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THE PROMISE OF MIGRATION
A Companion to the International
Metropolis Conference 2019
Ottawa, Canada
Editor:
Harald Bauder
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© Harald Bauder, Dept. of Geography, Ryerson University, Toronto
ISBN: 978-1-77417-000-7
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Table of contents
Part 1: The Settlement Sector ............................................................................................................ 1
1. Immigrant Artists: Reframing Vocation and Vision ........................................................................ 1
2. Responding to the Settlement Needs of Newcomers: Community Organizations in the
Greater Toronto Area, Canada ..................................................................................................... 9
3. The Third Sector, Settlement, and Social Inclusion in Canada and Germany..............................18
Part 2: Policy and New Policy Directions ....................................................................................... 27
4. Building Relationship between Newcomers and Indigenous Peoples ..........................................27
5. Private and Government Sponsorship in the Resettlement Experiences of Chinese-
Vietnamese Refugees in Canada ................................................................................................35
6. The Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program: A Gender-Based Analysis ......................................43
Part 3: Identity & Integration ............................................................................................................ 52
7. Can I Integrate with this Veil? Examining Cultural and Social Integration through
Voices of Veiling Muslim Women in Canada................................................................................52
8. Being Canadian and Ahmadi Muslim: Exploring Identity Formation of Young Women ................60
9. Afros, Activism, and Affinity: The Politicization of Natural Black Hair, Racism, and
Sense of Belonging in Multicultural Greater Toronto Area ...........................................................67
Part 4: Inter- and Transnational Perspectives ................................................................................ 75
10. The Transnational Experiences of Canadian Snowbirds in Mexico .............................................75
11. Defying Classification: The Migration of Unaccompanied Children from the Northern
Triangle of Central America .........................................................................................................83
12. Framing Migration Crises: A Comparative Analysis of Media Texts on the Venezuelan
Collapse .......................................................................................................................................91
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Introduction
Harald Bauder & Enrico del Castello
Migration is shaping societies around the world. It has long defined settler countries, such as
Canada; it is affecting communities of departure and return, ranging from the Azores to
Zimbabwe; and it is increasingly impacting countries that have traditionally not considered
themselves as major immigrant destinations, like many European countries. Meanwhile,
individual migrants and their families experience departure, migration, and arrival differently
than the communities shaped by them. From both societal and individual perspectives, we can
ask whether migration accomplishes what it promises to achieve. Does migration contribute to
the economic, social, and cultural well-being of societies? Do migrants and their families find a
pathway to security, achieve social and economic upward mobility, and gain opportunities to
participate in the political and cultural life of their arrival communities? The Promise of
Migration addresses these questions through a critical lens.
This compendium was specifically developed as a companion to the International Metropolis
Conference 2019—held in Ottawa and Gatineau, Canada, from June 24 to 28, 2019 and
organized in collaboration with Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). The
International Metropolis Project is an international forum for bridging research, policy, and
practice on migration, integration, and diversity—and the International Metropolis Conference is
the largest annual meeting of experts representing academia, government, and civil society in
these fields.
This year, the International Metropolis Conference returns to Canada after 14 years. Since its
inception in 1996, Canada has been very active in the annual Conference, which is an essential
forum for promoting international knowledge-sharing among stakeholders and providing an
opportunity for interactions between representatives from all levels of government, the
settlement sector, business and non-governmental organizations, as well as university-based
researchers and students. Delegates from around the world will gather together to discuss issues
related to migration, contributing to the diversity of ideas through plenaries, workshops, and
many other initiatives spearheaded during the International Metropolis Conference.
In this spirit of collaboration, IRCC and the Graduate Program in Immigration and Settlement
Studies (ISS) at Ryerson University in Toronto, Canada, have worked in partnership to produce
The Promise of Migration. IRCC and ISS have a history of successful collaboration. Over the
last 15 years, many ISS students have gained valuable experience in internships and placements
at IRCC. In 2017-2018, the two institutions developed and piloted a student paper challenge that
served as model of a National Essay Challenge launched in 2018 to promote innovative, policy-
relevant graduate student research.
ISS was launched in September 2004 at Ryerson University in Toronto as Canada’s first Master
of Arts program devoted to the advanced study of migration-related policies, services, and
experiences. A defining feature of ISS is that it closely connects education with cutting-edge
research conducted by more than fifty affiliated Ryerson faculty members and the Ryerson
Centre for Immigration and Settlement. These faculty members and students represent a wide
variety of interdisciplinary academic interests and backgrounds, contributing a breadth of
perspectives, experiences, and research opportunities. ISS prepares students not only for
academic and research-related careers but also for professional employment in government, the
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immigrant and settlement service sector, and private industries seeking to attract immigrant
talent and acquire best practices related to diversity—as well as encouraging and supporting
students in their pursuit of grassroots activism.
These two core features of ISS—academic excellence and practical relevance—provide the
context for The Promise of Migration. This compendium to the Conference is intended to
promote students’ work in the wider field of migration and, most importantly, to foster the
participation of graduate students who bring their own perspective to the International
Metropolis Conference in Canada. Students are tomorrow’s leaders and their ideas and
perspectives will shape the future of newcomer inclusion, economic opportunity harnessed from
migration, and corresponding global cooperation. Ultimately, their ideas and perspectives will
help migrants and societies to achieve the most from the promise of migration.
All chapters were co-written by recent graduates of ISS (who are listed as first authors) and their
faculty supervisors (second authors). The chapters are based on the students’ Major Research
Papers (MRPs). The instruction given to participating students and supervisors was to make the
text accessible to a variety of audiences, including academics, policy makers, and civic leaders.
The contributors were encouraged to discuss the policy relevance of their research, include
policy recommendations, and avoid academic jargon. Readers who are interested in further
details can access the full MRPs free of charge through Ryerson University, where we keep the
remarkable collection of every MRP written by ISS graduates since 2005.
The twelve chapters of this compendium are organized into four parts, each containing three
chapters. Part 1 addresses issues related to the ‘settlement sector,’ which is a particularly
Canadian term that refers to structures and organizations that deliver services to newcomers,
ranging from immediate assistance at arrival and adapting in a new environment, to language
training and career development. Part 2 deals with policy and innovative policy directions—in
particular, in relation to settlement policies and immigrant selection programs in Canada. Part 3
focuses on identity and the roles of religion and practices of racialization on processes of
‘integration.’ Finally, Part 4 discusses international and transnational perspectives that link
Canada to other parts of the world.
DISCLAIMER
Contributions to this publication were written in the spirit of critical reflection, independent
thought, and academic freedom. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International
Metropolis Conference, the International Metropolis Project, IRCC, or ISS.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Partial funding for this e-publication was provided by IRCC. We thank Ted Killin and Sharyne
Williams for copyediting the text.
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Part 1: The Settlement Sector
1. Immigrant Artists: Reframing Vocation and Vision
Eva Hellreich & Myer Siemiatycki
Abstract
Despite Canada’s rich cultural and creative landscape, little research has been done to examine
the experiences of immigrant artists. As Canada’s urban areas continue to experience population
growth largely fueled by immigration, the majority of research on immigrant integration uses
quantitative data to analyze the economic integration of economic migrants and refugees.
However, the experiences of immigrants working in the creative sector are not captured by this
data. This chapter has two purposes: 1) to give a platform for the immigrant artists interviewed
for this study to share their experiences integrating into Canada’s creative economy, and 2) to
explore how experiences of migration, identity shifts, and acculturation are reflected in
immigrant art—through a frontline, face-to-face method that quantitative data alone cannot
capture.
Keywords: immigrant artists; creative economy; storytelling; integration
Introduction
The City of Toronto is Canada’s largest and most diverse city racially, linguistically, and
religiously—internationally known for the cultural makeup which contributes to its vibrant
character. According to the 2016 census, 51.25% of the City of Toronto’s residents identify as a
visible minority (Statistics Canada, 2016). The diverse makeup of Toronto’s residents is reflected
in the wide range of cuisines, religious institutions, cultural events, celebrations, and art available
in Toronto. Such cultural and creative amenities contribute to Toronto being an appealing and
viable option for immigrants looking to resettle. As Canada’s population continues to evolve
alongside immigration patterns, it is important to determine the barriers that immigrant artists
face and how they are being overcome—which will help federal and provincial governments, as
well as service providers, to grasp a deeper understanding of how immigration impacts Canada’s
creative economy.
A significant amount of Canadian-based migration research seeks to understand settlement
patterns and issues by using an economic lens to assess integration into the Canadian labour
market and economy. As such, much immigration research is conducted quantitatively through
national surveys, polls, and assessments of household income. This approach has undoubtedly
contributed to a valuable body of research which helps identify and respond to systemic
inequalities which immigrants confront. However, little research exists on how immigration
influences immigrant artists and the work they produce, or the barriers that immigrant artists face
when attempting to live as working professional artists after migrating. This chapter examines
the experiences of immigrant working-professional artists living in Toronto through a case study
supported by a brief literature review, concluding with research findings and policy suggestions.
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While historically associated with fiction and entertainment, storytelling has recently been
incorporated into various disciplines. As a research tool, storytelling has “taken on new
prominence in psychology, philosophy, semiotics, folklore studies, anthropology, political
science, sociology, history, and legal studies” (Davis, 2002, p.3). This is in part due to an
increasing awareness of the importance of acknowledging ‘subject agency’ through recognizing
the subjectivity of the human experience. In the book Stories of Change: Narrative and Social
Movements (2002), Davis argues that stories not only have the capacity to shed light on the ‘plot’
and ‘characters’ of the stories themselves, but can also offer insight into the context in which the
story is reproduced for an audience. How societies tell and honour stories holds a mirror to the
society engaged in the particular research at hand, as it illuminates who is invited to participate
in storytelling, and how social inclusion is navigated by marginalized groups (Razack, 1993).
Immigrant artists are a marginalized group who have a particularly close tie to using storytelling
for social change and reflection. Yet despite immigrant artists’ use of creative mediums as a form
of political participation, identity exploration, and financial means, little research has been done
on immigrant professional artists in Canada. The lack of research on the intersection of migration
and Canada’s creative economy has resulted in minimal policies or services being created to
support the professional and personal integration of immigrant artists into the Canadian creative
economy and broader society. The following section outlines immigration pathways which
immigrant artists can use to enter Canada.
Immigration Admissions Policy
There are three (legal) immigration streams which prospective migrants can use to obtain
Permanent Residency (PR) and citizenship in Canada: Refugees, Family Class, and Economic
Class. Typical pathways to permanent residency and citizenship for immigrant artists under the
Economic Class include immigrating as a Self-Employed Person – Cultural Worker, under the
condition that they “intend and are able to make a significant contribution to the cultural life of
Canada” (Government of Canada, 2018). A ‘significant contribution’ may refer to financial
contributions from creative work, or general creative contributions to Canadian culture in a broad
sense.
Support Programs for Immigrant Artists in Toronto
Toronto is home to a small handful of non-profit organizations that support immigrant artists’
professional and personal development. In addition to settlement support organizations available
to immigrants, Toronto has three organizations which specifically cater to the professional needs
of immigrant artists: Neighbourhood Arts Network (NAN), Airsa, and Paralia.
NAN is a non-profit initiative of the Toronto Arts Foundation founded in 2010, and was partially
created to recognize and service the unique needs and barriers that immigrant artists face when
entering the Canadian creative economy through engaging with community art from a front-line
approach. One component of NAN’s programming and mandate includes helping immigrant
artists personally and professionally settle in Toronto. NAN provides various award programs,
mentorship opportunities, and complimentary workshops that give information pertaining to
navigating the creative sector and how to leverage creative opportunities and networking in a
Canadian context. NAN also offers complimentary translation and accessibility-support services.
Airsa Art & Thought Association is a relatively young Toronto-based non-profit art organization
that was officially registered in December 2015. Airsa’s mandate is to “support internationally
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educated artists who are new to Canada through training, events, and community art initiatives to
create a context for them to thrive and adapt to the new society, Toronto” (Airsa, n.d.). The
founder and director of Airsa is a visual artist who migrated to Toronto in 2013 and initially
received funding from NAN. During our interview they noted that when they had recently
arrived in Toronto, they felt overwhelmed by the lack of support for immigrant artists. Once they
obtained some funding and networked in Toronto, they opened Airsa to help fill this gap.
Currently, Airsa hosts and facilitates workshops on a variety of subtopics relative to entering the
creative economy as a newcomer, as well as networking sessions and assisting newcomer artists
with accessing studio space and other relevant needs.
Paralia Newcomer Arts Network is a non-profit “collective that supports and promotes
newcomer artists in Toronto and the Greater Toronto Area as well as provides resources and
information on current opportunities” (PNAN, n.d.). They do this through resource sharing,
professional development, art-based workshops, networking sessions, one-on-one consultations,
and discussion series. Paralia was started by a newcomer arts administrator who struggled to find
work in Toronto and was motivated by her experience.
Methodology
This section outlines the methodology used for the qualitative research portion of this chapter,
which focused on immigrant artists in the performative and visual arts. Searching for literature
on immigrant, refugee, and illegalized artists in Canada drew minimal publications.
Consequently, the methodology underlying this chapter is grounded in semi-structured narrative
interviews conducted individually with immigrant artists in Toronto.
Eleven immigrant artists who had received either the Newcomer and Refugee Artist Mentorship
(NRAM) -- a partnership with Toronto Arts Council, where NRAN’s role is to match 15
newcomer professional artists with an established professional artist mentor -- RBC Arts Access
Award, or a combination of the two programs provided by NAN were interviewed. The research
completed for NAN was intended to produce impact analysis, so that NAN could understand the
accessibility and effectiveness of their newcomer programs that support personal and
professional development. Space constraints and thematic restrictions have limited the ability to
include findings from all interviews here. The four participants to be discussed in this chapter are
included due to the variety of immigration streams, creative practices, age, gender identity, and
countries of origin that their stories and art represents. Their real names are used at request of the
participants, in hopes of highlighting their stories and work as artists. The Ryerson Ethics Board
approved use of real names in this research.
Findings
In May 2017, interviews were conducted with four recipients of NAN’s funding and support
programs. NAN defines a ‘newcomer’ as a legal migrant who has resided in Canada between one
to seven years. While conducting primary research for this chapter, it became apparent that there
are various restrictions which complicate the ability of immigrant artists to access funding and
support services. These include hurdles of language, low income, and migration status, among
other factors. Despite such barriers, many newcomer artists continue to pursue their paths as
artists in Canada. The following section presents some interview findings, illuminating how
migration influences artists, their work, and the broader arts community. In the process,
immigrant artists often reframe their creative vocation and vision.
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Maria Perez is a Peruvian sculptor and painter who specializes in the Indigenous Peruvian art
form of ‘retablos,’ which are three-dimensional sculptures that have historically been created by
men to tell Indigenous Peruvian folklore and resist narratives imposed by colonialism (Stein,
2005). The fact that, as a woman, Maria is trained and continues to create retablos is a form of
resistance in itself. When discussing what her art means to her, Maria stated:
It’s part of my identity. My city, Ayacucho, is where [retablos] originated. When I was a
kid, I felt I wanted to do it but only guys make it in my city. When I started, I was the
only woman in my school. Most of this kind of work is done by men while the women
can’t spend this kind of time on it—because they have other responsibilities. But here, I
have more help and different responsibilities.
Being a migrant and diasporic can disrupt the limitations imposed in the culture of the origin
country on how art is, or can be, done. Maria is expressing an experience suggesting that the
altered terrain of diasporic existence can open up new artistic pathways.
When asked if she feels her art is political, Maria replied that during her first year in Canada she
was very lonely. Upon arrival, Maria realized she lacked a Peruvian, or even a broad Latin
American, community in Toronto. While alone and awaiting citizenship, Maria began learning
about Canada’s history and was immediately interested in Canada’s Indigenous histories. Maria
expressed the shock she felt when she learned of Canada’s treatment of Indigenous people, and
felt that Canada’s contemporary reputation excludes Indigenous history and the ongoing impact
of colonialism on Indigenous communities. Maria’s identity as an Indigenous Peruvian led to
feelings of solidarity with Canada’s Indigenous people. While retablos are traditionally used to
depict Latin American folklore, Maria has created retablos that depict Indigenous Canadian
history and folklore. In addition to using traditional Peruvian art methods to advocate for the
rights and recognition of Indigenous people, Maria’s art reflects how migration has altered her
hybridized identity through acculturation. How Maria’s use of retablos has changed—and her
reflection on how immigration has changed her use of retablos to recognize and share the stories
of marginalized and underrepresented groups—demonstrates that alternative forms of
storytelling can be used as a tool of empowerment and solidarity for the artist, subject, and
communities who engage with the piece.
Filmmaker Alice Il Shin also commented on how the stories told in her art has shifted since
settling in Toronto. Il Shin, who currently promotes her films under her chosen “Canadianized”
name ‘Alice Il Shin,’ is a filmmaker originally from Korea who was formally trained in Japan.
During our interview she noted that following her second migration, her films primarily discuss
migration and relationships. When asked how she feels her films have changed since moving to
Canada, Alice replied:
I used to make more family dramas. One film on my website is about a Korean girl who
lost her mother and found out she’s part Japanese. She goes and tries to find her family in
Japan; it’s about identity and family. Another film is a Korean father-son story. But this
time, it’s more [about] friendship. It probably reflects me. It’s about a Japanese
immigrant girl who has her first day in a Canadian school and can’t understand the
language. She meets a Canadian girl who may become her friend. This immigrant life
story reflects my own life. In Asia, you use different language for addressing different
people. But in English it’s more saying the same kind of thing. This might be why I
started looking at friends instead of family. In this language, it reflects how everyone can
become friends.
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Alice uses her films to connect with others while processing her own experiences in a way that
recognizes the loneliness of settlement, while simultaneously celebrating the beauty of forging
new friendships. This positioning does not frame the immigrant character as meek, or in need of
a gracious Canadian to extend friendship. It instead recognizes how immigrants develop hybrid
identities and build a chosen family in the host country. In response to being asked whether her
art is a vessel for self, or a vehicle for her immigrant political participation, Alice paused before
thoughtfully responding that although film sets are often stressful,
When the camera movement is perfect, when the board is singing—it’s those tiny
moments that make me content to stay in film. It’s these small moments in life, too,
which are also surrounded by suffering, which make you continue. I like my work to
reflect this.
