped, punched, kicked, beaten up, or otherwise physically or sexually hurt
by an intimate partner (Goldenberg et al. 2018). Finally, among black transgender
women (n ¼493) who were recruited over a four-year period at Black Pride events
in 6 cities, 44.7% had been hit, kicked, slapped, beaten, or physically assaulted by a
partner in the year prior to the survey (Bukowski et al. 2019).
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 7

Obtaining generalizable data on transgender populations continues to be a chal-
lenge. The United States Transgender Survey (USTS) is the largest anonymous,
online survey (N ¼27,715) that examines the experiences of transgender adults
(18 or older) in the USA, America Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, and US military bases
overseas (James et al. 2017). Among the black transgender respondents (n¼796),
56% experienced some form of IPV, including physical violence and acts of coercive
control (intimidation, emotional and financial harm, and physical harm to others who
were important to respondents). More specifically, 44% had been physically
assaulted by a romantic partner. Notably, transgender black men (62%) reported
slightly higher rates of IPV victimization than transgender black women (58%) and
nonbinary black people (49%) (James et al. 2017). “Nonbinary”refers to people
whose gender is not exclusively male or female, including those who identify as
having no gender, as a gender other than male or female, or as more than one gender.
The purpose of this section was to review how IPV varies across ethnicity (“Black
Caribbeans”and “African Immigrants”), socioeconomic status, age, sexual orienta-
tion, and gender identity. A more comprehensive, intersectional framework should
consider survivors who self identify as black and multiracial (James et al. 2017) and
as immigrant, refugee, or undocumented black women, particularly those who are
transgender, as they experience IPV at the intersections of gender, ethnicity/race,
anti-immigrant bias, and an increasingly precarious legal status within the USA
(Guadalupe-Diaz and West in press). Special efforts should be made to investigate
IPVamong black women who experience multiple vulnerabilities, such as those who
live with mental or physical health challenges, those who are drug-involved, or those
who are involved in the criminal legal system (Richie 2012). Also, scholars should
consider religious affiliation and the unique types of abuse experienced by black
Muslim (Oyewuwo-Gassikia in press) and black Christian women (Davis 2015).
To conclude, black Americans are not a monolithic group. They embody identi-
ties that are both visible, such as race, and less visible, such as educational level.
Furthermore, the possible combination of their identity representations are both
complex and infinite. Figure 1is a visual representation of how multiple intersecting
identities and the corresponding types of oppressions can co-occur. Future research
is needed to identify additional areas of overlapping identities and the ways in which
oppressions interact in complex ways in the lives of black victims of IPV.
Multiple Forms of Victimization
Black women experience higher rates of some forms of IPV when compared to
women of other racial groups. As a result of living at the intersections of multiple
forms of oppressions, their intimate partner violence should be discussed in the
context of multiple forms of victimization. For example, as illustrated in Fig. 2, IPV
should be discussed in the context of historical trauma (e.g., slavery), structural
violence (e.g., racial discrimination, concentrated neighborhood disadvantage, and
homelessness), institutional violence in the form of discriminatory treatment from
service providers, and community violence.
8 J. Rice II et al.

Intimate Partner Violence
When compared to women of other racial groups, black women reported higher rates
of nonfatal strangulation, domestic homicide, and reproductive coercion. Below we
will discuss the prevalence rates of each type of IPV and highlight how each form of
violence varies based on the intersecting identities of victims.
Nonfatal Strangulation
African American women reported higher rates of attempted, completed, and mul-
tiple strangulations when compared to all other groups of women who had called the
police in seven police jurisdictions in Oklahoma (Messing et al. 2018). This is a
potentially lethal form of aggression, which can be used, to immobilize and terrorize
the victim. Black strangulation victims reported that the violence was triggered by
the perpetrator’s jealousy or accusations of infidelity, the victim’s attempt to termi-
nate the relationship, or her failure to comply with his demands. Immediate and
lasting fear was the primary reaction to strangulation (Thomas et al. 2014).
Domestic Homicide
Femicide, which is the homicide of women, represents the most extreme manifes-
tation of IPV. Overall, black women were murdered by males at a rate more than
twice as high as white women (2.55 vs. 1.13 per 100,000, respectively). Among
black women (n ¼390) who had been murdered by a known offender, 60% were the
current or former intimate partner of the offender (e.g., girlfriends or common-law,
current, or ex-wives). Most often, black male intimates killed black women with a
firearm during the course of an argument (Violence Policy Center 2019).
Black Women
Victims of
Intimate Partner
Violence
Historical
Trauma
Instititional
Violence
Community
Violence
Structural
Violence
Fig. 2 Black women’s
intimate partner violence in
the context of multiple forms
of violence
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 9