In the case of Alice’s work, art intentionally and blatantly imitates life. Through juxtaposing
suffering and joy—loneliness and forging meaningful connections—her own story and fictional
adaptations offer a humanized narrative of how some young immigrant women artists experience
settlement. While Alice’s films recognize how stories of migration are often wrapped in
heartbreak, the stories of immigrants are also about strength, identity, and acculturation. This
echoes Hall’s (1996) and Tuck’s (2009) theories on cultural exchanges being most effective
when they are collaborative and mutually beneficial, as this approach recognizes the agency of
the immigrant. Alice’s film also depicts immigrants as complex individuals; a representation that
steps outside of the mainstream portrayal of immigrants, helping audiences unlearn stagnant
social constructions of immigrants.
The migration stream ‘refugee’ is a migration status that has a particularly interesting
relationship with public representation and social constructionism. Actor Ahmed Moneka uses
his theatrical works to play with common (mis)perceptions of refugees settling in Canada.
Ahmed Moneka commented on the particular uniqueness of ‘becoming’ a refugee while visiting
Canada for work as an actor in the Toronto International Film Festival (TIFF). Ahmed’s story
embodies ‘refugee-ness’ as an emotionally-charged migration category which is put upon an
individual by the host country’s immigration system. In addition to the creation of ‘the refugee’
through immigration policy, refugees are often constructed as the exotic or violent other in
popular migration discourse. This discourse is reproduced in public, legal, and media discourses,
and ultimately “creates and reinforces the position of forced migrants as different, as not
belonging” (Grove & Zwi, 2006, p. 1931). Despite the economic, political, and creative
contributions that refugees make to the development of their communities in the host country,
popular discourse and government policy often essentializes immigrants as either the vulnerable
or violent ‘other’ (Said, 1978). Refugees are rarely portrayed as complex and resilient
individuals who are capable of contributing to their new communities (Grove & Zwi, 2006).
Ahmed’s work as an actor and musician challenges this representation in multiple ways,
including the care used when navigating casting calls. When asked if he feels his art is a form of
political participation, Ahmed replied:
I am addicted to theatre. I will continue it, but I will be pickier with Arabic [roles]. Many
agents look at me like a terrorist. They typecast me because I am black and speak Arabic.
My thing is [that] love is the reason for a great future. I will be the first Canadian-Iraqi
actor to win an Oscar. Because of this, I have to be careful with what I do—my vision,
journey and target.
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Landing a spot in a casting room is one thing, but the roles which are offered to him are another
barrier due to racist tropes popular within the entertainment industry. While Ahmed is eager to
continue exploring a variety of roles and building his portfolio, he is mindful of how as an actor
he has the potential to contribute to the representation of Muslims and racialized men in a
xenophobic world. Here, Ahmed defies the social construct of the refugee through being
conscious of how the arts contribute to the world that the next generation will inhabit; in other
words, emphasizing how much the type of cultural representation matters.
On representation, Ahmed spoke to the importance of the hybrid music genres his Toronto-based
band plays, noting that “despite everything happening in our countries, we have amazing culture
and amazing life. I want to reflect all these kinds of art through street festivals which provide a
bridge between cultures.” Despite the ascribed identities which refugees are socially assigned in
the host country, many refugees participate in transnational and diasporic art. Art created by
refugees recognize the complex and unique identities of artists, and also works to foster and
demonstrate resiliency through the creation process. Art is one method of sharing differing
stories of refugee migration; reminding the local population that despite how refugees are
socially constructed, there is not one homogenous refugee experience. It also reflects the
valuable contributions which refugee artists make to Canada’s art and culture sector.
Ahmed noted that his music and theatre work has adapted to life in Canada, which coincides
with how he feels received in Toronto by the greater community, saying: “It’s been interesting to
see the shift in how people embrace me as one of ‘them’—going from being ‘a refugee from
Iraq’ to ‘Ahmed the artist.’ Eye contact was difficult at first, but two years and eight months
later, Toronto is my home.” Interestingly, after being asked when he felt that this identity switch
from ‘refugee’ to ‘Canadian-Iraqi artist’ occurred, Ahmed quickly replied it was the day he was
granted citizenship. In his forthcoming theatre project, he is experimenting with the concept of
hybrid national identity as an immigrant through ‘place-making,’ which explores what it means
to lose your home and build another. This project will delve into the theme of national identity in
an immersive fashion to help educate migration scholars and Canadian-born citizens on the
contemporary Canadian settlement experience.
Despite migrating as an economic migrant, Padideh had a similar experience to Ahmed—with
settlement workers and professional musicians trying to put her in a box based on her country of
origin. Padideh Ahrarnejad is a professional tar player originally from Iran and is currently in an
orchestra called Kune: Canada’s Global Orchestra that is garnering national attention. Kune,
which translates to ‘together,’ consists of 12 musicians from 12 different countries. Their songs
are hybrid creations collectively written with the intention of disrupting traditional methods of
approaching culturally-specific instrumental folklore, e.g., playing Brazilian music on the Iranian
tar. In addition to disrupting notions of conventional art and gendered associations with sending
countries, Padideh also disrupts assumptions of Iran in interviews when provoked to confront the
main dominant media narrative of Iran:
Interviewers always ask my opinion of Iran. I come from a country that has complicated
politics and I hate relating my music to it. I wrote a song for the Kune called Moment of
Silence. In the orchestra, everyone talks about their piece before it’s played. I always say
the first year I was here, I felt nothing in my mind—only silence—which is not positive
or negative. I want music to be for pleasure and expressing myself, my feelings, and to
communicate.
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Padideh’s use of the physical stage to share the stillness and neutrality of her settlement
experience is particularly meaningful. When depicting immigrant women in a positive light,
migration discourse and the social construction of the immigrant often positions immigrants as
victims who are extremely grateful to the host country for saving them from their ‘uncivilized’
country of origin. While Padideh did note the gratitude she feels for being able to raise her
children in Canada, she disrupts the single story of the ‘vulnerable’ immigrant Iranian woman
through being vocal about her life as a strong and independent woman, mother, and highly
regarded tar player.
Playing sold-out shows in a diverse and international city demonstrates how Padideh is both
financially profiting for herself as well as benefitting Toronto’s economy through the amount of
tickets sold to Kune’s performances. However, the journey to having sold-out shows was long
and tedious. Padideh noted it was difficult finding out about auditions due to the lack of
information that settlement agencies and employment centers have about the creative sector. She
also found it shockingly difficult to convince Canadian musicians and theatres that she is
qualified and experienced with considerable success in Iran.
I was very busy and famous in Iran. It’s hard to work in Iran as a woman musician, but I
worked very hard and achieved many things. But as an immigrant mother [here] I
couldn’t… people didn’t believe I had so much experience, because they think Iran is so
oppressive to women, so there’s no way I had that opportunity or experience. Many
people don’t know what happened in Iran. Even telling people that I was allowed to play
music at home shows that Iran doesn’t forbid everything. It helps show there is not a
single story.
Interestingly, Padideh’s rebellion against assumptions of what an Iranian-Canadian musician
should look and sound like extends to the more wide-ranging, hybrid repertoire she now
performs.
In my country, I played traditional music. The tar is one of the most famous and
traditional Persian instruments. My friends would [think] what I’m doing with tar now,
with international musicians, untraditional and ‘wrong.’ But I love it, that I’m now
thinking outside the box. These days I play traditional Persian and modern music—I play
in the Iranian community and in the Iranian ensemble—as well as with other groups
where I don’t use Persian techniques or songs. Now, I play everything.
Conclusion
This research has illustrated and confirmed the value of studying artists as a distinct immigrant
cohort. These findings enrich our understanding of art, acculturation, hybridity, transnationalism,
creative cities, and migration. There are many, many more stories to be told in this vein. Each
artist interviewed conveyed a distinct narrative derived from their personal migration experience.
At the same time, several common themes emerged. First, frustration often occurred over the
lack of settlement support specifically tailored to newcomer artists. Secondly, as we have seen,
each immigrant artist identified ways in which their artistry has changed as a result of migration
in both form and content; their “Canadian-ness” is now manifested in the art they produce and
perform.
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This research highlights the need for more arts-based newcomer services and supports. Policy
recommendations to better support newcomer artists and their integration into the creative
economy, as well as Canadian society, include: 1) increasing arts funding in the forms of grants
available to emerging immigrant artists, and 2) developing settlement service programing
specific to artists and the creative sector. These interviews have illuminated how the artist after
migration is not the same as the artist before; as migration impacts their art, immigrant artists
alter the contemporary Canadian art landscape. Overall, further research on the needs,
experiences, and values of immigrant artists is needed to improve their settlement process.
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2. Responding to the Settlement Needs of Newcomers:
Community Organizations in the Greater Toronto Area,
Canada
by Erica Wright & Henry Parada
Abstract
This chapter analyzes the role of grassroots organizations in the Greater Toronto Area supporting
newcomers to Canada. A qualitative thematic analysis with staff from three grassroots
organizations and two key informants seeks to: 1) gather practical knowledge from these
organizations about the actions needed to improve settlement outcomes for newcomers, and 2)
learn about the challenges that grassroots organizations face in continuing and expanding their
services, and how they can be supported in this work. These specific grassroots organizations do
not provide direct government-funded settlement services, but work more independently towards
goals of long-term immigrant success and integration. These research findings identified the
need for more responsive and culturally-relevant programming among settlement organizations,
revealed challenges with attaining funding, and demonstrated the importance of partnerships
among related institutions. These actors have valuable insights into newcomers’ current
settlement needs and can make important knowledge contributions to the settlement sector.
Keywords: immigrants; settlement and integration; public services; grassroots organizations;
Canada
Introduction
This chapter analyzes the vital role of community and grassroots organizations working in the
Greater Toronto Area to support newcomers to Canada. While there is a wide body of literature
on the Canadian settlement sector, there is less research available on the contributions of
grassroots and community-level organizations, which are not part of the formal settlement sector.
Formally, their work is less influenced by immigration and settlement policy, but instead by
direct observation of the needs in their local communities. Community-level actors have direct
contact with newcomers and are often first in understanding the dynamic and complex situations
on the ground and in different communities. These actors have valuable insights on practical
solutions to newcomers’ current settlement needs and can make necessary contributions to the
settlement sector.
A qualitative thematic analysis was used to study these community organizations and initiatives.
The goal was to seek out practical solutions to newcomer settlement needs by considering the
potential role of community organizations and institutions outside of the formal settlement
sector, thus contributing to knowledge-sharing in the sector. This chapter explores the impact of
staff at these community-based organizations, the challenges they face, and the kinds of supports
and policy changes they desire to help grow their initiatives.
10
Context
The Canadian Settlement Sector
In 2016, Canada welcomed more than 296,000 permanent residents, with projected increases up
to 360,000 in 2020 (Government of Canada, 2017). With a growing and dynamic immigrant
population, it is crucial that Canada can provide support to newcomers settling into cities.
Particularly, literature has noted some barriers to newcomers’ economic integration (Banerjee &
Phan, 2014). Settlement sector challenges have included limited infrastructure in urbanizing
areas, limited and competitive funding, and bureaucratic inefficiencies (Mukhtar, Dean, Wilson,
Ghassemi & Wilson, 2016). The current settlement model places non-governmental service
provider organizations (SPOs) at the front of service delivery, with programs primarily funded
by Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). This model uses private sector
strategies, which emphasize low programming costs and a push towards immigrant self-
sufficiency (Evans & Shields, 2014). SPOs are funded through short-term contracts based on
specific programs and measures dictated by funders, while often relying on voluntary and
charitable contributions to fill service gaps (Shields, Drolet & Valenzuela, 2016). Challenges
arise when funders may be out of touch with the realities of organizations working on the ground
or unaware of current client needs, and SPOs often lack the flexibility to act outside of program
guidelines (Mukhtar et al., 2016). Scholars have also noted challenges with eligibility criteria,
which limit the types of programs that are funded and the clients who can be served, based on
their citizenship status and length of time in Canada (Mukhtar et al., 2016).
IRCC funds the majority of formal services for immigrant support, including: needs assessment,
orientation, language training, employment services, and peer support, as well as support
services which help immigrants access programs. IRCC also funds programs geared toward
research, staff training, and capacity-building in the sector, such as Local Immigration
Partnerships. Projects operate on three-year funding contracts after a national call for proposals
and are available to permanent residents of Canada (IRCC, 2017).
The provinces also provide support for settlement services. Ontario funds bridge training
programs, language interpretation, and more—e.g., the provincial Newcomer Settlement
Program, which supports newcomers up to five years after arrival and includes refugee
claimants, permit holders, permanent residents, and citizens (Ontario, 2012). Federal newcomer
programs, on the other hand, will pay for those who have been in Canada for less than three
years with legal status other than citizenship. Foundations and the private sector also provide
funding support to immigrant-serving organizations.
A 2017 evaluation of the IRCC settlement program noted that desired outcomes had been largely
met, although it also identified several areas that needed improvement, including its ability to
cater to different demographics and individual needs such as mental health issues. While roughly
39% of newcomers accessed IRCC-funded settlement services in their first two years in Canada,
the need to facilitate new ways of connecting newcomers to mainstream community services was
noted—due to a significant number of clients who identified “non-IRCC program needs,” who in
some cases were referred to other available community services. Interviews of settlement staff
indicated that vulnerable populations (i.e., those experiencing trauma, mental health needs,
isolation, or language barriers) had a greater need for services (IRCC, 2017).
11
Newcomer Inclusion and Economic Integration
The goal of supporting newcomer integration is to allow full engagement of newcomers in the
social, economic, political, and cultural life of Canada (IRCC, 2017). Supporting integration
means removing barriers caused by attitudes or systemic problems, which impede an individual’s
ability to participate (City for All Women Initiative, 2015). It also means acknowledging
individual needs when providing services, and enacting policy that will make the labour market
more accessible to newcomers.
A 2012 study by the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants (OCASI) provides a
comprehensive review of settlement needs and services in Ontario. Over 2,500 newcomers were
surveyed—including permanent residents, refugees, claimants, and migrant workers—while
interviews were held with service providers. Employment was identified as the highest concern,
first on the list for 62% of respondents. Service providers also emphasized that newcomers’
overall success in their settlement is closely related to their employment prospects, and suggested
there was room for improvement to newcomer employment services. Only about 32% of
newcomers who used the service said that IRCC employment and skills training helped them
find employment. Twenty per cent said the service helped them find work that matched their
education, with another 20% stating that it helped them get their credentials recognized (OCASI,
2012). While OCASI emphasized barriers to accessing services (e.g., transportation costs),
outcomes for those who did access services suggests a need to reassess the programs themselves.
High poverty rates among immigrants, particularly visible minorities, remains a concern in and
around major Canadian cities (Burstein, 2010). A 2017 Statistics Canada report noted that while
the low-income rate decreased among the Canadian-born during the 1990s, the rate increased
among newcomers overall. The low-income rate for recent immigrants was 1.4 times higher than
that of the Canadian-born in 1980, 2.5 times higher in 2000, and 2.7 times higher by 2010 (Picot
& Lu, 2017). Also, economic integration may be even more difficult in cities that attract
immigrants, such as Toronto, even with a strong economy (Picot & Lu, 2017).
Looking at education, in 2012 there was minimal difference in chronic low-income rates by
education level at landing (Picot & Lu, 2017). Somerville & Walsworth (2009) note the greatest
difference in low-income rates between the Canadian-born and recent immigrants was among
university graduates, particularly in typically high-paying professions like engineering and
applied sciences. The pervasive requirement for Canadian certification puts immigrants at a
disadvantage—thus, skilled immigrants in regulated professions experience more significant
occupational downgrading upon migration than those in unregulated work (Banerjee & Phan,
2014).
Studies also show that racialized immigrants experience worse employment outcomes (Banerjee,
2009). Controlling for differences in education level, English proficiency, region of residence,
and years in Canada, ‘place of birth’ accounts for 75% of the difference in low-income rates
among immigrants (Picot & Lu, 2017). Many low-wage business sectors, such as taxi-driving,
have become niche employment sectors for racialized immigrants (Couton, 2014). There is a
prevailing issue of underemployment among immigrants, attributed to lack of credential
recognition, discrimination, and structural barriers to labour market entry (OCASI, 2012). Poor
economic outcomes for immigrants lead to more barriers to integration, suggesting a need to
assess employment supports for new immigrants as well as Canadian labour market policies and
practices.
12
Methodology
This chapter contains research about grassroots and community organizations in the Greater
Toronto Area, asking them about the limitations and gaps in available public services for
newcomers, and what specialized knowledge could improve immigrant outcomes. A qualitative
thematic analysis research approach was used, and data was gathered through semi-structured
interviews with six participants from three grassroots organizations: Newcomer Kitchen,
Neighbourhood Arts Network, and Culture Bridge Initiatives. Two key informants participated,
who both have similar roles with similar organizations: a member of the Social Planning Council
of York Region, and a staff member working for Newmarket Recreation and Culture.
Participants were staff, managers, or founders of these organizations. Each organization provided
unique services to newcomers and none were funded by IRCC—rather, through a mix of sources
including provincial and municipal grants, private sponsors, and fundraising. Participants and
their organizations granted permission to name the organizations, which was approved by the
Ryerson Ethics Board.
‘Settlement services’ is defined here as a diverse range of supports designed to help newcomers
settle into life in Canada, including those administered by settlement and employment agencies,
community centers, schools, faith-based organizations, and grassroots organizations. The term
‘newcomers’ (as opposed to ‘immigrant’) is broadly used to encompass recent permanent
residents, naturalized citizens, refugees, and those without status in Canada.
Findings and Analysis
Institutional Limitations to Providing Culturally-Relevant Programming
The primary insight gained from this study was that these organizations were able to fill gaps,
where available “formal” services fell short in supporting newcomers. Participants expressed the
need, first, for services that are flexible enough to address the immediate needs of newcomers as
they come up; and second, to invest in long-term integration supports.