As measured by the Danger Assessment, the risk of lethality has been found to
vary based on ethnic group. When compared to women who were at lower risk of
domestic homicide, African Caribbean women were at high risk of femicide if their
perpetrator was a former boyfriend or if their boyfriend was a gun owner. In contrast,
African American women were at higher risk of domestic homicide if they were
younger, cohabitating with their partner, had a child that was not the biological child
of the abuser, or if the perpetrator was unemployed (Sabri et al. 2014).
Reproductive Coercion
Sexual assault is a common occurrence in the lives of black women across the
lifespan, within the context of physically abusive relationships, and across ethnicity
and sexual orientation. For example, 11.7% of black high school girls reported
sexual dating violence, which was defined as being forced to do sexual things,
including kissing, touching, or forced intercourse (Kann et al. 2016). Based on the
NISVS, approximately one in five black women (22%) had been raped by an
intimate partner during their lifetime (Black et al. 2011). Furthermore, of 426 phys-
ically abused black women, 38.8% (n ¼44 African American and n ¼116 African
Caribbean women) experienced intimate partner forced sex (Draughon et al. 2015)
and 40.5% of bisexual black women had been sexually victimized by a partner
(Alexander et al. 2016).
When compared to women of other racial groups, African American women
reported higher rates of reproductive coercion (RC), which is a specific form of
sexual violence that involves the control of reproductive health (Basile et al. in
press). Reproductive coercion most often occurs in the context of IPV. For example,
in a sample of African American women who were recruited from three women’s
clinics, the odds of experiencing past year RC was 4.7 times higher among women
who experienced past-year IPV (Paterno et al. in press). Likewise, in a Baltimore
community sample, black women who reported lifetime physical or sexual IPV were
more likely to report RC when compared to those without a history of IPV (57.6%
vs. 42.4%, respectively) (Alexander et al. in press).
Reproductive coercion can take various forms. For example, in the NISVS,
among black women who had experienced IPV, 13.7% reported pregnancy coercion,
such as pressuring the woman to become pregnant by preventing her from using
contraceptives or threatening to terminate the relationship if she does not become
pregnant. In addition, 18.5% reported birth control sabotage, which included con-
dom removal or intentionally hiding contraceptive devices to promote pregnancy
(Basile et al. in press). Not surprisingly, RC has been associated with unintended
pregnancies. In a sample of black women who sought services at five family
planning clinics in Northern California, 29% reported pregnancy coercion, 27%
reported birth control sabotage, and 49.9% experienced an unintended pregnancy
(Miller et al. 2010). Once a pregnancy has occurred, RC can take the form of
controlling pregnancy outcomes. The partner may either pressure the woman to
either terminate or continue the pregnancy, in opposition to her desire.
Based on a literature review (Grace and Anderson 2018) and national studies
(e.g., Basile et al. in press), the greatest risk for RC was experienced by the most
10 J. Rice II et al.

marginalized women, such as those who were black, younger than 30 years old,
unmarried, low-income, and had less than a high school education. Also, when
compared to their heterosexual counterparts, male partners more frequently told
bisexual black women not to use birth control (Alexander et al. 2016).
To conclude, black women experience a disproportionate rate of nonfatal stran-
gulation, domestic homicide, and reproductive coercion. However, a review of
Table 1reveals how living at the intersections of multiple forms of oppressions
increases the types of IPV in the lives of the most marginalized groups. For example,
nearly one-third (29%) of black transgender women reported “Identity IPV,”which
took the form of being told that they were not a “real”woman or man, threatened
with being “outed”by having their transgender status revealed to others, or being
prevented from taking their hormones. Equally important, black transgender respon-
dents experienced their IPV in the context of other forms of interpersonal violence,
including high rates of lifetime sexual assault and violence directed toward them by
members of their family of origin (James et al. 2017).
Historical Trauma
During 250 years of slavery, followed by 90 years of de facto and de jure segregation
in the form of Jim Crow laws, and the shameful incompletion of the modern civil
rights movement, one thing has remained constant in the lives of African Americans:
high levels of racially motivated violence and terrorism. This can result in historical
trauma, which has been defined as “the collective spiritual, psychological, emotional
and cognitive distress perpetuated inter-generationally deriving from multiple den-
igrating experiences originating with slavery and continuing with pattern forms of
racism and discrimination to the present day”(Williams-Washington and Mills 2018,
p. 247). Interpersonal violence between family members is one way that the trau-
matizing effects of slavery may continue to manifest within African American
families (St. Vil et al. 2019). Likewise, IPV among Caribbean couples and families
can be traced to pre-independence practices of plantation economies, enslavement,
and colonization (Lacey et al. in press).
This is not to suggest that every destructive act, including the perpetration of IPV,
is the direct result of slavery. Exposure to racism, quality of their social support
system, and knowledge of these historical events can determine how contemporary
African Americans experience historical trauma (Williams-Washington and Mills
2018). Still, slavery and its aftermath have left an indelible mark on the black psyche
and consciousness and have hindered the ability of some African Americans to
develop healthy interpersonal relationships (St. Vil et al. 2019). To illustrate, 66% of
African American women who experienced partner conflict, in conjunction with a
range of lifetime traumas, such as poverty, incarceration, and childhood abuse and
abandonment endorsed the item: “My race has a history of being oppressed, dis-
criminated against, or threatened by genocide”(Hauff et al. 2017). This may indicate
that some black survivors situated their personal trauma within the context of their
race’s historical trauma.
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 11

Table 1 Summary of violence against transgender black Americans in The United States Trans-
gender Survey (USTS) (n ¼796) (James et al. 2017)
A. Interpersonal violence
Intimate Partner
Violence (IPV)
56% of black respondents experienced some form of IPV, including
physical violence and acts of coercive control (intimidation, emotional
and financial harm, and physical harm to others who were important to
respondents).
44% of black transgender respondents had been physically assaulted
by an intimate partner.
76% of black transgender respondents who had worked in the
underground economy experienced intimate partner violence.
29% of black transgender respondents acts of coercive control by an
intimate partner related to their transgender status, including being told
that they were not a “real”woman or man, threatened with being
“outed”by having their transgender status revealed to others, or
prevented them from taking their hormones.
Sexual assault 53% of black transgender respondents have been sexually assaulted at
some point in their lifetimes.
13% of black transgender people had been sexually assaulted in the
past year.
33% of black transgender women who had worked in the underground
economy (sex work, drug sales, other criminalized activities) had been
sexually assaulted in the past year.
Violence in the family
of origin
12% of black transgender respondents reported that an immediate
family had been violent toward them.
47% of black transgender respondents experienced at least one form of
family rejection.
B. Structural violence
Poverty 38% of black transgender respondents were living in poverty
compared to 24% of black people in the US population.
Unemployment 20% of black transgender respondents were unemployed twice the rate
(10%) among black people in the US population.
Sex work/underground
economy
28% of black transgender respondents have participated in the
underground economy for income at some point in their lives,
including sex work, drug sales, and other currently criminalized work.
27% of black transgender respondents participated in sex work for
money, food, a place to sleep, or other goods.
Homelessness 42% of black transgender respondents have experienced homelessness
at some point in their lives and 22% experienced homelessness in the
past year because of being transgender.
C. Institutional violence
Medical system 34% of black respondents who saw a health care provider in the past
year reported having at least one negative experience related to being
transgender, such as being refused treatment, being verbally harassed,
and being physically or sexually assaulted.
26% of respondents did not see a doctor when they needed because of
fear of being mistreated as a transgender person.
(continued)
12 J. Rice II et al.

Structural Violence
Historical trauma and violence have set the stage for contemporary social structural
inequalities and structural violence, which “...includes the U.S. history of racism,
sexism, and heterosexism. All incidences of gender violence, homophobic violence,
and racialized violence can be understood as examples of structural violence...”
(Fitzgerald 2017, p. 59). Structural violence is often insidious and sometimes
invisible; yet, it is profoundly damaging because it creates limitations that society
places on the most marginalized groups of people, which then constrains them from
meeting their basic needs and achieving the quality of life that would otherwise have
been possible. Next we will discuss how structural violence, such as racial discrim-
ination, concentrated neighborhood disadvantage, and homelessness, often
co-occurs and converges to exacerbate IPV in the lives of black women.
Racial Discrimination
Higher rates of relationship abuse have been associated with being a victim of racial
discrimination, which has been measured by being unfairly stopped and frisked by
police, followed by store clerks, called insulting names, or physically attacked
because of skin color/race. For example, among rural, low-income heterosexual
African American couples, women committed more physical aggression if they
experienced racial discrimination; whereas, men reported more relationship instability
Table 1 (continued)
Police/law enforcement Black transgender respondents reported the following violence
perpetrated by police officers: Verbal harassment (22%), physical
attack (12%), or sexual assault (6%).
Education system Black respondents who were out or perceived as transgender at some
point between Kindergarten and Grade 12 (K-12) were verbally
harassed (51%), physically attacked (28%), or sexually assaulted
(19%) because of their gender identity.
22% of black transgender respondents faced severe mistreatment that
they left K-12 school, and 10% were expelled from school.
Prison Among black transgender respondents who had been incarcerated in
the past year, 40% were physically assaulted and 29% were sexually
assaulted by staff or other inmates.
Faith community 24% of black transgender respondents had left a faith community
because they were rejected as a transgender person.
Employment Black transgender respondents had been verbally harassed (14%) and
sexually assaulted (2%) in the workplace because they were
transgender.
Public
accommodations
Among black transgender respondents, 16% were denied equal
treatment or service, 28% were verbally harassed, and 2% were
physically attacked in the past year when using public
accommodations (e.g., retail stores, hotels, and government officers)
because they were transgender.
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 13