Newcomer Kitchen—a program hosted by the Depanneur, a culinary venue in Toronto—began
in 2015 and serves the Syrian refugee community in Toronto. The Depanneur extended an
invitation to the newly arrived Syrian community who were staying in hotels for long periods of
time, without kitchens of their own. The program allowed them to use the kitchen to make
familiar food, and to share meals with their family and friends. It eventually expanded, adapting
to their new challenges once they were settled into homes. Newcomer Kitchen began catering the
meals they made and the program then became a way for Syrian refugees to make money as well
as participate socially in their new Toronto communities. The project to date “has 75 women
participating and has put over $100,000 into the pockets of the Syrian refugee families in just
over two years” (Newcomer Kitchen participant, June 19, 2018). It is one of the few programs in
Toronto—if not the only one—that is built on the value of what the Syrian refugees, and the
women in particular, have to offer.
The money [that the Syrian cooks receive] is incredibly validated and dignified… also the
opportunity for community building, reconciliation, peacemaking, language skills, job skills,
confidence-building, and all of this happens very powerfully, in real time, in the kitchen led
by women… all we have to do is hold the space for it to happen. We don't sit them in a
classroom and tell them [how to be] an entrepreneur; we just got rid of the barriers so that
they can do what they're already good at. (Participant from Newcomer Kitchen)
13
Neighbourhood Arts Network (NAN) began programming for newcomer artists as a result of a
two-year study of artists in Toronto neighbourhoods. It eventually got in contact with settlement
organizations, knowing that there was limited capacity there in terms of providing relevant,
updated information to artists. NAN currently provides funding and resources to artists in
Toronto, including newcomer artists, through a number of programs. Through one initiative—the
Toronto Newcomer and Refugee Artist Mentorship Program—newcomer artists receive funding
and are matched with an established artist as a mentor to help them better integrate into the
Toronto art scene.
It’s great to see how passionate the newcomer artists are in getting back to their art. So
now we’re starting to see some of the outcomes from last year’s mentorship and it’s
really great to see them going back into their practice and happy again, doing what they
love, and feeling more at home here in Toronto. (Participant from NAN)
This organization serves newcomers of all immigration statuses, who have been in Canada for a
range of periods. Participants identified several specific needs of their clients. For NAN,
mentorship was identified as an invaluable resource. Newcomer artists also need support with
navigating the business side of practicing in Canada, particularly art terminology that is not
taught in general English language classes. Cultural barriers and individual issues also pose a
challenge for newcomer artists.
For example, a female artist said she didn't feel comfortable to pitch her work to a curator
because where she came from, as a female, that's not what you do. Because we’re seeing
people from all parts of the world, it’s also understanding their culture and how they have
to negotiate what they can or cannot do. (Participant from NAN)
The same participant provided insight into some of the mental health challenges experienced by
some recent newcomer artists, expressing concern that clients may not have any mental or
emotional support while dealing with the personal challenges of settling in a new country.
We have support for art-making or finding a job but after that one year there is no other
means of support around mental health, or someone they can talk to…while waiting for
the refugee claim to come through, stuff like that, that’s not necessarily related to their art
as a profession. (Participant from NAN)
Participants residing in York Region identified two major concerns there: the absence of
culturally-relevant social programming, and newcomers’ unawareness of available services.
They suggested that much of existing programming is Western-centric in structure, while
regulations around eligibility have excluded some of those needing support.
I’d like to see some of the centres—the library, this cultural centre, the municipal
offices— do a better job of making individuals welcome. I think it’s more of a limited,
practical resource that’s offered [at the settlement provider organizations]. But to really
feel part of community, you need to be celebrating who you are within that community.
(Participant from Newmarket Recreation and Culture)
In response to limited social space and diverse events, Culture Bridge Initiatives’ main focus has
been the delivery of cultural events and programming. They believe that providing space for
ethnic minorities to share their culture is essential in fostering community and combatting
prejudice (Participant from Culture Bridge Initiatives).
14
Challenges Posed by Restrictive Program Funding
Obtaining adequate funding was the greatest challenge identified. Participants noted an absence
of core funding, the bureaucracy of funding applications, and narrowly defined program streams.
The benefit to corporate or donor contributions, noted by some participants, was the elimination
of bureaucracy associated with strenuous government funding applications, and in some cases
fewer restrictions in terms of how the money is used. However, the downsides to private
donations are precariousness and the unpredictability of private partner goals. The most common
source of funding for participants was provincial funding through the Toronto Trillium
Foundation.
So we have an offering that’s unique and meaningful and creates opportunity for the
community… we’ve found innovative ways to sustain the program [but] despite our best
efforts over two years, we haven’t received any funding… Only the established players in
the industry fall under the criteria, and so new players, you realize once you get to the
table that you don’t qualify. (Participant from Newcomer Kitchen)
You get funded for say three years then you may lose your funding, or your sponsor
changes their priorities… or if we have new people in government with different
priorities. Even though we have really strong partnerships, we never know what’s going
to happen… [The artists] want to see the program grow, as their needs change. And
sometimes you can’t respond quickly or consistently. I want to do that but I just don’t
have the capacity. (Participant from NAN)
Participants also noted barriers to people accessing programs. Partnerships between sectors and
meaningful collaborations with volunteers and community workers was noted as a strong
solution to raising awareness about programs.
So we’ve created more of a reputation for ourselves, and trust in the [artist] community,
but also with different settlement organizations. They have the ability to [tell newcomers
to] contact Neighbourhood Arts Network or the Toronto Arts Council… We work closely
with [the city], the Local Immigration Partnerships, and with the employment and service
centers. So we’re building a bit of a support network of administrators. (participant from
NAN)
Participants noted that newcomers to the area may be hindered from accessing services by
language barriers, lack of information, or financial constraints. In these cases, it is important that
various actors in the community have the information to let newcomers know what services are
available, and that lesser-known organizations might be able to provide support that newcomers
cannot get from formal service centers.
We’re talking about a time when even people who are just low-income and have perfect
English can have a hard time accessing services. People don’t have that social capital and
that’s different than the language. That’s knowing what to get, when to get it, and having
a sense of advocacy for yourself... and so I think in those first months and years [in
Canada] we have to be as absolutely accessible as possible. (Participant from the Social
Planning Council of York Region)
15
With many grassroots initiatives relying on volunteers and donors, the need for funder
investment in communities was emphasized. There was a call for significant financial investment
and core funding to support the people working on the ground.
Community partnership roles are not very well understood. So funders are saying, “Well,
we don’t have to have people on the ground, we have programs.” But people need people.
Not just the people who are providing a program, but… [individuals and organizations]
on the ground having those face-to-face conversations, helping people move into their
homes, and doing very real, basic, practical things that people need when they move into
a new community. (Participant from the Social Planning Council of York Region)
The same participant expressed key insights into the realities of funding for these types of
programs:
When funding comes to you, and you have to report it down to the nickel and dime, it’s like
there’s no trust that people know how and what to do... But when we have $25,000 for a year to
do things with, it’s unbelievable how much small organizations who are able to be nimble and
can respond to the community can achieve with that kind of money. (Participant from the Social
Planning Council of York Region)
Discussion and Conclusion
The participants stated that they were driven to provide unique service offerings to newcomers
because they saw gaps and limitations in the available formal services. The primary limitations
to institutional programming identified were: 1) the tendency for settlement agencies to be out of
touch with the realities on the ground, and 2) the inflexibility of some larger agencies to respond
to client needs as they arise. The data suggests a number of issues specific to newcomer
communities which require service workers to be closer in touch with their needs and have the
autonomy to respond to them. The participants in this study directly or indirectly referred to their
work as divergent to the “direct” or “formal” services provided by settlement agencies, and
emphasized grassroots solutions as providing more holistic support for newcomer integration.
Every participant placed primacy on understanding the unique cultural and contextual needs of
newcomers, seeing integration as a continuous process beyond financial security. They
challenged institutional methods of programming which could lack cultural sensitivity, and in
some cases exclude the most vulnerable. Formal programming was seen as Western-centric and
economically-focused, with social and cultural considerations as a secondary concern. The
current program-based funding structure assumes that decision-makers in government or
foundations know how best to address the needs in communities, but our findings bring this
assumption into question. Participants attributed their success to being responsive to their clients
and providing direct sources of income to refugees and newcomers, while also ensuring that the
work was meaningful, dignified, and built upon the skills and talents of their clients.
Participants noted that excess bureaucracy with applications, program restrictions, and
inadequate funding causes challenges with building capacity and growing their programs. The
lack of core funding throughout the public service sector was noted as a particular concern,
putting strain on this sector’s ability to respond to immediate basic needs, to adjust programs as
required, and to invest in long-term integration supports.
16
The non-profit organizations we examined are responding to the growing immigrant populations
in their communities and the need for additional support services, and using innovative and
effective methods. However, despite initiatives that are providing meaningful and dignified work
to newcomers or supporting their social integration, these organizations often receive no
settlement funding and very limited funding overall—with many of those involved working in a
volunteer capacity. The success of some participants in being able to partner with settlement
agencies is an important lesson in the mutual value that can be gained from these connections.
The literature on multiservice agencies has noted the downfalls of “essentializing” immigrant
groups (Sadiq, 2004) and how different cultural and individual contexts are sometimes missed in
program planning. In response to this persisting situation, the organizations in this study are
offering diverse services for a wide variety of newcomers such as artists, cooks, and families, as
well as acknowledging newcomers as community members—not simply as migrants to be
prepared for the labour market.
Opportunities for further research include examining the processes of how similar organizations
function, such as details on costs and funding, as well as other models used for successful
partnerships. More insight into how strong grassroots initiatives have been able to grow and
maintain operations could be a valuable contribution to organizations doing similar work in
Canada and beyond.
This study has explored community organizations and informal supports, which provide
important contributions to supporting newcomer integration in the Greater Toronto Area,
acknowledging the diverse needs of newcomers as well as their individual strengths. Although
the number of clients they can reach may be less than some SPOs, these community
organizations have proven to be much more nimble, responsive, and innovative in their
settlement approach. Invaluable lessons can be gained from their work.
17
References
Banerjee, R. (2009). “Income growth of new immigrants in Canada: Evidence from the survey of labour
and in come dynamics.” Industrial Relations, 64(3), 466-506.
Banerjee, R. & Phan, M. (2014) “Licensing requirements and occupational mobility amongst highly skilled
new immigrants in Canada.” Industrial Relations, 96(2), 290-315.
Burstein, M. (2010). “Reconfiguring settlement and integration: A service provider strategy for innovation
and results.” Pathways to Prosperity: Canada, 1-58.
City for All Women Initiative. (June 2015). Advancing equity and inclusion: A guide for Municipalities.
Couton, P., & Institute for Research on Public Policy. (2014). Ethnocultural community organizations and
immigrant integration in Canada. Ebook.
Evans, B., & Shields, J. (2014). “Nonprofit engagement with provincial policy officials: The Case of NGO
policy voice in Canadian immigrant settlement services.” Policy and Society, 33(2), 117-127.
Government of Canada. (2017, November 1). Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration. Retrieved
from https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/corporate/publications-
manuals/annual-report-parliament-immigration-2017.html
Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada. (2017). Evaluation of the Settlement Program, 1-74.
Mukhtar, M., Dean, J., Wilson, K., Ghassemi, E., & Wilson, D. H. (2016). ‘But many of these problems are
about funds…’: The challenges immigrant settlement agencies (ISAs) encounter in a suburban setting
in Ontario, Canada. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 17(2), 389-408.
OCASI. (2012). “Making Ontario Home: A study of settlement and integration services for Immigrants and
refugees.” Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, pp. 1-91.
Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration. (2012). Grants and Funding for Organizations.
Picot, G., Lu., Y., & Statistics Canada. (2017, September 29). Chronic Low Income Among Immigrants in
Canada and its Communities. Retrieved from
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2017397-eng.htm
Sadiq, K. (2004). “The Two-Tier Settlement System: A Review of Current Newcomer Settlement Services
in Canada.” CERIS, 34, 1-42
Shields, J., Drolet, J., & Valenzuela, K. (2016). Immigrant settlement and integration services and the role
of nonprofit service providers: A cross-national perspective on trends, issues and evidence. RCIS
Working Paper, Ryerson University, pp.1-63.
Somerville, K., & Walsworth, S. (2009). Vulnerabilities of highly skilled immigrants in Canada and the
United States. American Review of Canadian Studies, 39(2), 146-161.
18
3. The Third Sector, Settlement, and Social Inclusion in
Canada and Germany
by Riley Bushell & John Shields
Abstract
As major immigrant- and refugee-receiving countries of the Global North, both Canada and
Germany rely on large and diverse third sectors as key providers of settlement services. This
chapter critically examines Canadian and German third-sector initiatives in newcomer social
inclusion, particularly in the context of contemporary neoliberal federal policy and the retreating
welfare states in both countries. Its objective is to identify key themes such that a range of
stakeholders in settlement can benefit from a better understanding of best practices and common
challenges. More broadly, it aims to strengthen knowledge transfer between Canada and
Germany by filling a noted literature gap—particularly, in the context of increased asylum-
seeking in both countries and the emergence of anti-immigration political platforms around the
world.
Keywords: third sector; neoliberal public policy; settlement; newcomer social inclusion
Introduction
Newcomer settlement is etched deeply and distinctly into the social, political, and cultural
geographies of Canada and Germany. In Canada, recent developments include Prime Minister
Trudeau’s welcoming of 25,000 Syrians in 2015, and Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship
Canada’s new plans to admit almost one million immigrants and refugees over the next three
years (IRCC, 2017). In Germany, though Conservative politicians long insisted that the country
was Nichteinwanderungsland or “not an immigration country,” recent legislation including the
2005 Immigration Act has signaled new recognition of immigration as vital to economic growth
(Bauder, 2011). Today, Germany is at the vanguard of refugee movement in Europe, processing
over 722,000 asylum requests in 2016 and maintaining high rates of asylum recognition
(Eurostat, 2017). For newcomers in both countries, migration does not conclude after the journey
across land and sea but continues throughout the long process of resettlement. This study will
examine third-sector organizations as key agents of settlement and social inclusion in Canada
and Germany.
Settlement is a complex, uneven, multi-generational, and individual process that is often divided
into three stages. After short-term information and referral, language, and training needs are met,
access must be gained to appropriate long-term employment, housing, and education. Finally,
“newcomers develop some sense of attachment or belonging… without giving up their ethno-
racial identities and ties to the homeland” (Richmond & Shields, 2005, p. 515). Valenzuela et al.
(2018) similarly describe phases of “1) adjustment 2) adaptation and 3) integration” (p. 68).
Social inclusion—described as capacity for “full and equal participation in the economic, social
and cultural and political dimensions of life”—is gained in this final stage (Richmond &
Omidvar, 2003, p. 1). This is “both a process and a goal,” requiring “investments and action”
from a range of stakeholders including national and other governments as well as the third sector
(Omidvar & Richmond, 2003, p. 2).
19
For Salamon and Sokolowski (2016), the concept of institutions beyond the state and market is
“probably one of the most perplexing… in modern political and social discourse” (p. 1515). With
mandates unrelated to capitalist profiteering, such institutions are called “civil society, non-
profit, voluntary or charitable sector, social economy, social enterprise and many more”
(Salamon & Sokolowski, 2016, p. 1521). They share principles of “philanthropy, altruism,
charity, reciprocity, mutuality” (Shields & Evans, 2000, p. 3). In a “multilayered” relationship
with government, Dennis Young (2000) defines the third sector as a) a supplement to the state,
“fulfilling the demands for public goods,” b) a complement to the state via service-delivery
contracting, and c) an adversary engaged in mutual accountability (p. 168). Yet as Corry (2010)
notes, the third sector is also “part of power technologies through which a certain kind of
governance is achieved” by national governments through “an interconnected system of
discourse, techniques or institutions” (p. 16).
As immigrant-receiving countries with multi-tier governments, Canadian settlement policies are
often posed as a blueprint for Germany (Bauder et al., 2014). Yet, Richmond and Shields (2005)
warn against exporting a “romantic and idealized model” (p. 522) without critically examining
the Canadian third sector amidst contemporary neoliberal policy. Like Bauder et al. (2014), this
work also considers “what Canada can learn from Germany’s vast experience” in settlement (p.
3). Many authors have noted a literature gap in examining the third sector in settlement (Menz,
2011; Siemiatycki & Triadafilopoulous, 2010; Garkish et al., 2017). In the context of modern
refugee movement, misunderstanding the “systematic relationship” between the third sector and
“the many faces of migration” shapes “the capability of politicians, practitioners and
organizations to implement adequate solutions” (Garkish et al., 2017, p. 1842). This research
seeks to fill this gap and enrich knowledge transfer by examining settlement in Canada and
Germany from a third-sector perspective.
Methodology
For Bloemraad (2013), comparative studies demonstrate that destination societies critically affect
social inclusion, “even more… than the characteristics of those who move” (p. 33). Shields
(2016) adds that such research “illuminates larger structural and political factors” that help
policymakers learn from “innovative policies from elsewhere” (p. 24). An integrative critical
literature review helps scholars use this comparative lens while “presenting and summarizing the
current state of knowledge on a topic,” highlighting central themes and avenues for further
research (Neumann, 2006, p. 112).
Recent international comparative studies (Garkish et al., 2017; Shields et al., 2016) note limited
availability of English-language information regarding the German third sector in settlement.
Though Russell (2005) warns that such an omission “could affect the… information about the
relationships between variables under study” (p. 12), Bloemraad (2013) suggests that researchers
navigate such “pitfalls” by considering how each case study “advances the project” at hand (p.
30). The aim of this research is not to evaluate settlement policies, but instead to identify,
discuss, and contrast emergent themes through the lens of the third sector. Below, we present key
findings of an integrative literature review conducted in the summer of 2018. It examined
English-language books, journal articles, government documents, and third-sector gray
scholarship. Information retrieval methods included Ryerson University Library and Archives,
Google Scholar, and the Institute for Migration and Intercultural Studies Library at the
University of Osnabrück, using key search terms including ‘migration,’ ‘settlement,’ and
‘integration’ in combination with ‘third sector’ and ‘non-profits’ in Canada and Germany.