and committed higher levels of psychological aggression if they experienced higher
levels of racial discrimination (Lavner et al. 2018).
Furthermore, intersecting identities increased the risk of dating violence. Black
and Latino teenagers were 2.5 times more likely to report experiencing the highest
frequency of dating violence if they experienced both racial and gender discrimina-
tion (Roberts et al. 2018, p. 258). Cross-sectional research is unable to establish a
temporal sequence of discrimination and IPV; therefore, it cannot be concluded that
racial discrimination causes IPV victimization or perpetration. Still, future
researchers should use longitudinal, prospective data to unravel the ways that racial
discrimination contributes to the elevated risk of IPV among black Americans
(Sutton et al. in press).
Concentrated Neighborhood Disadvantage
This form of structural violence has been assessed by the percentage of residents
who lived below the poverty line or received public assistance, unemployment rates,
and numbers of vacant homes. Regardless of the measure used or the population that
was surveyed, couples who lived in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods reported
the highest rates of IPV (Pinchevsky and Wright 2012). Accordingly in the NCLS,
nearly half (47%) of the black couples in the sample resided in impoverished
neighborhoods, and those residents were at a threefold risk for male-to-female
partner violence (MFPV) and twofold increase for female-to-male partner violence
(FMPV) compared to black couples who did not reside in poor areas (Cunradi et al.
2000). Thus, it appears that individual economic distress in the form of low house-
hold income and residence in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods works in
tandem to increase women’s risk for inflicting and sustaining IPV.
Homelessness
The lack of affordable housing and a long history of racial segregation are forms of
structural violence that are exacerbated by nuisance property laws. Domestic
violence-related nuisance property citations were disproportionately issued in
black neighborhoods and in 83% of these citations; often at the request of the police,
landlords either evicted or threatened to evict the tenant if she continued to call
911 (Desmond and Valdez 2012).
Using in-depth semistructured interviews with 27 low-income African American
battered women in St. Louis, Arnold (2019) discovered numerous, dire conse-
quences for severely victimized women who had been impacted by nuisance prop-
erty laws. Women lost their personal possessions as a result of evictions, and some
lost their jobs. Many became homeless and had to go to shelters, seek temporary
refuge in the homes of friends or family members, or were forced into even more
dangerous living situations, such as living in cars or boarding houses. As a result,
many were separated from their children during this period of unstable housing.
With a nuisance eviction, future landlords were unwilling to rent to them and their
eligibility for low-income housing or Section 8 certification was denied. In addition
to creating an unstable living situation, the order of protection was rendered useless
14 J. Rice II et al.

by the nuisance law when the survivor was unable to call the police to have it
enforced. As a result, many abusers became increasingly violent.
To conclude, the most marginalized individuals experienced IPV in the context of
structural violence. Consider the rates of structural violence among black transgen-
der women in the USTS: 38% lived in poverty, 20% were unemployed, and 22% had
experienced homelessness in the past year (James et al. 2017) (see Table 1, section
“Structural Violence”).
Institutional Violence
When marginalized individuals seek services from formal agencies, they may
encounter institutional violence (Fitzgerald 2017). For example, black women may
experience discriminatory police treatment in the form of having their IPV and
sexual assault minimized or encountering police officers who have victim blaming
attitudes (Decker et al. 2019). Alternatively, institutional violence may be less overt;
yet, still psychologically damaging as in the case of residents and staff members who
have used microaggressions, which are subtle racial invalidations or insults against
black women who sought services from domestic violence shelters (Nnawulezi and
Sullivan 2014).
Similar to structural violence, the most marginalized individuals experienced
multiple forms of institutional violence. A review of Table 1(section “Institutional
Violence”) reveals that black transgender women experienced IPV in the context of
mistreatment and violence by service providers in the medical, legal, and educational
systems, among others. Even faith communities and public accommodations were
unsafe and unwelcoming places for black transgender women (James et al. 2017).
Community Violence
Black Americans are disproportionately impacted by community violence, which
may involve experiencing or witnessing homicide, gun violence, assaults, robberies,
or exposure to drug markets (Violence Policy Center 2017). Exposure to community
violence in any role (witness, victim, or perpetrator) has been associated with higher
rates of intimate partner abuse. For example, community violence was correlated
with emotional dating victimization among young black urban women (Stueve and
O’Donnell 2008). Low-income black men were more likely to batter their girlfriends
if they had been involved in street violence, had a history of gang involvement, or
perceived that there was a “great deal”of violence in their neighborhood (Reed et al.
2009). Finally, black middle school and high school students who experienced
higher rates of community violence both inflicted and sustained more acts of dating
violence (Black et al. 2014).
To conclude, black women experience a range of different types of partner
violence (e.g., nonfatal strangulation, femicide, and reproductive coercion) in the
context of historical trauma (e.g., slavery), structural violence (e.g., racial
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 15

discrimination, concentrated neighborhood disadvantage, and homelessness), insti-
tutional violence, and community violence (see Fig. 2). We can best see the
convergence of many of these forms of violence in the lives of the most marginalized
individuals, such as transgender black women (see Table 1).
Multiple Vulnerabilities
Black women are at risk for multiple vulnerabilities in the form of physical and
mental health problems because they live at the intersection of multiple intersecting
identities and experience disproportionate rates of some types of IPV in the context
of institutional and structural violence. Below we will first discuss the links between
IPV and the increased rates of physical injury, lifetime physical health problems, and
sexually transmitted infections. Next, we will discuss the associations between
partner violence and post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), depression, and sub-
stance use/abuse.
Physical Health Problems
Physical Injury
Battered black women reported a greater frequency of injuries. In the National
Violence Against Women Survey, 22% of black women had sustained an injury as
a result of IPV (Cheng and Lo 2015). When compared to nonabused women, African
Caribbean and African American victims of recent partner violence more frequently
reported all injury outcomes under investigation, including broken bones and
bruises, injuries that required surgery and stitches, and facial injuries, such as
black eyes, bloody nose, dental injuries, and head injuries with a loss of conscious-
ness or damage to the ear or jaw (Anderson et al. 2015). Equally as serious, a
growing body of literature has linked IPV to probable traumatic brain injury (TBI),
which is a disruption of the brain’s normal functioning. Among black battered
women, probable TBI, which has been defined as becoming unconscious from a
blow to the head and/or becoming unconscious from strangulation, has been asso-
ciated with greater odds of various other forms of physical injuries, including those
that required medical care, (Cimino et al. 2019) and central nervous system symp-
toms (headaches, memory loss, blacking out, dizzy spells, seizures, vision and
hearing problems, and difficulty in concentrating) (Campbell et al. 2018).
Physical Health Problems
In terms of intersectionality, the overall health status of older, urban residing African
American women was worse than the national average, and those who reported a
high lifetime family violence exposure reported even worse health status than their
nonabused peers (Paranjape et al. 2009). When compared to their nonabused
counterparts, Caribbean black women who had experienced severe IPV reported a
higher lifetime prevalence of arthritis, liver problems, and kidney problems.
16 J. Rice II et al.

However, these data were cross-sectional; therefore, researchers cannot conclude
that IPV caused these health problems (Lacey and Mouzon 2016).
Sexually Transmitted Infections
Black women who experienced relationship abuse are at increased risk for sexually
transmitted infections (STIs) and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/Acquired
immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) infection (for a review see Sharps et al. in
press). For instance, in a sample of women who were surveyed in an emergency
department, when compared to HIV negative black women, those who were living
with HIV were five times more likely to suffer IPV (Mathew et al. 2013). Once black
women became HIV positive, past year psychological, physical, and sexual partner
victimization was associated with compromised immune functioning, such as having
a CD4 count lesser than 200 and having a detectable viral load (Anderson et al.
2018).
In terms of intersectionality, HIV risk factors differed based on ethnicity. Among
African Caribbean women who were victims of both physical and sexual IPV, HIV
risk factors included having three or more past-year sex partners, having casual sex
partners, and having concurrent sex partners. In contrast, exchanging sex for money
and having an abusive partner who had concurrent sex partners were HIV risk factors
among physically and sexually abused African American women (Draughon et al.
2015; Stockman et al. 2013).
Mental Health Problems
Before discussing the association between IPV and mental health problems, it is
important to pause and offer several caveats. First, much of the research in this area is
cross-sectional; therefore, it cannot be concluded that survivors’mental health
problems were caused solely by IPV. Historical and institutional violence (Jackson
et al. 2018), community violence (Violence Policy Center 2017), and structural
violence, in the form of poverty and residence in disadvantaged neighborhoods
(Mugoya et al. 2020), have all been shown to contribute to mental health problems
among black women.
Second, intersectional identities can influence the types of mental health problems
that are experienced. For example, African American survivors of severe IPV
reported higher rates of lifetime dysthymia, alcohol dependence, drug abuse, and
poor perceived health; and Caribbean black women reported higher lifetime rates of
binge eating disorder (Lacey et al. 2015). In addition, the mental health problems
associated with severe IPV have been found to vary among black Caribbean women
based on generational status (Lacey and Mouzon 2016). With these caveats in mind,
next we will review the research on PTSD, depression, and substance abuse.
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder
Various forms of IPV have been linked to elevated rates of PSTD among Black
women. For example, in a national study the odds of lifetime PTSD were three times
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 17