20
Key Findings
Neoliberalism, New Public Management, and “Shadow States”
Canada’s federal government has funded the third sector to deliver settlement services since the
1970s. In the 1990s, budget deficits and global competition were met by the implementation of
neoliberal public policy, in part through the “cutting of public expenditure” in social service
funding (Morris, 1997, p. 25). The 1995 Settlement Renewal policies devolved responsibilities to
Canadian provinces, which instituted their own funding cuts. New Public Management (NPM)
governance—defined by Lowe et al. (2017) as the “transmission belt” of neoliberalism in
Canada’s settlement sector—was also implemented at this time. In contrast to formerly
comprehensive and flexible core funding, NPM regulates third-sector services through lean,
competitive, short-term government contracts and strict accountability measures (Baines et al.,
2014). Today, the sector is characterized by austere “market-based contracts and managerialist
outcomes structures” (Evans et al., 2005, p. 88).
Literature notes a similar shift to neoliberal public policy in Germany in the early 1990s, as the
conservative government used welfare state retrenchment to offset the financial burdens of global
competition and reunification with East Germany (Friedrichs & Klöckner, 2009). Amidst funding
cuts in settlement, Germany’s third sector appears to have undergone NPM restructuring, as third-
sector organizations “increasingly become more business-like, introducing management and
marketing techniques… replacing social workers with managers” (Zimmer, 1999, p. 45).
Canada’s third sector in settlement is referred to as the “shadow state” (Sadiq, 2004; Shields &
Evans, 2000), in which “services and care previously provided by the state are being increasingly
downloaded onto the local government, non-profit providers, communities and families” (Lowe
et al., 2016, p. 19). Literature reveals similarities in the German third sector, particularly in the
context of service-provision to non-status migrants (Castañeda, 2007; Badikyan, 2014). This
phenomenon has been credited to minimal government attentiveness to postwar guest workers,
as well as more recent neoliberal policy to “reduce government provision” in the welfare state
(Friedrichs & Klöckner, 2009, p. 104).
The German shadow state also encompasses civil society more broadly. The “vast, polyphonic”
efforts of German volunteerism (Funk, 2016, p. 292) and increased engagement of Muslim
ethnic minorities (Bock, 2018, p. 12) peaked in 2015, as nearly one million people took part in
aid activities related to increased asylum-seeking. On one hand, this provides an optimistic
counternarrative to the visible growth of Germany’s far right; however, many argue that
continued subsidization of state responsibilities increases the permanence of the shadow state in
German civil society (Karakayali & Kleist, 2014; Hinger, 2016). For Badikyan (2014), this also
reflects “wanted versus unwanted migrants and hence selective investment” by Germany’s
federal government (p. 35). In Canada, too, scholars link neoliberal government policies to a
binary of “deserving” and “non-deserving” newcomers based on their perceived economic and
social burden (Arat-Koç, 1999; Barrass & Shields, 2017).
Precarity in a “Two-Tier” Settlement Sector
Canada’s settlement sector is being made “precarious” (Baines et al., 2014; Richmond & Omidvar,
2003; Valenzuela et al., 2018; Lowe et al., 2017) and “expendable” (Acheson & Laforet, 2013, p.
598) due to neoliberal government policy. For Baines et al. (2014), poor pay, overwork, burnout,
eroded job security for settlement workers, and limited funding for sectoral development reflect
21
badly on organizations in terms of institutional memory and growth capacity, inducing cycles of
“vulnerability, instability, marginality and temporariness” within the third sector and its client
communities (p. 75). In a “struggle to survive,” “organizations will try to take on too many
programs” to pursue funding contracts, creating a vicious circle of overwork and underfunding
(Neudorf, 2016, p. 103). In Germany, too, the third sector depends on “humanitarianism and good
will, rather than… adequate funding” (Neudorf, 2007, p. 285). The parallel is noted by Bauder and
Jayaraman (2014), who examine employment precarity among racialized and immigrant women
composing the majority of Canadian and German settlement sector staff.
In Canada, larger multi-service agencies “possess an enhanced capacity” to attain government
contracts due to their greater administrative resources and skills (Sadiq, 2004, p. 6), and due to
long-term relationships with the federal and other governments they are often perceived as
preferred partners in service provision (Shields et al., 2014; Acheson & Laforet, 2013). Yet
smaller, ethno-specific organizations are widely praised for cultural and linguistic compatibility
with clients who are “hard to reach and service through more standard service bodies” (Shields et
al., 2014, p. 23). Similarly, in Germany, large religious-affiliated welfare associations have
“withstood the test of New Public Management… in realizing economies of scale”—due to
extensive global infrastructure as well as strong government relationships under Germany’s
“subsidiary system,” which had formerly guaranteed their funding (Friedrichs & Klöckner,
2009). Bauder and Jayaraman (2014) note that “bottom tier” agencies are often the smaller,
newer agencies and migrant-led organizations (MOs), which lack infrastructure and political
connections (p. 181).
Both the Canadian and German third sectors might be characterized as “two-tier” in terms of
intersecting financial dependencies (Sadiq, 2004). Larger multi-service or mainstream
organizations—themselves dependent on government—provide a “buffer, funneling resources to
mono-ethnic organizations” through shared activities, partnerships, and sponsorship (Acheson &
Laforet, 2013, p. 607). Inter-agency collaboration is “a coping strategy” to “provide needed
services that are ignored by the state and the market” (Trudeau & Veronis, 2009, p. 1127). The
Canadian government supports these efforts, which mitigate “risk for the funder” in contract
agreements (Neudorf, 2016, p. 101). However, smaller partners identify concerns surrounding
competition, co-optation, and unequal power dynamics in interagency collaboration (Sadiq,
2004; Mukhtar et al., 2016). In Germany, small non-profits and MOs similarly partner with
larger welfare associations (Bauder & Jayaraman, 2014). However, asymmetrical power
dynamics are also identified in these partnerships as large welfare agencies direct the mandate
and mission of shared projects through “special sort of bossism” (Thränhardt, 1989, p. 15).
State Funding and Third Sector Autonomy
In Canada, government funding contracts rarely recognize advocacy initiatives such as migrant
rights or anti-racism campaigning, which are seen as “‘special interest’ activities” (Baines et al.,
2014, p. 79). Evans and Shields (2014) note that third-sector organizations become “hesitant to
bite the hand that funds them” in terms of political opposition (p. 125), contributing to a
phenomenon referred to as “advocacy chill” (Evans & Shields, 2014; Valenzuela et al., 2018;
Acheson & Laforet, 2013). In Germany, too, lack of third-sector political autonomy is linked to
funding dependency, particularly for smaller MOs and those working with non-status migrants
(Badikyan, 2014, p. 43). Ultimately, advocacy chill in both Germany and Canada aligns third-
sector services with political and economic prerogatives of funders, rather than the needs of
newcomer clients themselves.
22
Localized Strategies to Strengthen the Third Sector
In both Canada and Germany, despite the challenges of a neoliberal policy environment,
settlement agencies gain resilience through key partnerships within and beyond the sector. In
Canada, umbrella coalitions—often described as “a collective voice”—coalesce to pool
resources, coordinate service provision, share best practices, and lessen advocacy chill by
amplifying sector-wide concerns to upper-tier policymakers (Acheson & Laforet, 2013; Evans &
Shields, 2014; Stasiulus et al., 2011; Lowe et al., 2017, p. 36). Beyond the sector itself, Local
Immigration Partnerships (LIPs) unite multi-tier governments, the third sector, and other actors
in a collaborative council tasked to address local issues. By activating local expertise, LIPs
construct responsive, localized policies and signal a broader shift towards more “cross-sectoral
collaboration and input” in Canadian settlement governance (Stasiulus et al., 2011, p. 113).
Germany’s settlement sector, too, has amplified its capacity through sector-wide partnerships.
Through umbrella organizations, agencies pool resources, knowledge, and support for “a
common rights approach” to settlement. Turkish and Muslim MOs additionally form their own
unique coalitions (Bokert & Bosswick, 2011, p. 118). In 2000, the Süssmuth Commission relied
on third-sector coalition testimony to rethink “a more inclusive and universalist” settlement
framework (Schneider & Scholten, 2015, p. 85). In 2006, the National Integration Summit and
German Islam Conference also enabled third-sector and MO umbrella organizations to engage
with upper-tier government in policy development and implementation (Musch, 2012, p. 75).
As home to the vast majority of Canada’s newcomers, cities “deal with the fallout” when they
encounter social exclusion (Rose & Preston, 2016, p. 30). Though many link neoliberal cutbacks
to “unfunded mandates” in service provision for Canadian cities (Good, 2007; Mwaringa, 2002),
others note cities’ “active, intensified involvement” (Stasiulus et al., 2011) in settlement. This
involvement is visible in the 2005 Canada-Ontario-Toronto Memorandum of Understanding as a
landmark tripartite agreement in settlement governance (Rose & Preston, 2016). In Germany,
municipal governments focused on newcomer settlement “long before the issue reached the
national agenda,” and actively strengthen third-sector consultation through local-level
immigration advisory boards (Hinger, 2011, p. 118). Schmidke (2014) examines local-level
government in Germany and Canada as “laboratories” for “strengthening of place-based
approaches” in settlement (p. 93). However, Canadian municipalities are constrained by “limited
jurisdictional and fiscal powers” and subject to provincial oversight, while in Germany local
initiatives are emboldened by European Union funding and support (Schmidke, 2014, p. 94).
Centralization of Policymaking Power in Settlement
As Sadiq (2004) notes, Canada’s governments exercise “social control” in the third sector as
their contracts specify which organizations will be funded (p. 4). This system of “centralized
decentralization” is characterized by devolution of services to local level while upper-tier
governments remain “at the centre and apex” of key decision-making processes (Shields &
Evans, 2000, p. 16). Ultimately, “the benign language of partnership” thus “hides a steeply
hierarchical and centralized relationship of power” (Evans et al., 2005, p. 78). For example, LIPs
are unfunded in the implementation of community projects (Bradford & Andrew 2010).
Meinhardt et al. (2016) suggest that such decisions are based on an “an economic and
accountability perspective” that favour neoliberal frameworks over long-term social inclusion
(p. 292). Overall, Stasiulus et al. (2011) find that the Canadian third sector requires “greater
responsiveness and democratic openness to more localized voices in settlement policies”
(p. 133).
23
In Germany, funding cuts and the implementation of mandatory integration courses since the
early 2000s signify “a shifting… from the welfare policy context to one of control” (Bokert &
Bosswick, 2011, p. 116). Third-sector voice appears unheeded in government policymaking. For
example, Schneider and Scholten (2017) note that the Süssmuth Commission report—guided by
the expertise of third-sector advocates—“ended up playing barely any role at all … with the
main actors retreating to their ‘old’ frames on immigration and integration,” and that the
resulting 2005 Immigration Act failed “to break with the exclusionary model of immigrant
integration” (p. 85). Similarly, MOs’ involvement in policy formation is “rather symbolic in
nature” (Musch, 2012, p. 86) and municipal integration advisory boards ultimately comprise “a
limited, consultative role” in policy (Schmidke, 2014, p. 90). Menz (2011) notes that the German
state has been “remarkably successful” (p. 458) in shielding national policy from supranational
regulation, and that partnerships between the EU and third-sector organizations have had limited
opportunity to implement social inclusion initiatives.
Conclusion
In Canada and Germany, welfare state erosion since the 1990s has forced municipalities,
newcomer communities, and the settlement sector to be increasingly self-reliant. At the same
time, funding cuts and NPM governance has constrained third-sector capacity to respond to
social exclusion through direct services and political advocacy. Neoliberal policy particularly
affects new, small, ethno-specific, or migrant-led organizations, whose key mandates in outreach
are made particularly precarious. The Canadian and German third sectors meet client needs by
entering into coalitions internally and with government, particularly at the municipal level. The
German third sector has also relied on the volunteerism of civil society and, to some extent,
support from the European Union. As right-wing, nationalist, and anti-immigrant political voices
strengthen in both Europe and North America—and in light of increasing numbers of asylum-
seekers in Germany and at Canada’s border with the United States—effective third-sector
representation of newcomer communities is more important than ever. Unfortunately, in both
countries, upper-tier governments maintain centralized settlement policymaking and thus limit
the third sector’s ability to translate valuable community-based knowledge into policy.
This review identifies the shared challenges in the third sector that are linked to funding cuts, but
more broadly to power dynamics that favour senior-level governments’ economic priorities over
long-term social inclusion initiatives. Meaningful investment in Canada and Germany’s third
sectors requires structural reconsideration of settlement governance as well as the broader
neoliberal policy context. This chapter aims to inspire further research, as well as policy and
program reforms—particularly by incorporating the voices of those with lived experience of
resettlement. It is not just the third sector, but arrival societies themselves that stand to benefit
when social inclusion can be more effectively realized among newcomers.
24
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27
Part 2: Policy and New Policy Directions
4. Building Relationship between Newcomers and
Indigenous Peoples
by Rachel Reesor & Harald Bauder
Abstract
In Canada, multiculturalism continues to integrate newcomers into a national identity that
excludes Indigenous people. In this context, how can the principles underlying treaties between
settlers and Indigenous peoples—peace, unity, and respect—become foundational to Canada’s
national present-day identity? For instance, if Indigenous people became the “welcomers” of
newcomers to Canada, could this be a step forward in including Indigenous people alongside
settlers and newcomers within Canada's national identity, as well as in future policy
development? The purpose of this chapter is to explore how settlement services could build
relationships with Indigenous people and organizations in order for newcomers to become better
informed about Canadian history and Canada’s Indigenous people. Empirical research involving
semi-structured interviews examines six settlement organizations that have begun building such
relationships, and explores the corresponding benefits and challenges as well as possible next
steps for moving forward with these relationships. The research also offers policy
recommendations.
Keywords: Indigenous people; newcomers; settlement services; settler colonialism;
multiculturalism
Introduction
Historically, European settlers displaced and attempted to eradicate Indigenous people to gain
control over resources and land, and to exclude Indigenous people from the communities they
built in Canada (MacDonald, 2014). Although we live in an era of heightened rhetoric of
reconciliation, colonialization continues to this day (Lowman & Barker, 2015).
In this chapter, we suggest framing Indigenous people, rather than settlers, as the “welcomers” of
newcomers to Canada. We focus, in particular, on the role of settlement services provider
organizations. The empirical study examines organizations that have begun to work alongside
Indigenous organizations and people, to create opportunities for newcomer and Indigenous
people to build relationships. The guiding research questions are: how can settlement services or
non-profit organizations work alongside Indigenous organizations and people; and what are the
benefits and challenges of building these relationships?
Below, we first present our approach and methodology, followed by a description of the case
study organizations and their activities. We then present an analysis of interviews related to the
benefits, challenges, and possible next steps, and end with recommendations and conclusions.
28
Approach and Methodology
This chapter applies a decolonization and Indigenous resurgence framework to the issue of
immigrant settlement. Colonialism is ongoing within Canada’s society (Wotherspoon & Hansen,
2013), reflected in racism and violence against Indigenous people, the epidemic of missing and
murdered Indigenous women, discrimination in social services, police brutality, exclusion from
policy-making, and the continued dishonouring of treaties (Lowman & Barker, 2015, p. 3).
Decolonization would require the return of material resources, a shift in power and wealth, and
the reconfigurations of political power (Alfred, 2017; Coulthard, 2014; Green, 2016; Palmater,
2017). Yet this notion of decolonialization seems incompatible with multiculturalism, which has
been criticized as obscuring the injustices experienced by Indigenous peoples and perpetuating
settler colonialism (Lowman & Barker, 2015; Bannerji, 2000). Multiculturalism “undermines the
autonomy of Indigenous communities… [and] seeks to assimilate diversities into a singular
Canadian identity” (Walia, 2012, para. 15). Thus, the assimilation of newcomers into
multiculturalism may perpetuate settler colonialism (Stanley, Arat-Koç, Bertram & King, 2014).
Conversation, dialogue, and the inclusion of Indigenous voices and perspectives in leadership
and decision-making are key to establishing equal relationships between settlers and Indigenous
groups, and thus to decolonization (Kasparian, 2012; Gooder, 2017; TRC, 2015; Chung, 2012).
When Pakistani-Canadian Sadia Rafiquddin joined Innu elder Elizabeth Penashue during the
250-km walk from Labrador to Elizabeth’s birthplace inside Mealy Mountains, she learned the
value of building such a relationship. Rafiquddin (2017) explains:
over 250 kilometers, she and I and her family shared so much. We talked about our
languages, our communities, where we came from, what the experience of being forcibly
removed from one’s homeland has on a sense of well-being for a person. She says it’s
important to make such a connection because coming together will ultimately make
Canada a better country. We need to hear about our common humanity. We need to…
think more about all of us being together and building a better country (para. 8-9).
Another example is the conversation between Basel Alrashdan, a 13-year-old Syrian refugee, and
Charlotte Morris, a Mi-Kmaq grandmother and residential-school survivor. They connected
because they were both taken from their homes but in very different ways. In a CBC segment,
Basel states: “It’s very interesting and very important to know. All people should know about
what happened to Indigenous people” (Tremonti, 2018). He explained how he was welcomed
with warmth and respect when he arrived to Prince Edward Island and was saddened to hear that
this was not the case for Charlotte, who was taken from her family and deprived of her culture.
Charlotte said in the interview that she has gained a lifelong friend after meeting and speaking to
Basel; Basel intends to respect the treaties when he gets Canadian citizenship.
The role of treaties can be illustrated through one of the Southern Ontario-specific treaties: the
Dish with One Spoon Treaty between Anishinaabe, Mississaugas, and Haudenosaunee, which
emphasizes the importance of sharing the territory and protecting the land in the spirit of peace,
friendship, and respect. There are over 300 treaties across Canada; therefore, all newcomers have
been invited into these treaties, making the principles of the treaty applicable to everyone living
on this land encompassing Canada (Kang, 2017).