greater among black women who had experienced severe IPV when compared to
their nonabused counterparts (Lacey et al. 2015) and in a clinic-based study black
women who reported potentially lethal forms of partner violence reported more
PTSD symptoms than those who had not experienced life-threatening forms of IPV
(Sabri et al. 2014). Battered black women with traumatic brain injury scored an
average of 7.76 points higher on a PTSD scale when compared to abused black
women who did not report a probable TBI (Cimino et al. 2019). Finally, in a
Baltimore sample, black women who reported reproductive coercion reported higher
rates of PTSD when compared to those who did not experience this form of abuse
(45.1% vs. 18.8%, respectively) (Alexander et al. in press).
In terms of intersectionality, bisexual black women, when compared to their
heterosexual counterparts, reported more PTSD, which the researchers attributed
to their higher rates of IPV and marginalized status (Alexander et al. 2016). When
compared to their nonvictimized counterparts, severely victimized Caribbean black
women reported higher lifetime rates of PTSD (5.7% vs. 28.9%, respectively)
(Lacey and Mouzon 2016). In the case of lethal violence, which often involved
gun-owning perpetrators, researchers speculated: “When these circumstances are
coupled with island environment with limited options for escaping an abusive
situation and gaining security and safety, prolonged trauma experiences may help
explain PTSD symptoms among black women in the USVI”(Sabri et al. 2014,
p. 736).
Depression
Various forms of IPV have been linked to elevated rates of depression among black
women. In the NSAL, the odds of lifetime major depressive disorder was 2.7 times
greater among black women who had experienced severe IPV when compared to
their nonvictimized counterparts (Lacey et al. 2015). Moreover, when compared to
their nonvictimized counterparts, severely victimized Caribbean black women
reported higher lifetime rates of major depressive episodes (13.5% vs. 28.5%,
respectively) (Lacey and Mouzon 2016). Approximately twice as many black
women who reported reproductive coercion, when compared to those who did not
report this type of victimization, experienced symptoms that were indicative of
depression (69% vs. 35%, respectively). Likewise, black women who experienced
pregnancy coercion in the past 3 months were twice as likely to report symptoms that
were consistent with depression than those who had not experienced pregnancy
coercion (Capasso et al. 2019).
In general, multiple marginalized black women reported the highest rates of
depression. For example, black transgender women who reported past-year IPV
experienced a 36% increased likelihood of reporting higher depressive symptoms
(Bukowski et al. 2019). The combination of severe IPV and poverty has been
associated with greater rates of depression among African American women who
lived in impoverished, urban communities (Mugoya et al. 2020). Finally, each of the
following risk factors was associated with greater depressive symptoms: past-year
IPV, HIV-positive status, drug use (cocaine and heroin), and low levels of social
support. When all of the aforementioned risk factors co-occurred, black women were
18 J. Rice II et al.

six times more likely to experience depression than when the risk factors occurred
individually (Illangasekare et al. 2013).
Substance Use/Abuse
There is substantial evidence that alcohol-related social problems (e.g., job loss,
legal problems) and greater male and female alcohol consumption were especially
strong predictors of IPV among African American couples, independent of who in
the couple reported the problem (for review see West 2019). In addition, researchers
have consistently found associations between IPV and heightened risk of various
substance use disorders. Specifically, black victims of severe IPV were 4.9 times
more likely to report alcohol abuse, 5.1 times more likely to report alcohol depen-
dence, 4.2 times more likely to report drug abuse, and 6.6 times more likely to report
drug dependence than their nonabused counterparts (Lacey et al. 2015). When
compared to their nonvictimized counterparts, severely victimized Caribbean black
women reported higher lifetime rates of alcohol abuse (1.8% vs. 5.5%, respectively)
and drug dependence (0.7% vs. 3.7%, respectively) (Lacey and Mouzon 2016).
To conclude, relationship violence has been shown to have a profound impact on
the physical health and well-being of black women and has been associated with
elevated rates of injuries and a range of physical health problems, including sexually
transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. Among black women severe physical IPV was
associated with a range of negative mental health conditions, such as PTSD,
depression, and substance use and abuse (Lacey et al. 2015). Although these
disorders were discussed separately, mental health problems often co-occur. For
example, black women who experienced potentially lethal IPV (Sabri et al. 2013)
and traumatic brain injury (Cimino et al. 2019) reported comorbid PTSD and
depressive symptoms.
Culturally Specific Practices
Depending on the situation and circumstances, black women who experience mul-
tiple forms of oppression need evidence-based interventions that meet their multiple
and complex needs. For example, intervention components must include culturally
specific, empowerment based strategies. Furthermore, individualized intervention
plans should address concrete needs, such as housing and job training, linkages to
community resources, skill building to cope with trauma and other life stressors, and
education about multiple health risks associated with violence (e.g., HIV/STI,
PTSD) (Sabri and Gielen 2019).
Strategies, services, and interventions must be developed in a manner that
considers language, values, culture beliefs, and history that are central to the victim’s
identity (West 2018). Mainstream domestic violence organizations should routinely
assess victim satisfaction with all services that are provided and remedy the concerns
of and critiques by black women when services do not meet their needs. Mainstream
programs must also be willing to incorporate culturally specific approaches to
support black victims and survivors by knowing the available resources in the
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 19