In this chapter, we suggest that an important step towards decolonialization is that the settlement
of newcomers begins with learning about this land and who it belongs to, while acknowledging
the histories of settlement, genocide, displacement, and the treaties. Newcomers often come to
29
Canada with little or highly distorted knowledge of Indigenous people (Suleman, 2011;
Ghorayshi, 2010; Walker & Garcea, 2014). For a successful process of decolonialization to
unfold, these newcomers must be included in the process of decolonialization.
Below, we present the results of a qualitative study that first identifies several case studies where
settlement services and non-profit organizations collaborated with Indigenous people or
organizations. After acquiring background information on these case studies from library and
online resources, personal semi-structured interviews with participants in leadership positions at
these organizations were conducted. When reporting the results, we gave each participant a
pseudonym.
Case Studies
This section examines the extent and nature of the work of six different organizations that are
currently helping to establish relations between Indigenous people and newcomers.
Ka Ni Kanichihk (KNK)
KNK is an independent Indigenous organization located in Winnipeg’s inner city. It provides a
culturally safe environment that builds on the strength and resilience of Indigenous people. Its
programming focuses on topics such as the HIV crisis, employment assistance and mentorship,
sense of belonging, Medicine Bear counselling, and elder services program (KNK, 2017). In
2010, KNK started cooperating with settlement service providers to raise awareness among
newcomers of Indigenous peoples and to facilitate cultural exchanges between the two groups. In
this context, KNK delivers Aboriginal Awareness workshops, Youth Peace Building Gathering
Programs, and anti-racism training to enhance cross-cultural relations. The Aboriginal Awareness
workshop is provided once a month to newcomers as a way to introduce them to Indigenous
history and culture, become knowledgeable about the land they are living on, and correct
misperceptions they may have about Indigenous people. The Youth Peace Building Program is a
week-long summer camp that allows Indigenous and newcomer youth aged 13-16 to come
together and talk about themselves and their culture. Many of the youth who participated in this
summer camp found confidence and pride in their culture, developed lasting friendships, and
changed their opinions of other cultures and people (Gyepi-Garbrah, Walker & Garcea, 2014).
Vancouver Dialogue Project
The Vancouver Dialogue Project was developed in 2010 and funded mostly by the Government
of Canada and the Province of British Columbia, while Vancouver’s Social Planning Division
collaborated with 27 community partners to implement the project (Suleman, 2011). There were
nine dialogue circles where Indigenous people and newcomers met three times weekly to share
stories, experiences, and perspectives on the past and present, and on building future
relationships (Wong & Fong, 2012). In many cases, these Dialogue Circles were the first time
Indigenous and newcomer participants had ever tried to understand each other. The main themes
that emerged through the dialogue were: 1) understanding each other’s history and knowledge;
2) racism, as it affected all participants; 3) learning about each other; 4) land and belonging; and
5) reconciliation and identity. A community research project consisted of a review on the amount
of Indigenous information available to newcomers—which found limited information and often
not from an Indigenous perspective (Suleman, 2011; Wong & Fong, 2012). In response, the City
of Vancouver created a Newcomer’s Guide focusing specifically on Indigenous people. In
addition, it conducted an online community survey that revealed: only 39% of respondents felt
30
that Vancouver was welcoming to Indigenous people, while 73% felt Vancouver was welcoming
to newcomers. Furthermore, a one-on-one interview survey revealed negative stereotypes of
Indigenous people (Suleman, 2011). There also were twelve cultural exchanges between
Indigenous and newcomer communities, e.g., visits to the Tsleil-Waututh Nation, the Britannia
Community Centre, First Nations and Aboriginal Health practitioners, and the Vancouver
Aboriginal Friendship Centre. Other programs included: the youth and elder program focusing
on intergenerational dialogue circles, interviews with newcomers and Indigenous people in the
context of a legacy project titled ‘Our Roots,’ a book launch for the Legacy project, youth
dialogue sessions, a youth summit, and the development of Vancouver’s newcomers guide
(Suleman, 2011; Wong & Fong, 2012).
KAIROS Canadian Ecumenical Justice Initiatives
KAIROS is a non-profit organization comprised of 10 religious organizations that work towards
faithful action to ecological justice and human rights (KAIROS, 2018). The organization was
founded in 2001 and spans across Canada, with the two main offices in Toronto and Ottawa. It
focuses on programs in relation to ecological, gender, Indigenous, and migrant justice (KAIROS,
2003). Three programs involve Indigenous people and newcomers: 1) the blanket exercise, 2)
Youth Exchange, and 3) reconciliation events.
The blanket exercise is an interactive teaching and learning tool that was developed with
Indigenous elders to teach Canada’s shared history. Everyone participating in the blanket
exercise became First Nations, Inuit, and later Metis people as they stepped onto the blankets
laid on the ground that symbolized the land. As the narrative progressed from pre-contact and
treaty-making, to colonization and resistance, blankets were taken away or folded to symbolize
the removal of land from Indigenous people. Participants were asked to leave the blankets and sit
down to symbolize Indigenous deaths from such cases as smallpox or the high suicide rate
amongst Inuit people. At other moments during the exercise, participants were asked to step off
the blanket and stand at a distance from others, symbolizing how Indigenous people were
removed from their homes and placed in residential schools. The blanket exercise is conducted in
schools, workplaces, and other organizations.
The Youth Exchange took place in the summer of 2017 and involved Guatemalan youth coming
to Canada, as well as Indigenous and settler youth from Canada going to Guatemala. The
program emphasized the importance of sharing the colonial history and assuming collective
responsibility (KAIROS, 2018). Finally, in March 2018, reconciliation events were held across
Canada to build and strengthen relationships between newcomers and Indigenous people through
the use of cultural performances, workshops, and gatherings. These events were developed in
consultation with an Indigenous Rights Circle, which includes both Indigenous leaders and non-
Indigenous KAIROS members (KAIROS, 2018).
Canadian Roots Exchange (CRE)
CRE is a non-profit organization that focuses on strengthening relationships between Indigenous
and non-Indigenous youth, up to the age of 29. It promotes respect, understanding, and
reconciliation. The main programs are exchanges, a Youth Reconciliation Initiative, and youth
conferences. The exchanges aim to: 1) build face-to-face relationships between Indigenous and
non-Indigenous youth; 2) develop intergenerational relationships with elders, adults, and
children; and 3) share these experiences with their exchange community. The Youth
Reconciliation Initiative places youth at the forefront of reconciliation and offers training for
31
organizing monthly events for youth to discuss what reconciliation means. They share their
learning experiences at an annual conference that takes place in a different city across Canada
every year. These conferences are facilitated by youth for youth, and provide ample
opportunities for dialogue (CRE, 2014).
Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants (OCASI)
OCASI is a non-profit organization founded in 1978 to advocate for Ontario’s immigrant-serving
agencies. In June 2017, OCASI published the document A Commitment to Truth, Justice and
Reconciliation, which acknowledges the continuing injustices and harm experienced by
Indigenous communities and outlines OCASI’s commitment to reconciliation through building
respectful relationships between Indigenous peoples, communities of colour, and others
inhabiting Canada (OCASI, 2017). As the joint voice for settlement agencies, OCASI pushes for
funding and resources for settlement services, aiming to provide additional programming toward
reconciliation and learning about Indigenous people and their history. OCASI is currently
developing connections with the Ontario Federation of Indigenous Friendship Centre to provide
cultural-competency training for OCASI staff members.
COSTI Immigration Services
COSTI is a community-based multicultural settlement-service agency with 18 locations in the
Greater Toronto Area. It is at the beginning stages of developing relationships with Indigenous
organizations and people (COSTI, 2017). COSTI realizes that it has a role to play in the process
of reconciliation with Indigenous communities and in educating newcomers about Indigenous
peoples and their histories. The first step for COSTI is to educate its staff, and the second step is
to explore how to integrate Indigenous information into different aspects of its work in
consultation with Indigenous communities and leaders.
Benefits, Challenges, and Next Steps
Interview participants were asked about the benefits and challenges of next steps for building
relationships with Indigenous organizations and people, in order to develop appropriate
programming and information for newcomers.
Benefits
Most participants agree that developing relationships between newcomers and Indigenous people
within organizations is beneficial to foster learning and understanding, and as the first step to
decolonization. “Learning from one another is the only way we can have meaningful relationships
and hopefully we can understand one another,” said Andrew (pseudonym), “we are doing the
settling, we are settlers—so we need to understand that role in that relationship.” Bob explained:
“we need to rectify wrongs from the past, it’s not just rectifying those wrongs by saying ‘you know
we need to do things differently.’ We need to understand Indigenous communities.” Learning, in
this context, means unlearning settler-colonialist practices. Mary remarked that for newcomers, “a
lot of it is shock, or unlearning and relearning and reimagining their new homeland.”
Historically, Indigenous people were the welcomers of settlers on their land, and they performed
this role with pride and generosity. Jim explained that it is important to educate newcomers about
the generosity that Indigenous peoples extended towards settlers. By working towards
developing relationships with Indigenous peoples and organizations, settlement services can help
to make Indigenous people the welcomers of Canada again.
32
Challenges
An ongoing challenge for organizations is the lack of funding and resources. Andrew said: “there
is so much interest out there, but we just do not have the time or resources.” Bob remarks that
without proper funding and resources, it is difficult to integrate Indigenous knowledge and
history and develop relationships. Andrew explains: “there should be resources available for
settlement organizations to hire Indigenous leaders and educators to work with them. Not to
bring them on a volunteer basis, which is not only a challenge but a problem.” It is a mistake to
assume that Indigenous people will volunteer their time simply because they are committed to
reconciliation and building relationships. In fact, this assumption is detrimental to building
relationships and to reconciliation.
The exposure that the TRC has received seems to have contributed to this challenge. Bob
suggested:
The Indigenous community is inundated with requests. And I think that maybe the TRC
has created, you know, a huge interest. Which is what I’m glad to see, that is what should
have happened, but I think that everybody is probably going to the same people and…
I’m talking to people who say well the earliest I could do anything for you is like
January, February next year.
In other words, many organizations we spoke to find it hard to develop relationships with
Indigenous communities that are often overwhelmed with requests.
A related challenge is the lack of recognition of the importance of building relationships between
newcomers and Indigenous peoples by the state. Andrew explained: “there is no political will in
our elected officials in every level: municipal, provincial, federal. There is no political will to
support this kind of relationship program because they don’t see it as a priority.” This lack of
political will manifests itself in little funding being allocated to the development of programs that
connect Indigenous people and newcomers. Settlement service providers generally do not have
the resources to independently create opportunities for interactions between newcomers and
Indigenous people.
Lastly, newcomer and Indigenous communities have their own challenges, which can make
building relationships difficult. Mary explains that “[both] communities are dealing with a lot
within their own communities and on their own—there is a healing process and things they need
to do within themselves.” Recognizing the multi-faceted issues within each community is
important before building relationships outside of these communities.
Next Steps
Building relationships between Indigenous people, newcomers, and other non-Indigenous people
is an ongoing process. Jim stressed the importance of ongoing events that enable a continuing
dialogue between Indigenous leaders and newcomers to develop their relationships. Several
interviewees noted the importance of creating “true” partnerships. Andrew explained that this
means,
not to do things when I want and [when the organization] wants, it is to do things when
people are ready. That to me is the true spirit of partnership. Otherwise, it would be…
exactly the same thing that has been done for centuries, which is to impose things and we
can’t do that.
33
All participants stressed that Indigenous people’s involvement must be comprehensive to ensure
that all programming is developed with an Indigenous perspective. Andrew explained: “if we are
working on Indigenous rights issues, we need to have Indigenous people on staff. We need to
work more with Indigenous people, constantly consult with them, constantly collaborate with
them.” Similarly, Bob emphasized,
the involvement of… [the] leaders within the Indigenous community to ensure that what
we are doing is not our perception of what we should be doing, but ensuring that they
feel: yes, this is what I would want newcomers to know about us.
One participant explained that their organization has several Indigenous people on payroll, which
is a significant step in terms of offering beneficial opportunities that do not exploit volunteer-
based Indigenous labour.
Finally, each country, province, city, and town will have different organizations, different
treaties, and different Indigenous groups. Therefore, it is essential for settlement services and
non-profit organizations to make local connections. Mary said: “making those connections to
have groups come in locally to talk about specific treaties or history—having those educational
opportunities are really important.” Local links and connections will make relationships and
programs unique and meaningful to that region.
Recommendations and Conclusions
The involvement of Indigenous people and organizations in developing programming for
settlement services and their delivery is critical. In this regard, government plays an important
role in providing funding and resources. Too often are Indigenous people asked to volunteer, or
they are only hired for one day or for a special event, rather than providing opportunities for
permanent employment. This type of employment opportunity would be important, however, to
fully include Indigenous perspectives and knowledges in a comprehensive manner.
Newcomers and Indigenous people are highly diverse groups with a wide range of viewpoints
and experiences, and not all Indigenous people and organizations agree with the TRC or would
want to be the “welcomers” of Canada. Through conversation at the local level, settlement
services can grapple with this complexity, contribute to decolonialization, and work on ways to
place Indigenous people and their needs at the forefront of Canada.
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35
5. Private and Government Sponsorship in the
Resettlement Experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese
Refugees in Canada
by Belinda Ha & Vappu Tyyskä
Abstract
While there has been much research conducted by Canadian government researchers and
academics regarding the cost-benefits of private sponsorship, there remains a need for more in-
depth comparative analyses of the sociocultural and economic adaptation of refugees as a result
of sponsorship type. Through five intensive and semi-structured interviews conducted in the
Greater Toronto Area (GTA), this chapter examines possible causal links between types of
sponsorship in relation to the level of integration as experienced by Chinese-Vietnamese
refugees, a group that has been neglected by researchers. It was observed that privately-
sponsored refugees—who mostly arrived in Canada between 1979 and 1980—emphasized the
instrumental role their benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement, whereas
those who were government-sponsored were compelled to work at forming their own social
support systems. Given the resurgence of private sponsorship since 2015, these results are
valuable in suggesting that sponsorship type crucially impacts long-term resettlement.
Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese refugees; resettlement; Canada; social support network; private
sponsorship
Introduction
Current efforts to resettle Syrian refugees in Canada have been much in focus, both in media and
scholarly research. However, there is a historical precedent from a mass Indochinese refugee
movement 40 years prior, in which direct participation by civil society proved essential for the
resettlement of 60,000 refugees fleeing the Vietnam War (Beiser, 2003). The first influx of 5,608
political refugees arrived in the country between 1975-6, after the fall of the Thieu regime in South
Vietnam. They were mostly from the upper echelons of society—army officers and professionals
who were middle to upper class (Dorais, 2000). At that time, with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) appealing for countries to significantly increase their intake
of these so-called ‘boat people,’ the Canadian government turned to private sponsorship by
individuals and groups of citizens as an innovative way of addressing the humanitarian crisis (Lam,
1996). While there has since been research conducted by Canadian government researchers and
academics regarding the cost-benefits of private sponsorship, there remains to be more in-depth
comparative analyses of the refugees’ long-term adaptation tied to sponsorship type.
Through five intensive and semi-structured interviews conducted in the Greater Toronto Area
(GTA) in August 2013, this article examines possible causal links between types of sponsorship in
relation to the level of integration as experienced by Chinese-Vietnamese refugees. To start, a
section detailing the historical background of the Vietnam War will be provided to contextualize the
creation of Southeast Asian refugees in the late 1970s. Particular attention is given to explaining the
political situation affecting the Chinese-Vietnamese at the time. An overview of Canada’s response
will then be provided, outlining how the increasing severity of the refugee crisis compelled the
country to open its doors. A background to public and private sponsorship in Canada follows, with
a subsequent detailed discussion of study results and policy recommendations.
36
Historical Background
Following the fall of Saigon on April 30, 1975, there was a mass exodus of Vietnamese and
Chinese-Vietnamese refugees fleeing the country’s reunification under new communist rule
(Willmott, 1980). Providing insight into the scope of migration which captured global attention,
it is estimated that of the approximately two million people who fled Vietnam, more than
500,000 died trying to escape (Snodgrass et al., 1993). Those of Chinese origin represented the
bulk of the second wave of refugees in late 1978, having faced comparatively more adverse
conditions coming out of the war with their status as undesirable minorities. In 1979, the outflow
from Vietnam of ethnic Chinese was estimated at between 60 to 85 per cent of the total (Lam,
1996). Ethnic Chinese accounted for over 80 per cent of Hong Kong’s refugee population
(Employment and Immigration Canada, 1982). CBC News reported that under the new
Vietnamese administration, 1.5 million ethnic-Chinese were relocated to new economic zones in
the countryside to perform agricultural labour with scarce food provided (Willmott, 1980). Ron
Atkey, Canada’s Minister of Immigration at the time, went so far as to proclaim acts of genocide
against the Chinese entrepreneurial class living in Vietnam (Csillag, 2017).
Canada’s Response – “Haven for the Homeless”
In total, Canada agreed to admit 60,000 refugees from Southeast Asia between 1979 and 1981
with a combination of government and private sponsorships (Beiser, 2003). Together, this
constituted about 15 per cent of the country’s total refugee intake since the end of the Second
World War in 1945 (Lam, 1996). It also served as the largest per capita reception of boat people
by any country, with a ratio of 1:324 (Beiser, 2006). A federal act of 1976 permitted any non-
profit organization or group of five or more Canadian citizens to sponsor a refugee family,
provided they had the resources to provide clothing, food, and housing for the first year (Vo,
2006). They were to also help the newly-arrived to find work or enroll in school, in addition to
paying health insurance premiums. From 1979 to 1980 alone, more than 7,000 sponsoring
organizations volunteered their help. The UNHCR ended up awarding the people of Canada its
Nansen Medal for having openly welcomed such a large influx of refugees from Indochina, as
numbers had reached 200,000 by that point (Vo, 2006).
Literature Review
To encourage private sponsorship as allowed by provisions in the Immigration Act of 1976, the
Canadian government promised to match every privately-sponsored Southeast Asian refugee
with another one sponsored by the country. Initial projections indicated that 25,000 refugees
would enter under private sponsorship, while the remaining 25,000 would be sponsored by the
government to match numbers (Beiser, 2003). As it turned out, public response by Canadians far
exceeded expectations. Between the years 1979 and 1981, forty thousand refugees from
Southeast Asia were admitted under private sponsorship while another 20,000 were admitted
under government sponsorship (Beiser, 2003).
In Beiser’s (2003) study on sponsorship and resettlement success, successful resettlement was
measured by examining the variables of employment, English language fluency, and general
health. Using longitudinal data from the University of Toronto Refugee Resettlement Project
(RRP)—which was based on 608 cases interviewed at three points in time between 1981 and
1991—Beiser concludes that the type of sponsorship affected long-term success, even after
controlling for the effects of ethnicity, as well as predisposing and enabling factors. Private
37
sponsorship predicted successful integration, whereas government sponsorship was more likely
to predict the opposite. Neuwirth and Clark (1981) suggest that private sponsors tend to expose
refugees to a broader range of services than government settlement workers and volunteers are
able to (as cited in Beiser, 2003). In addition, “sponsors act, as it were, as the direct
representatives of the new society: apart from providing material help, they ideally should guide
the refugees in their initial social and cultural adjustment” (as cited in Beiser, 2003, p. 213). The
authors write that in some cases, private sponsors not only act as partial or complete ambassadors
of Canadian society, but as outlets preventing the sponsored from feelings of isolation.
Quite on the contrary, Woon’s (1987) survey results show that half of all privately sponsored
refugees and almost all the government-sponsored think that government sponsorship is
preferable. Her research was based on a systematic comparison of 11 government-sponsored and
nine privately-sponsored Vietnamese refugees in Victoria, British Columbia, before and after
their first year in Canada. Woon (1987) writes that there was a great deal of ambiguity about
rules governing the relationship between private sponsors and refugees, since many refugees
admitted that the program had never been fully explained to them even after their arrival in the
country. For that reason, most of them did not know how long the sponsors were legally bound
to them, nor did they know the financial obligations attached to sponsorship. More importantly,
although many were touched by the generosity and warm hearts of their sponsors, there is no
actual parallel in Vietnamese culture that explains the idea of private sponsorship. This type of
charitable act where one would help a complete stranger was unheard of, as the norm in Vietnam
was to only receive the help of family or close community members.
As perceptively noted by Chan and Lam (1983), analysis of the intricate interpersonal dynamics
of sponsor-refugee relationships undoubtedly reflects the master-dependent component in which
a party provides and another party is provided for. Thus, despite the possibility of an affective
bond formed between the two parties, there is always an underlying economic and status
difference which can be a major source of discomfort. Paradoxically then, the very effectiveness
of the instrumental role provided by private sponsors seemed to reduce the effectiveness of their
socially supportive role. The perhaps overly-central role of private sponsors can be demonstrated
by the fact that nearly all rental units occupied by privately-sponsored refugees were found by
their respective sponsors. By contrast, only half of the residences were found by the Refugee Aid
Centre for the government-sponsored sample, as the refugees themselves or members of their
social network found the others.
An examination of the literature regarding private versus government sponsorship noticeably
reveals a lack of consensus among researchers on the topic. The rather confusing discord of
views pertaining to sponsorship type merits further study, especially given the dated nature of
previous research.
Study Background
Through five intensive and semi-structured interviews, this qualitative study examines the role
that social support networks may or may not have played in facilitating the resettlement
experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees living in Canada after the Vietnam War.
Participants were asked to describe their experiences at the refugee camp(s), their initial
resettlement, possible obstacles encountered, and resources turned to in times of hardship. Semi-
structured interviews were conducted as opposed to unstructured interviews because they permit
guidance in maintaining the topic focus, while also allowing the respondent to reply in detail in
accordance with their interpretation of the question (Bryman, Teevan & Bell, 2009). Participants
38
were between the ages of 40-65 and lived in the GTA at the time of interview for a face-to-face
meeting. All participants arrived in Canada between 1976 and 1980.
Findings
Three of the five participants were privately-sponsored while the other two were government-
sponsored. Everyone who was privately-sponsored emphasized the instrumental role their
benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement in Canada. In contrast, those who
were government-sponsored were compelled to adopt a more independent mindset of creating
their own social support systems.
Public Sponsorship
While Thalia, Mike, and Steven were the three study participants privately-sponsored either by a
church or a hospital, Ty and Janet were government-sponsored. Any emphasis or mention of
support from individuals in the government sector is noticeably absent in Ty and Janet’s
interviews. In their transcripts, mention of the government is always as an institution, as if there
are no individuals who constitute government. After mentioning that the government put his
family in a hotel in Toronto to stay for a month, Ty said they then looked for housing
themselves. While the privately-sponsored sample would emphasize the support provided by
their benefactors, Ty’s account focuses more on the individuals of Toronto who he found
helpful: “sometime the church people come to visit. Bring us some used clothes, food. I have to
say it’s amazing—even the housekeeper, they are really helping us. Those housekeeper know we
aren’t ordinary guests—they feel sorry.” Ty found a manufacturing job through Manpower. With
a wage of $3.00 an hour at the time, this is less than half of the $6.39 wage received by Steven at
a cleaning job arranged by private sponsors. When it came to Ty’s second job in Canada after he
quit the previous one, he said he got the job through one of the Vietnamese refugees he had met
on the street who had arrived to the country before him. The impact of this individual on the life
of Ty is evidenced by his response to the question of whether there was anyone in particular who
he found helpful in his resettlement:
I would say that guy—Vietnamese refugee came a year before us. He look at me and
know I’m from Vietnam. He introduce me to the steel company to work there. I would
still talk to him. And he was so nice, even after twenty years we see him I still respect
him.
As was noted in the literature about the government-sponsored refugees, the lack of prolonged
contact with government representatives led to Ty forming personal social networks of his own,
which would in turn facilitate his resettlement in Canada. Whereas the privately-sponsored
sample often reflected on their spare time being spent with the networks of their sponsors, the
lack of personal contact meant that Ty was left to fend for himself and his family. He was given
no choice but to be independent and in doing so, he was exposed to the support provided by
strangers.
Today, Ty attributes his success to the support he receives from contacts he formed while
working at his father’s grocery store in the 1980s. A lot of the regulars in Chinatown got to know
him over the years and have been steady clients since the opening of his store. From his
experience in Canada, where it was upon him to form his own networks of support, he has
learned lessons he perhaps may not have had he been privately-sponsored.
39
Private Sponsorship
As indicative of the prolonged support provided by volunteer private sponsors, Thalia, Mike, and
Steven report keeping in contact with their respective sponsors long after the legal requirements
of one year. Since moving away from Nova Scotia, Thalia says there have been various times
when she and her siblings have gone back to visit them. The couple that Thalia spent the most
time with as a child are now in their late 80s or early 90s. She states that the last time she and her
brothers were in contact with this couple was when her brother visited Nova Scotia two years
ago. When asked when he last had contact with his church sponsors, Mike revealed that he had
dinner with the wife just the night before the interview. Now 87 years old, her husband passed
away not too long ago. As for the sponsor’s son, whom Mike would often play with as a child, he
says he sees him occasionally. He admits to seeing his sponsor more over the past two years,
about once every two months, because he can see she is getting weaker after her husband passed
away. Although Steven moved away from Fredericton before the one year of sponsorship was
up, he says he still has the hospital phone number of his sponsors and calls them sometimes.
Now around the age of 80 to 85, he would call the people still at the hospital just to say hello and
update them about his life. There was one instance where he went back to visit them 20 years
ago. In comparison, Ty and Janet, who were government-sponsored, did not have any prolonged
contact with any government workers after the one-year sponsorship ended.
Steven happened to be one of three single young men sponsored by a hospital in Fredericton,
New Brunswick. Describing his arrival in January 1979, Steven shared his feelings regarding his
benefactors:
They are very nice—you know, the doctor, driver, nurse, and secretary, they all donate
the money from hospital. And they give us the house for living—share together. No pay
rent. And one week ten dollar for us. At that time, ten dollar’s very big. Cigarette pack I
think only one dollar. But they come pick us, come once a week to go to the grocery
store. And they pay for food. And they send us to English school for three months.
Employment-wise, Steven said the sponsors helped all three men find jobs, but that he was the
luckiest one with his cleaning job. He would work there for the next nine months, with the pay of
$6.49 an hour being significantly higher than the average pay received by government-sponsored
refugees ($3.20 to $6.00 an hour). It was only around summertime when lack of employment at
the university led him to ask his sponsors if he could relocate to Toronto. According to him, his
sponsors supported his decision:
My sponsor it’s say up to me. If I cannot find a job and go back, they welcome. Because
they sponsor me one year, that time wasn’t even one year, only nine months. They still
have responsibility for me. I say to my sponsor, the doctor—“thank you but I cannot stay
here, too quiet.” They say “why, beautiful here!” I say, “not for me (laughs).”
I take the train. They pay for that. They give me some money, give me a watch, give me a
pen. They so nice! And they write letter for me from [place of employment], say if you
cannot find a job, go back there we hire you.
There is thus evidence of his sponsors wanting to ensure he had steady employment wherever he
decided to go. Also, while some of the literature about private sponsors notes their increased
tendency for invasiveness, Steven’s sponsors allowed him the freedom to choose where he
wanted to live. They also helped form the foundation for his successful economic integration in
40
Toronto. Because he had already worked as a cleaner, he was easily given a cleaning job on his
second day living in the city. They even paid him 50 cents more than his previous job.
Steven’s accounts are significant in that they contradict Chan and Lam’s (1983) study as well as
Woon’s (1987), both of which noted refugees’ distrust of sponsors due to the unfamiliar concept
of sponsorship in Vietnam. When asked whether the reason he still calls the hospital is related to
his gratitude, Steven responded:
Because people helping you, you understand you cannot just forget about. You keep
touch because they very nice to helping you to begin your new life! You have to
appreciate. They happy you doing well. They know I’m doing well, they don’t worry
about me.
Private sponsors and wonderful childhoods
What was interesting in the testimonies of both Thalia and Mike was the emphasis they kept
placing on the instrumental role their private sponsors had in ensuring they had a self-described
“wonderful” childhood. The couple who sponsored Mike helped provide clothing for his entire
family, as well as bringing them out for fun activities on the weekend. He remembers going with
her to church a lot, being taken to the movies, and even being invited to her cottage:
She’d invite us up to her cottage often in Barrie. She had a son very late in her
marriage—he was a couple years older than me and we got along pretty well. She also
had a farm. We used to horse around at the farm, dig holes and traps. The whole family
would go, our parents would help out at the farm and us kids would just mess around
(laughs).
Education-wise, with him and his siblings enrolled in school, the wife would help with their
homework. Mike’s parents were always working at this time, as they entered the workforce less
than a year after taking English language classes. As a result, he said he didn’t spend much time
with his parents. When asked what role the couple played in his life, Mike stated simply: “I
consider her like a second mother to me.” While both the sponsoring husband and wife were
influential in his life, he said he was closer to the wife: “she was more mothering. She considered
me like her son. She used to kiss me goodnight. The difference was me and her son got along so
well and that made our family special.” It is because of this strong bond that Mike said he now
tries to visit more often in light of her deteriorating health condition, to make sure she is taken
care of. He said it is difficult to see her in that position.
In the case of Thalia, who lived in Pictou, she also described her church sponsors in a positive
light that indicates her gratitude:
They were really incredible people. They all took turns coming to our house every night
to teach us English. They took us out all the time, especially on weekends, to get us
whatever we needed like clothes and food, or to go to individual houses for parties. We
were basically never alone.
They were without a doubt wonderful—beyond awesome. I had a great childhood
because of them. And our sponsorship didn’t just end after one year, which was their
responsibility. It continued—anytime we needed help, someone was there.
41
Thalia said that since she was the youngest of the family’s nine siblings, and significantly
younger than the others, she ended up spending a lot of time under the sponsors’ care. Because
her five older brothers who arrived with her were old enough to be her father, their primary
concern was finding employment, which the sponsors helped them with. They were also
interested in finding life partners for marriage. Being at a different stage of life that didn’t permit
them to take much care of her, Thalia said she considers the private-sponsorship couple who she
spent the most time with as her second parents. This is reminiscent of Mike’s comments.
Discussion and Conclusion
Results from this study indicate that the type of sponsorship greatly determined the level and
source of social support received by the refugees. Accordingly, Antonovsky (1973) suggests that
one’s extent of profound ties to others and to the total community represent two key “resistance
resources” in one’s attempt to deal with life crises:
On the simplest level, a person who has someone who cares for him is likely to more
adequately resolve tension than one who does not. Even without employing the resources
of others, simply knowing that these are available to one increases one’s strength. (as
cited in Chan, 1977, p. 96)
This is consistent within the interactionist framework whereby one’s response to stress and social
losses is dependent on the perceived availability of support in one’s social environment, which
includes the kinship system and peer groups (Chan, 1977). While those sponsored by private
groups credited their benefactors for providing instrumental support, those sponsored by the
government were quickly forced to develop an independent approach whereby they either
formed their own social networks of support or relied on family members. A theme of resiliency
was present in the accounts of how these refugees slowly worked their way into Canadian
society after the traumatic experience of forced migration (Boyd, 2006). Chan (1977) attributes
the ability to endure as a family in the face of socioeconomic deprivation to the many years of
wars, political prosecution, and poverty in Southeast Asia.
Since the late 1970s and early 1980s, when Indochinese refugees participated in Canada’s first
Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program (Molloy & Simeon, 2016), resettlement policies have
evolved. Nevertheless, insights from the Indochinese experience certainly informs and
foreshadows the adaptation of recent and subsequent arrivals in Canada. Considering the
impactful role that private sponsors have in shaping the economic and social integration of
refugees, future studies should examine how these sponsors can be further supported. Though
private sponsors are generous in their commitment of time and energy, they would likely benefit
from educational and informational resources related to the specific backgrounds of the
particular groups of refugees they are dealing with. Such supports would enhance the refugees’
settlement experience and make the process less arduous on the sponsors.
There have been some new developments since this study was completed. The Canadian
government, in partnership with the UNHCR and the Open Society Foundations, launched the
Global Refugee Sponsorship Initiative in December 2016 (Hyndman, Payne & Jimenez, 2017).
This was an effort to help other countries adopt its private sponsorship scheme that was lauded as
a model to emulate. Both Australia and Britain are currently developing their own private
sponsorship schemes. One downside to Canada’s example pertains to a seeming reliance on
private sponsorship to fulfill the government’s resettlement obligations. Notably, when Trudeau
was unable to fulfill his pledge of welcoming 25,000 government-sponsored Syrian refugees by
42
the end of 2015, private sponsorship was enlisted to help meet a revised deadline. Nearly half of
almost 40,000 Syrian refugees who arrived in Canada by the end of January 2017 were wholly or
partly admitted through private sponsorship (Hyndman, Payne & Jimenez, 2017). As it becomes
clear that private sponsorship will be increasingly used to fulfill humanitarian obligations,
governments should be mindful—particularly given the dominant neoliberal ethos of our times—
that private sponsorship should complement and not substitute government assistance.
References
Beiser, M. (2003). Sponsorship and resettlement success. Journal of International Migration and
Integration / Revue De l'Integration Et De La Migration Internationale, 4(2), 203-215.
Beiser, M. (2006). Longitudinal research to promote effective refugee resettlement. Transcultural
Psychiatry, 43(1), 56-71.
Bryman, A., Bell, E. A., & Teevan, J. J. (2009). Social research methods (2nd Canadian ed.). Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Canada. Employment and Immigration Canada (Dept.). (1982). Indochinese refugees: The Canadian
response, 1979 and 1980.
Chan, K. B. (1977). Individual differences in reactions to stress and their personality and situational
determinants: Some implications for community mental health. Social Science and Medicine, 11(2),
89-103.
Chan, K. B., & Lam, L. (1983). Resettlement of Vietnamese-Chinese refugees in Montreal, Canada:
Some sociopsychological problems and dilemmas. Canadian Ethnic Studies = Etudes Ethniques Au
Canada, 15(1), 1-17.
Chan, K. B., & Indra, D. M. (1987). Uprooting, loss, and adaptation: The resettlement of Indochinese
refugees in Canada. Canadian Public Health Association.
Csillag, R. (May 24, 2017). Politician Ron Atkey opened Canada’s doors to boat people. The Globe and
Mail. Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/politician-ron-atkey-opened-
canadas-doors-to-boat-people/article35108399/
Hyndman, J., Payne, W., & Jimenez, S. (2017). Private refugee sponsorship in Canada. Forced Migration
Review, (54), 56.
Lam, L. (1996). From being uprooted to surviving: Resettlement of Vietnamese-Chinese "boat-people" in
Montreal, 1980-1990. Toronto: York Lanes Press.
Molloy, M. J., & Simeon, J. C. (2016). The Indochinese refugee movement and the launch of Canada’s
private sponsorship program. Refuge, 32(2), 3.
Snodgrass, L. L., Yamamoto, J., Frederick, C., Ton-That, N., Foy, D. W., Chan, L., & Fairbanks, L. (1993).
Vietnamese refugees with PTSD symptomatology: Intervention via a coping skills model. Journal of
Traumatic Stress, 6(4), 569-575.
Tepper, E. L., & Canadian Asian Studies Association. (1980). Southeast Asian exodus: From tradition to
resettlement: Understanding refugees from Laos, Kampuchea, and Vietnam in Canada. Canadian
Asian Studies Association.
Vo, N. M. (2006). The Vietnamese boat people, 1954 and 1975-1992. McFarland & Company.
43
6. The Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program: A Gender-
Based Analysis
by Lorelle Juffs & Myer Siemiatycki
Abstract
After 20 years of operation, the Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program (MPNP) is regarded as
one of the most successful provincial economic immigration programs in Canada for its
attraction, retention, and integration of immigrants. Within the MPNP today, more than one third
of all nominees are female, yet literature on the program to date reflects limited analysis or
representation of these female nominees. In response to the lack of substantial gender-based
analysis in MPNP literature, this chapter presents a preliminary assessment: focusing on female
principal applicant nominees’ experience and positionality under the MPNP using a feminist
policy analysis theoretical framework. This assessment revealed that MPNP streams and
recruitment practices continue to be gendered and racialized, contributing to the gender gap
among principal applicants within the MPNP.