community and establishing meaningful partnerships for collaboration and referrals.
Programs and services that respect black women’s culture, foster trust, and show
support and sensitivity are essential components to a holistic approach to meeting the
needs of survivors through culturally informed responses (Gillum 2009). Below are
several programs that provide a cultural framework for intervention and treatment
with black survivors of IPV.
The Asha Project/Asha Family Services: Milwaukee, Wisconsin
At its inception, The Asha Project/Asha Family Services was the first culturally
based domestic violence program in the USA for black women survivors of domestic
violence and sexual assault (for a review of the benefits of this program see Gillum
2008). At its inception, cultural awareness and inclusiveness were core values
demonstrated by its founders, such as hiring staff from the community who had
similar experiences to the service population. Basic tenets of the service delivery
model are education and awareness centered on domestic violence and sexual
assault, consideration of the full life context of participants, and an organizational
culture that values respectful interactions.
The program provides outreach and targeted services based on a continuum of
care that encompasses intensive case management to a range of at risk and vulner-
able individuals, including victims of domestic violence and sexual assault, individ-
uals coping with substance use disorders, the formerly incarcerated, families who
have experienced violence and trauma, pregnant women, and those living with
HIV/AIDS. Activities such as sister circles empower women and allow them to
inform their healing collectively. In addition, partnership and collaboration with
justice agencies, faith-based entities, and community providers are central to their
work. What is significant about this program is that engagement of the offender in
service provision efforts to foster positive change. Specifically, the program works
with male offenders in jails/prisons and in the community to hold men accountable
for their use of emotional and physical violence. Abuser intervention services for
men of color are deemed vital to maintain accountability and create room for healing
(Gillum 2008).
The Grady Nia Project in Atlanta, Georgia
The Grady Nia Project is a culturally competent intervention program that was
designed for low-income, abused, and suicidal African American women that is
affiliated with Grady Health System, a large, level 1 trauma, university, public, and
urban health care system that has served the city’s poorest residents for more than
100 years. Delivered by therapists (one African American and one non-African
American) in an outpatient setting, The Grady Nia Project is a ten-session, group-
format intervention that incorporates constructs from Afrocentric theory and black
feminism. For example, the name of the program, Nia, refers to the fifth day of
20 J. Rice II et al.

Kwanzaa, an annual celebration of African-American culture held from December
26 to January 1. Nia or “purpose,”which focuses on building and developing the
black community in order to restore its people to their traditional greatness. In
addition, the program uses African proverbs, highlights the African American
heroines and role models, and emphasizes culturally relevant coping strategies,
such as spirituality. Group therapy promotes interpersonal connectedness and
helps victims develop problem solving approaches. The program is strength-based
and promotes protective strategies that are salient to African American women:
hopefulness, social support, obtaining material resources, such as housing, and
reducing suicidal ideation (Davis et al. 2009).
Culturally Based Resources
At the conclusion of this chapter in the Culturally Based Resources section is a web
link to the aforementioned program, Asha Family Services, and to Amani Commu-
nity Services, another reputable program. There is also a list of technical assistance
providers that support black women who are survivors of IPV. For instance, The
National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community/Ujima
(in which authors are affiliated) aims to mobilize the communities’response to
address IPV and sexual violence in the black community through impactful research,
training, and resource cultivation and dissemination. Lastly, additional resources are
highlighted that contribute to the reader’s broader understanding of intersectionality
and capacity-building based on culturally specific programming.
Key Points
1. Black women experience multiple forms of victimization and oppression that are
historic (i.e., slavery) and systematic (i.e., racism). Such victimization and
oppression render them invisible and reinforce their marginal status. The issues
presented in this chapter reflect deep rooted and ongoing challenges which exist
for native-born black women, foreign-born African Immigrant, and black Carib-
bean women in the USA respectively that warrant amplification.
2. IPV among black women who experience multiple vulnerabilities, victimizations,
and oppressions needs to be further investigated. More specifically, attention
should be brought to black women who experience mental or physical health
challenges, are drug-involved, and connected to the criminal legal system (Richie
2012). The nuances among the diverse groups of black women should not be
minimized or overlooked.
3. Community-based outreach and activities (e.g., needs assessments) that assist in
determining the prevalence of IPV need to be undertaken. Community-based
needs assessment may uncover domestic violence within these marginalized
groups that goes unreported and is not reflected in the traditional criminal justice
sources (e.g., arrest data). Community black women victims may refuse to report
violence to authorities for fear of retaliation, isolation, racial loyalty, and other
factors.
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 21