Keywords: The Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program; female principal applicants; economic
class immigrant; Canada; feminist policy analysis.
Introduction
The year 2018 marked the 20th anniversary of the Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program
(MPNP), with Manitoba government websites proudly proclaiming: “MPNP 20: Canada’s first
Provincial Nominee Program celebrating 20 years of welcoming newcomers and growing
through immigration.” In 1999, its inaugural year, the MPNP admitted 422 newcomers, with
women comprising 16.6% of principal applicants (Government of Canada [GC], 2018). So began
Manitoba’s immigration program, the design of which seeks to address Manitoba-specific labour
market gaps and increase the provincial population to compensate for low birth rates, ageing
populations, and high inter-provincial out-migration (Carter et al., 2010).
Over the subsequent 20 years, both total intake numbers and the proportion of female principal
applicants under MPNP have risen dramatically. In 2014, for instance, Manitoba admitted a total
of 12,187 provincial nominees, with women comprising 44% of all principal applicants (GC,
2018). Yet despite the high proportion of female nominees1 in the MPNP today, literature on the
program to date reflects limited substantial gender-based analysis or representation of female
nominees—especially for female principal applicants. Information on female nominees is often
limited to statistical data, such as the age and proportion of female nominees within the program,
or is inferred from research which solely focuses on male nominees. For instance, when
reporting on the MPNP, Tom Carter and colleagues (2010) explicitly excluded female nominees
from their discussion, stating “we estimated the models including only male immigrants,” despite
one third of all admitted nominees at the time being female immigrants (p. 14). Subsequently,
discussions presume that nominees’ experiences within the MPNP are shared equally,
irrespective of gender. As a result, female nominees remain overlooked in research, and their
particular settlement experiences or needs under-examined.
1 While cognizant of the variety of genders that nominees may identify as, we use the term “female nominee”
because MPNP applications follow the male/female binary when recording the sex of nominees.
44
Limited gender focus is a serious limitation in MPNP literature, as “gender differences arise
from subordinate status of women in society which acts as a ‘filter’, gendering structural forces
and influencing the experiences of men and women differently” (Dobrowolsky & Tastsoglou,
2006, p. 17). According to Statistics Canada (2016), the significance of acquiring data and
research on gender is that it informs policy changes to address the “evolving needs of societies
and economies” and seeks to understand the “gender-specific policy impacts on women and men
before making decisions on policies, legislation, and programs” (p. 143).
This chapter presents an assessment of female principal applicant nominees’ experience and
positionality under the MPNP. The structure of this chapter, in meeting this goal, is as follows. We
begin by outlining the theoretical lens adopted in this chapter, drawing from feminist policy
analysis theory in the context of gender and migration. Next, we describe the formation, policy, and
process of the MPNP, as well as Manitoba’s current settlement service institution. Consequently,
this informs our research recommendations in the following section. In concluding, we reflect on
the importance of this research, its shortcomings and limitations, and potential future trajectory.
Theoretical Framework
Feminist policy analysis is an emerging field which examines the “regionalization and
globalization of policy formation and gender politics” (Gottfried & Reese, 2008, p. 3), in which
“gendered policy research understands gender as a system of power that is both a consequence of
policy outcomes and a determining force in its creation” (Cichowski, 2001, p. 108). Applying
feminist theory to migration, immigration policy, and settlement studies is important because it:
a) emphasizes women’s agency and resiliency, and b) reveals significant power dynamics
operating at all levels. “The gender focus sheds light on changing relationships between and
within families, states and markets, and highlights attendant public policy implications”
(Gottfried & Reese, 2008, p. 4).
The premise of feminist policy analysis is to examine policies through a gendered lens,
“regardless of whether it specifically mentions women or not,” to analyze how it impacts women
and whether “it fits with the goals and values of feminist ideology” (McPhail, 2003, p. 42).
These goals, according to Beverley McPhail (2003), are to make women visible in policy:
Making women visible has many facets, including how men and women are treated
differently or the same; the underlying assumptions and stereotypes of women embedded
in policy; and how women’s lives and roles are regulated and constrained by policy.
(p. 43)
The ultimate goal is to change policies to eliminate the oppression and disadvantage of women
and other marginalized groups (McPhail, 2003, p. 45).
However, the application of feminist policy analysis to migration and settlement studies varies.
Heidi Gottfried and Laura Reese (2008) argue that most gender-comparative research in
immigration studies focuses on welfare and policy, thereby neglecting gender comparisons of
experience in the workplace and employment. Of notable absence is a focus on the outcomes of
policy formation and administration for female immigrants, particularly in the workplace
(Gottfried & Reese, 2008). Alternatively, Yidan Zhu (2016) claims that feminist policy analysis
on settlement issues has been preoccupied with federal-provincial-municipal governmental
relations, the history of organizational and institutional change, funding allocation, and delivery
45
of settlement services—but does not “examine immigration settlement policies and practice from
a feminist perspective” (p. 143).
Taken together, these authors reveal the complexity of feminist policy analysis in its application
to migration and settlement studies. There are numerous approaches, scopes, institutions, and
policy types that can be examined. This chapter aims to examine the gender politics embedded in
MPNP policies and practices, and in Manitoba settlement. Feminism provides a lens which
enables readers to better understand how subjects’ positionality—the multiple facets of their
identity, experiences, and life circumstances—contribute to their subjugation to institutional
arrangements. Therefore, while gender is the guiding demographic feature of focus in this
chapter, we actively consider female immigrants’ positionality alongside immigration policies
and settlement service provision, as well as the influence this has on the outcomes of female
nominees’ decision-making and integration processes.
The Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program: Context and
Process
The first pilot provincial and territorial nominee programs were proposed in 1998 and came into
effect in 1999, with British Columbia, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan as the trailblazers (Flynn &
Bauder, 2015). The main objectives have always been to: 1) distribute newcomers across the
country, away from the three gateway cities, Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal; 2) meet the
labour market needs specific to the province or territory; and 3) retain immigrants in the province
or territory in which they are selected. The nominee programs are managed by the respective
department of labour, education, or immigration, and applicants apply directly through the
province or territory (Carter et al., 2010; Dobrowolsky, 2013).
Summarizing the MPNP application process is complex, as it includes multiple selection
streams—each unique in its admission criteria and application process. All pathways have
different Canadian Language Benchmark (CLB)/ Niveaux de Competence Linguistique
Canadiens (NCLC) requirements, corresponding to the language required for the pathway’s
assessed National Occupational Classification (NOC). Furthermore, every year the streams and
criteria are adapted to Manitoba’s labour market needs, as determined by Manitoba’s In-Demand
Occupations List—a “regularly updated listing of which occupations qualify as ‘in-demand’ in
Manitoba” that is informed by a combination of labour market information, labour forecasts, and
employer consultations (Government of Manitoba [GM], 2018). Manitoba’s top current in-
demand occupations reach into all sectors of the provincial economy, including: business,
finance and administration, health occupations, social science, education, sales and service
occupations, trades, transport and equipment operators, farming management, and manufacturing
and utilities (GM, 2018). Correspondingly, the current MPNP pathways are divided into four
streams to be implemented by 2019:
1. Business Investor Stream (Entrepreneur Pathway and Farm Investor Pathway);
2. International Education Stream (Career Employment Pathway);
3. Skilled Worker in Manitoba Stream (Manitoba Work Experience Pathway and
Employer Direct Recruitment Pathway); and
4. Skilled Worker Overseas Stream (Manitoba Human Capital Pathway and Manitoba
Express Entry Pathway) (GM, 2017b, p. 4; GM, n.d.).
46
The MPNP streams above do not appear gendered, or even gender-preferential. Yet upon
examination, the streams are unintentionally gender-preferential, inadvertently prioritizing
certain demographic groups based on each stream’s admission criteria. This can be traced
through the MPNP’s history of gendered occupational streams and in-demand occupations.
When Manitoba-federal government agreements were first negotiated in 1996, Alexandra
Dobrowolsky explains, “[the MPNP] began with a pilot program aimed at attracting sewing-
machine operators from Winnipeg’s garment industry” to become permanent residents (2013, p.
85). This pilot project began with the Government of Manitoba negotiating a deal with the
federal government to settle 200 temporary foreign garment workers in Manitoba, who were
primarily female immigrants from the Philippines (Baxter, 2010, p. 19). The same practices were
characteristic of ensuing MPNP streams, whereby employers sponsored temporary foreign
workers (TFWs) for permanent residency through skilled or semi-skilled streams because of their
desire for TFWs to continue working past their initial visa expiration (Flynn & Bauder, 2015).
Jamie Baxter’s (2010) work suggests the reason that men outnumbered women as principal
applicants could traced back to early MPNP employers’ discriminatory recruitment methods:
Preconceived stereotypes about the social gender roles lead employers to choose women
and men for specific jobs. Likewise, employer beliefs that individuals from certain
countries of origin are better able to perform this or that job create racialized profiles
within particular sectors and industries. Left to the sole discretion of employers, the
effects of nominee selection processes in this area will likely be to ossify and entrench
aspects of race and gender discrimination as part of Canada’s economic immigration
system. (pp. 41-42)
Dobrowolsky’s comparative study of British Columbia, Nova Scotia, and Manitoba provincial
nominee programs also emphasized gendered and racialized elements in the streams and
pathways offered: “… in the three PNP [Provincial Nominee Program] cases examined here, we
also see evidence of immigrants from particular source countries being streamed toward certain
PNP subcategories” (2013, p. 88). Prioritizing recruitment from particular source countries, as
Baxter and Dobrowolsky have demonstrated, has a significant influence on the racialized
demographic from source countries, as well as on the gendered demographic of the occupations.
There also appears to be a gendered skill-bias when recruiting from certain source countries.
From the time the MPNP first began in 1998 until 2013, the streams offered were open to low-
skill, low-education, and low-language admissions (Leo & August, 2009). In recent years,
however, the in-demand occupations and corresponding MPNP streams have been markedly
more demanding in their admission criteria, requiring principal applicants to be skilled or high-
skilled, and demonstrate their adaptability to Manitoba society.
Each of the top source countries to the MPNP come with their own cultural and gender practices,
which may make it difficult for women to apply to the MPNP as primary applicants. As Sedef
Arat-Koç (1999) explains, regions of the world where there are more rigid gender inequalities or
gender roles in the family often restrict women’s access to education and language training that
men are afforded (p. 210). When recruiting from these countries, the men are more highly
skilled, educated, and trained than the women, and therefore men are more likely to be
nominated and account for a greater percentage of principal applicants in the MPNP.
47
The MPNP may also disadvantage female principal applicants with its high monetary threshold.
For instance, the Entrepreneur Pathway requires applicants invest $250,000 if opening a business
in the Winnipeg region, have a net worth of $500,000 Canadian dollars, a minimum CLB/NCLC
5, and NOC 0 or C (GM, 2017b, p. 13). According to Dobrowolsky (2013), these requirements
act as a “barrier for women who are less well endowed in terms of capital/human capital” and
those possessing skills and credentials that are less recognized (p. 87).
The Manitoba Settlement Institution
As the MPNP developed over the course of 20 years, Manitoba’s settlement institution has been
largely shaped by policies, legislation, and settlement services designed specifically for
Manitoba provincial nominees. Robert Vineberg (2014) claims that when the provincial nominee
program was first created, “Manitoba developed a vision that the [provincial nominee program]
and settlement delivery went hand in hand” (p. 6). As the program grew, Vineberg explains,
“change came iteratively as immigration driven by the [provincial nominee programming]
increased and settlement funding followed” (2014, p. 6). This remains true today, as the majority
of service consumers are provincial nominees, accounting for 71.6% of all newcomers to
Manitoba in 2017 (Statistics Canada, 2018).
While few settlement services are exclusively offered to nominees, the settlement institution has
been developed to meet nominee-specific needs based on the pathway in which they enter and
integrate into Canada. For instance, pre-arrival services are especially crucial for nominees
entering through the Skilled Worker Overseas stream, because they reside outside of Canada
during the nomination process and use this time to prepare for life in Manitoba. The 2016-2017
Manitoba Education and Training report states: “Manitoba has developed pre-arrival initiatives
for Provincial Nominees and other immigrants destined to Manitoba so that they can begin
planning for labour market success prior to arriving in Manitoba” (GM, 2017c, p. 149). This is
supported by Lori Wilkinson and colleagues (2014) study, which states the pre-arrival services
reported as needed most in Manitoba were “skills training to help… obtain appropriate
employment in Canada” (44.3%), “connections with possible employers” (42.5%), and
“assessment of… international education and experience” (40.9%) (p. 25).
Simultaneously, the importance of female immigrants is highlighted at every level of Manitoba’s
settlement institution. For instance, the federal government states:
IRCC recognizes the significant contributions that newcomer women make to the
economic, social, civic and cultural life of Canada, and their key role in the settlement
and integration of the family unit once they have arrived here. Migration to Canada can
bring many opportunities for women, but it can also include distinct and multiple
challenges, such as navigating a new language, work transitions, child-care
responsibilities, developing new networks and shifts in family dynamics. To address
these challenges, considerations for gender, age, identity, and circumstances of migration
are included in the design and delivery of Settlement Program policies. (GC, 2017a)
To serve the specific needs of female immigrants, IRCC funds settlement services with gender-
specific programming. These include women-only employment opportunities, women-only or
online language training, and gender-based violence prevention support (GC, 2010, p. 61; GC,
2017a). IRCC also funds support services such as “child-minding and transportation services…
to ensure that mothers—who may be primarily responsible for child care and feel unable to
physically attend meetings or courses—are able to access these services” (GC, 2017a).
48
The Manitoba government also addresses female immigrants’ needs when designing and
promoting settlement services. Based on the 2013 report by Gérald Clement and colleagues,
most women-specific services provided in Manitoba were community- and neighbourhood-based
services designed for “isolated women” in the home—either as spouses, homemakers, or women
living in rural areas (p. 39). Most of the services offered were information and orientation,
language training, and community connections, trying to encourage these women to participate
in the broader community. To a lesser extent, women-specific employment services were
available, which delivered “part-time English for specific purposes, language training for
employment preparation and improved employability” (Clement et al., 2013, p. 94).
While women-specific programming is available, a body of research suggests that significant
barriers prevent women from accessing these services. For instance, Wilkinson and colleagues
(2014) found that in Manitoba, provincial nominees were the second highest immigration class to
not use settlement services at 34.1%, behind the Family Class at 40.0% (p. 19). Interestingly,
43.1% of those reporting not using settlement services indicated it was not a matter of need but a
lack of information or awareness (23.4%), confusion on who to seek for help (12.4%), and lack
of local community services (7.3%) (Wilkinson et al., 2014, p. 23). Additionally, Wilkinson and
colleagues report that in Manitoba, female immigrants overall were “the most likely to need and
not get services,” citing the same reasons as above (Wilkinson et al., 2015, p. 33). Further
research is needed to determine why these women and nominees are among the least likely to
seek needed services.
In recent years, Manitoba’s provincial nominees have encountered adverse labour market
experiences. They have especially struggled in finding a job or work commensurate with their
human capital. A study conducted from 2010 to 2015 by the IRCC revealed that Manitoba had
the highest rate of nominees’ first jobs being incommensurate with the skill level of their
intended occupation, at 40.7% (Statistics Canada, 2018, p. 28). In general, job-skill mismatch has
been a well-documented issue in Canadian immigration research, impacting both men and
women. A 2010 study by Rene Houle and Lahouaria Yssaad reveals the gendered and racialized
undertones of credential recognition:
… partial recognition of foreign work experience tended to be higher for female
immigrants and people who were part of a visible minority group. Also, refugees and
Filipinos were the most likely to receive partial recognition for their credentials,
compared to newcomers selected as skilled workers—who fared the best in this respect.
Immigrants who earned their highest degree or whose last permanent residence was in the
United States or the United Kingdom were the least likely to receive partial recognition
for their credentials and work experience since the credentials and work experience for
the majority of them had been fully accepted. (p. 30)
Dobrowolsky’s work on female dependents in the MPNP affirms these findings, as she found
“the most dramatic fluctuations in women’s class positions across both space and time were
typically the result of intersection forms of gender and racial discrimination” associated with
assumptions about skill, knowledge, and capacity (2013, p. 93). The results, she claims, are
“financial and emotional costs” on women trying to gain credential recognition, stating that
despite the MPNP providing an “opportunity to ‘fast track’ immigration… most women noted
that many years of planning and family coordination had been involved” (2013, p. 90).
Manitoba has seen more skill-based in-demand occupations and higher NOC and CLB/NCLC
requirements for MPNP streams, which may contribute to higher levels of discrimination based
49
on gender—specifically at the intersection of gender and racial-minorities. Not only is women’s
care work not recognized by the point system, but their credentials and education are routinely
less recognized than their male counterparts—all of which contribute to the continued gender
gap between principal applicants in the MPNP.
Moving Forward
Further research, policy, and program development all have a role in advancing women’s
experience and success through the MPNP. Deeper qualitative research is required to better
understand the dynamics of gender and other identity markers. Special attention should be given
to the gender-differential experience of female and male nominees, as well as to the
intersectional impacts of class, race, ethnicity, religion, and other categories. The decision-
making process of nominees and their spouses, as to who applies as the principal applicant to the
MPNP, could be especially helpful in explaining the continuing gender gap of male to female
principal applicant admittance.
In consideration of the feminist policy analysis on the MPNP, future research would be best
advised to investigate the following:
1. Explore potential reasons underlying the continued gender gap between male and
female principal applicants in the MPNP;
2. Examine further the gendered and racialized occupations in Manitoba’s current In-
Demand Occupations List, and the extent to which these influence gender- and/or
racial-discriminatory selection in the MPNP nomination process; and
3. Review the policies and practices of various mainstream organizations in their
servicing newcomers, particularly women and minority groups.