4. Practitioners must be proactive in engaging black women on a community level
and provide options and resources that are strength-based.
5. Recognition of intersectionality is vital in supporting black women victims and
survivors. A one-size-fits-all approach to supporting black women at the margins
can be harmful. Failure to understand the lived experience of black native born,
black Caribbean, and African Immigrant women who are subjected to intimate
partner violence will limit practitioner opportunities to develop trust and foster
meaningful engagement. Black women are not a monolithic group and are
confronted with a range of aggressions and microaggressions that must be
understood.
6. Programs that are intentional in acknowledging the various types and forms of
abuse and violence that are community driven, structural, and institutional in
nature are important and much needed. Challenges such as acculturation, bias,
and white supremacy reflect the role of systems in contributing to multiple forms
of oppression. The consideration of programs and practices, and interventions
that are culturally based and address structural and institutional violence afford
black women a voice and demonstrate a victim-centered approach that is relevant
and connected to their lived experience.
Conclusion
In conclusion, in order to better understand intimate partner violence in the lives of
black women, it is imperative that we consider their multiple intersecting identities.
Multiple marginalized groups often accrue a higher burden of disadvantage due to
living at the intersection of multiple oppressed identities and as a result experience
correspondingly worse physical and mental health outcomes.
At the same time, black women survivors are remarkably, resilient, active help
seekers who utilize protective factors that serve to buffer some of the deleterious
physical and mental health consequences that are associated with IPV, historical, and
structural violence (Bostwick et al. 2019; Jackson et al. 2018). For example, African
American and African Caribbean survivors verbally confronted their abusive part-
ners and used physical force in self-defense. They also drew on their internal sources
of strength, self-reliance, and a deep belief in their own abilities to terminate the
relationship (Sabri et al. 2016). Likewise, African immigrant women coped by
relying on their own sense of self-efficacy or internal strength. To illustrate, they
focused their attention on excelling in school or work and focused on the future,
including raising resilient children (West 2016). Finally, when abused African
American women had a sense that their lives had meaning and purpose, it positively
impacted their psychological well-being (Fischer et al. 2016). Therefore, it is
important to acknowledge that “intersectional identities allow for the possibility
that multiply marginalized groups may experience unique advantages (not just
disadvantages) vis-à-vis their social identities”(Bostwick et al. 2019, p. 138).
22 J. Rice II et al.

Culturally Based Resources
The following resources are provided to complement the information provided. It is
envisioned that the information and resources shared will be beneficial to readers and
shared within their respective networks:
Recommended Culturally Based Programs
•Amani Community Services
https://www.amani-cs.org/about/
•Asha Family Services
https://www.ashafamilyservices.org
Recommended Technical Assistance Providers
•The Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American Community
http://idvaac.org/
•The National Black Women’s Justice Institute (NBWJI)
https://www.nbwji.org/
•The National Center on Violence Against Women in the Black Community/Ujima
https://ujimacommunity.org/mission/
•The Women of Color Network (WOCN)
http://wocninc.org/
•Casa de Esperanza
https://casadeesperanza.org/
Additional Resources Recommended
•Developing Culturally Relevant Response to Domestic Abuse: Asha Family
Services, Inc.
https://vawnet.org/sites/default/files/materials/files/2016-09/NRCDV_Asha.pdf
•Learning Network: Intersectionality
www.vawlearningnetwork.ca/our-work/issuebased_newsletters/issue-15/index.html
•Vera Institute of Justice –Cultivating Evaluation Capacity: A Guide for Programs
Addressing Sexual and Domestic Violence
https://www.vera.org/publications/cultivating-evaluation-capacity-a-guide-for-
programs-addressing-sexual-and-domestic-violence
The Intersectionality of Intimate Partner Violence in the Black Community 23

Cross-References
▶#MeToo Movement
▶Barriers to Leaving an Abusive Relationship
▶Correlations Among Childhood Abuse and Family Violence, Prevention, Assess-
ment and Treatment from a Trauma-Focused Perspective
▶How Domestic Violence Impacts Immigrant Victims
▶Overview of Intersectionality and Intimate Partner Violence
▶Race and Culture
▶Stigma and Intimate Partner Violence Victimization
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