Interestingly, female principal applicants, in all economic immigration classes, are on the rise.
Across Canada, “in 2016, a full 42% of total principal applicants from the Economic Class were
female, compared to 33% in 2006” (GC, 2017b, p. 38). In the MPNP, 30% of total principal
applicants were female in 2007, compared to 40% in 2017 (GC, 2018). Female principal
applicants continue immigration to Manitoba, and their contributions to Manitoba’s economy
and society is reflected in the reduced MPNP gender gap among principal applicants over time.
These gendered trends are especially important, as it is predicted there will be “a labour shortage
of over 20,000 skilled workers” in Manitoba by 2020 (GM, 2017a). Therefore, increased
recruitment of immigrants through the MPNP’s skilled worker pathways and increased numbers
of female principal applicants can be expected. In the next 20 years of the MPNP, gender parity
of principal applicants would be a worthy goal, with settlement services attuned to newcomers’
needs and pathway-specific immigration. After all, the goal is not to only retain nominees, but
also to place them in the best possible position to flourish in their new home.
50
References
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in the 1990s. Journal of Canadian Studies, 34(2), 31-56.
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52
Part 3: Identity & Integration
7. Can I Integrate with this Veil? Examining Cultural and
Social Integration through Voices of Veiling Muslim
Women in Canada
by Sunbal Mohammad & Cheryl Teelucksingh
Abstract
Numerous studies have examined discrimination against Muslim women, but very little research
looks at the cultural and social integration of Muslims. This chapter investigates the cultural and
social integration of Muslim women who veil in Canada, which was measured through several
factors, namely: belonging, participation in institutions, celebrations of festivals, and friend
circle. Six in-depth interviews were conducted with Canadian-born Muslim women who veil.
The findings were analyzed from post-colonial feminist intersectionality and orientalism
approaches. The results highlight that Muslim women in Canada use their own strategies to
culturally and socially integrate into Canada while also practicing their faith. Muslim women
have different experiences due to intersectionality that need to be addressed, as several factors—
such as race, gender, socio-economic status, and immigration history—play a vital role in
belonging and integration.
Keywords: Cultural integration; social integration; veiling Muslim women; identity; Canada
Introduction
Whether it be a news channel, an article, or a political debate, the argument surrounding the
Muslim veil somehow always seems to make headlines. Fatema Mohammadi (2018) writes that
“the Hijab is an issue that feminists criticize, anthropologists interpret, religious authorities
prescribe and politicians and activists promote or oppose” (p. 6). Even with the multicultural
reputation it celebrates, Canada is not immune to the discrimination of Muslims. In particular,
the Muslim veil is used as a political strategy to create a rhetoric that Islam oppresses women to
further marginalize Muslim communities (Nagra, 2018).
Canada has long embraced multiculturalism and diversity, and has upheld an international image
of being an accepting and tolerant country (Nagra & Peng, 2013). While this image is true to a
high degree, there are many debates surrounding the social integration of Muslim communities
(McCoy, Kirova & Knight, 2016). Integration and discrimination are closely tied together
because of the belief that certain individuals cannot integrate into Canadian society, which often
leads to discrimination and even hate crimes. It is assumed that Muslim women cannot socially
integrate into Canadian society because of the gender inequality perceived in Islam by others
(McCoy et al., 2016). Thus, the purpose of this research is to critically reflect upon the choices,
experiences, and difficulties of veiling Muslim women in Canada through the following
question: How are veiling Muslim women in Canada redefining the notion of cultural and social
integration? Veiling in this study includes the Hijab, Niqab, and Burqa. The Hijab is a Muslim
head covering, the Niqab is an Islamic garment that covers the face and only reveals the eyes,
53
and the Burqa is a long outer garment (usually black) that extends to the feet. The Burqa is used
differently in various countries and cultures, with some using it to refer to the covering of the
face (Guindi, 1999).
Literature Review
Integration and Multiculturalism
Immigrant integration consists of various aspects and has no universally accepted definition.
Economic integration by far has been the focus of immigrant integration and rightfully so, as
immigrants must be economically integrated into their destination country to live a stable life
(Wilkinson, 2013). However, other forms of integration must also be addressed as they are
intertwined and greatly influence each other. Wilkinson (2013) describes the process of
integration as:
a reciprocal process where newcomers are incorporated into a new society. During the
process, both the newcomer and host society change as a result of interaction with one
another. This change is mutually beneficial; the immigrant makes alterations to their
behaviour to “fit in” while the host society changes as a result of the incorporation of
newcomers. The passage of time ensures that the newcomers and their children begin to
adapt and reconcile their cultural practices, language and religion towards the prevailing
culture of the host society. (p. 1)
This definition places responsibility on both immigrants and the host society to collaboratively
ensure that immigrants are provided with the required resources to integrate. The multicultural
approach to integration suggests that immigrants are not expected to give up aspects of their own
cultures to live in Canada, but can in fact continue embracing their cultural values and norms
(Algan, Bisin & Verdier, 2012). Nevertheless, there are two sides to the multiculturalism debate
and the integration of immigrants in Canada. On the one hand, immigrants integrate quicker in
Canada than in countries without any multicultural policy, and have higher rates of citizenship
and political participation than other western democracies (Nagra & Peng, 2013). On the other
hand, “Razack and Thobani note that multicultural policies celebrate white tolerance of
racialized others by erasing colonial white settlement, the historical displacement of First
Nations communities and the mistreatment of early immigrant groups” (Nagra & Peng, 2013, p.
608). As Arat-Koç (2005) suggests, multiculturalism is based on the inequality between those
who “tolerate” and those who are “tolerated.”
Another critique of multiculturalism is that racialized and religious minorities are not treated as
‘real Canadians’ or as equal partners with the white dominant-group, despite the claims of
equality of all cultures by multiculturalism (Mann, 2014). Critics also raise the point that if
multiculturalism is used to manage diversity, it does not actually encourage integration; rather, it
encourages divisions amongst ethnic groups, further enabling the domination of Anglophone
Canadian political elite (Mann, 2014). This raises the question of whether immigrants can
successfully “integrate” by following a multicultural approach.
It can be challenging to look at the integration of Muslim immigrants due to the intersectional
identities amongst the Muslim population. For example, social integration of religious minorities
is often determined more by their racial backgrounds than their religious affiliation (Reitz et al.,
2009). Two explanations can be given to this: 1) race played a major role politically following
the surge of non-European immigration and the use of the term “visible minority,” i.e., race was
54
a more visible marker of discrimination and religion at that time was not a big concern (Reitz et
al, 2009); and 2) among visible minorities, blacks are the most disadvantaged and yet the
majority are Christians, thus underscoring the lesser influence of religion (Reitz et al., 2009).
However, one study found that Sikhs, Muslims, and Hindus do face employment disadvantages
primarily due to their religion and are considered lower in status (Model & Lin, 2003). Thus,
multiculturalism remains controversial: for some, it is seen as a promoter of integration where
immigrants are welcome to embrace their own culture, while others continue to question the
mismatch between the political foundation of multiculturalism and the practical implementation
of it (Nagra & Peng, 2013).
Wilkinson (2013) argues that despite success in economic integration, one must also consider
social and cultural integration. Economic integration is influenced by the unfair treatment of
Muslims in employment and housing, as well as the implementation of anti-racist policies that
foster inclusion and belonging (Moghissi, Rahnema & Goodman, 2009). Measuring social and
cultural integration is not an easy task because it is hard to find indicators which will truly capture
successful integration. Cultural integration is closely tied with social integration and includes
cultural habits, values and beliefs, religion, and language (Algan, Bisin & Verdier, 2012).
Jeffrey Reitz (2009) defines social integration as “the extent to which individuals become vested
in the core institutions of society, participate in those institutions and experience a sense of
satisfaction” (p. 21). This definition recognizes the significance of institutions and participation
from immigrants but does not include a sense of belonging, which is a vital aspect of social
integration—unless immigrants feel that they belong to a particular community or country, they
may not fare well in their lives. Muslims have historically been categorized as being the ‘other’
(Said, 2007) and assigned characteristics defined by the occidental or dominant white groups.
For example, findings from the 2007 Environics survey show that 57% of non-Muslims believed
that Muslims wanted to remain distinct from the Canadian culture (i.e., Canadian beliefs and
values); yet only 23% of Muslim-Canadians endorsed this belief (Lichmore & Safdar, 2014). In
response to gaps in terms of how social integration has been defined in the literature, this study
measures social integration in relation to both institutions and belonging.
Islam and Veiling
One of the most common questions that Muslim women find themselves addressing is “why do
you veil?” Clothing is an important social institution in which ideological and non-verbal
communication unfold (Mohammadi, 2018). Therefore, it becomes crucial to understand the
clothing pieces of Muslim women such as the Hijab, Niqab, and Burqa. A predominant
assumption is that the behaviours and opinions of Muslims are strongly and exclusively tied to
their religion, which means that to understand the behaviours of Muslims, Islam needs to be
understood (Kazemipur, 2016). This becomes especially true for women who veil, as their
actions and behaviours are associated with their veil and they often become representatives of
their Muslim communities—stereotyped as backward and anti-Western (Mohammadi, 2018).
There have been many arguments amongst Muslim women regarding the commandment of
veiling in the Quran (Bakht, 2008). According to the Quran, the covering of the head has been
instructed by God for Muslim women for the purpose of modesty. It further relays that not
merely the head is to be covered but also the bosom (Chapter 33: Verse 60, p. 495). The Quran
also states that Muslim women should cover their faces, as this is the highest rank amongst
Muslims in the eyes of God. Thus, from these verses it can be seen that the Hijab is deemed
mandatory, while the face covering known as Niqab has been granted the highest rank in the
55
eyes of God; however, the covering of the face is not mandatory in Islam. This helps explain the
confusion often arising regarding the Niqab in Canada and particularly in Quebec, where some
argue that the Niqab is not a part of Islam (Bakht, 2008). An important point to note is that
modesty is also prescribed to men in Islam (Chapter 24: verse 31), countering the notion of
women being oppressed in Islam due to the hypervisibility of the veil (Siddiqui, 2015).
While many Muslim women veil to obey to the commandments of God, others veil for their own
personal reasons. One study found that 67% of women in United States wear the Hijab because
they view it as a religious obligation and expression of piety and chastity (Taylor et al., 2014),
whereas others reported wearing it to show obedience to their faith and a way of empowerment
(Siraj, 2011). This finding is interesting because it challenges the arguments that veiling represents
oppression by men. Muslim women make their own decisions when it comes to veiling, and the
Hijab symbolically represents different things for Muslim women around the world.
In the west, Islamic values are repeatedly labelled as incompatible with democracy and seen to
clash with civilization (Siddiqui, 2015; Razack, 2004). However, to the surprise of many, such
beliefs are contradictory to Islamic values. For instance, one of the most controversial issues is
the rights of women in Islam—yet Islam gave women the right to vote, the right to own property,
and the right to marry and divorce by their own choice 1400 years ago (Pathway to Paradise,
2014). Natasha Bakth (2008) argues that Muslim women are seen in need of protection because
the assumption is that Muslim women cover their faces as a submission to males; hence, the veil
is seen as a symbol of oppression associated with a “backward” Islamic culture. Nagra (2018)
found that many Muslim women stated how people expect them to be a certain way (putting
family first, rather than being career-oriented, and having a quiet nature) simply because they
wore the Hijab. Moreover, a study analyzing online comments regarding the Hijab found that
51.75% of comments were “against” veiling, 39.88% were “neutral,” and 8.37% “for” veiling
(Rahman et al., 2016). Muslim women who veil also face economic challenges due to their veil
and this can negatively influence their cultural and social integration. Nagra (2018) found that
many Muslim women have difficulties in finding employment because of their status as veiling
Muslim women, and that they often face economic discrimination due to perceptions of
incompetence to fulfill their occupations effectively (Nagra & Peng, 2013). An important issue
to consider here is that denying employment to Muslim women can reinforce patriarchy, as only
then do they truly become dependent on the males in their households. If Canada truly embraces
multiculturalism, it needs to shift the conversation of the veil and the integration of Muslim
women in Canadian society, as well as finding ways to provide equal work opportunities for
Muslim women.
Methodology
This study2 employs a post-colonial and anti-racist feminist approach to intersectionality.
Intersectionality means that gender and sex must always be looked at in relation to how they
intersect with other social and cultural categories such as ethnicity, class, race, age, disability,
nationality, and more (Lykke, 2010). Post-colonial and anti-racist feminism recognizes the
privilege of western, white, middle-class women feminists’ voices, and the need to consider
issues of race and ethnicity as they relate to minority women (Lykke, 2010).
2 As this research involved interaction with human participants, it was reviewed and approved under the Tri-Council
Policy statement Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Human Beings (TCPS) by the Ryerson Ethics Board at
Ryerson University.
56
For this study, six semi-structured interviews were conducted with Canadian-born Muslim
women. The interview questions involved asking why Muslim women decided to veil (i.e., their
influences), experiences of discrimination, celebration of holidays, and sense of belonging in
Canada. The goal was to recruit participants that represented diversity in terms of age, race, and
sect of Islam. Three participants were black Somalian Muslim women who belonged to the
Sunni sect of Islam, while the remaining three participants were brown Pakistani Muslim women
belonging to the Ahmadi sect of Islam. The participants ranged from 19-28 in age. All the six
participants wore the Hijab, two wore the Niqab, and five wore a Burqa/Abaya.
Findings
Four out of the six participants stated that their mother had an influence on their decision to start
wearing the Hijab, while only one participant said her father pushed her to wear it. Interestingly,
all six participants started to wear the Hijab, Niqab, and Burqa/Abaya at different ages in their
lives. The different factors influencing the decision to veil also included: religious beliefs,
cultural influence, family influence, empowerment, and personal growth as a Muslim. These
findings are imperative as they demonstrate that, contrary to Western assumptions, Muslim
women have control of their own lives and choices.
Five out of the six participants noted some discrimination due to their veil, while the sixth
participant knew friends who had negative experiences, but never experienced discrimination
herself. Consequently, the participant who did not face any discrimination had a more positive
opinion about Canada and a stronger sense of belonging as well. The most common experience
of discrimination was being called a terrorist: five out of six participants had been called a
terrorist at least once with their veil. One participant reported that when she went for a job
interview, even after a friend had assured her that she had the job on reference, the manager said,
“oh you’re Muslim” and she never heard back. This experience indicates that some Muslim
women do have employment challenges because of their veil.
The participants were asked: “what does it mean to be Muslim and Canadian?” Many of the
participants took pride in the fact that they were Canadian and truly loved their country, while also
recognizing that Islam is not necessarily received well by everyone in Canada. Three participants
further explained that there were actually similarities between Islam and Canadian values. Two
participants also pointed out that loyalty to one’s country is actually obligatory in Islam.
Intersectionality and fitting into Canadian culture
As expected, there were differences in the experiences of Pakistani Muslims and Somali
Muslims in all aspects. The three black Muslim participants all expressed more negative
experiences of discrimination and isolation within educational institutions and Canadian society
in general. The desire to fit in and be a part of Canadian society was expressed by two black
participants, but barriers such as race, gender, and religion make it that much more difficult. The
Muslim women recognized that their religion was not the only factor in their experiences of
discrimination, but also race and gender. One participant noted:
[Because] as much as Canada is considered to be a multicultural country, the society is
not. There is an expectation to be a certain way, especially when you’re a woman, right?
Being a woman, then being a woman of colour, and then on top of that being a Muslim;
that’s three barriers right there. And Canadian society still has male dominance.
57
These references to being female, a person of colour, and Muslim are examples of inequalities of
intersectionality (Lykke, 2010). Attributing everything to religion completely overlooks the
issues that these women face resulting from socio-economic status, gender, race, ethnicity, or
migration history (Nagra, 2018). Even feminists who are working genuinely in this space, but do
not take culture into consideration, can unfortunately end up reproducing colonial legacies of
‘the helpless woman of the east’ (Lykke, 2010). As Nagra (2018) explains, this allows people to
stereotype and marginalize these women as being racialized others in Canadian society.
Cultural and Social Integration and Belonging
When talking about cultural and social integration, the style or type of veil they wore was
important for the Muslim women in the study. For example, the Muslim women talked about the
modernization—or in their words, the “Canadianization”—of the Hijab, Niqab, and
Burqa/Abaya to practice their faith while living in a western society. The three Pakistani Muslim
women said the veil they wore was not the traditional veils they would have chosen in their
origin countries, e.g., one of the women who wore the Niqab mentioned that it was not a
traditional Niqab. Other participants also noted that instead of a Burqa they would wear
something else that was more modernized in the Canadian context but would serve the purpose
of a Burqa.
Besides Canada Day, the participants did not celebrate the majority of the other national
holidays, because many are Catholic holidays celebrated from a religious stance such as
Christmas and Easter, which did not align with their religious beliefs. Two participants
questioned the notion of Canadian holidays and what that means in relation to multiculturalism,
when the official calendar continues to prioritize Christian-Catholic holidays.
Belonging in this study was defined by whether the participants felt they were Canadian or not,
even though they were born in Canada. The last question in the study asked whether the
participants had friends outside their cultural and religious circle. Overall, all six participants
noted that they had friends outside both their religious and cultural circle. This question was
used to measure integration, as social integration typically looks at social interactions between
immigrants and the people of the host society (CIMI, 2018). The Canadian Index for Measuring
Index (CIMI) was helpful and informed how social integration was measured among study
participants. However, the CIMI had no cultural integration dimension for immigrants in
Canada; as such, this study was able to redefine the notion of cultural and social integration
together.
Discussion and Conclusions
This chapter examined the social and cultural integration of veiling Muslim women in Canada
through six in-depth interviews with young adult Muslim women. Ironically, when Muslim
women are told by “Canadians” how to dress or act, their autonomy is taken away from them.
The images of Muslim women as helpless, oppressed, and victimized continues to reinforce
colonial legacies which allow “Canadians” to treat them as they please (Nagra, 2018). Muslim
women’s intersectionality relating to race and gender are also ignored. As a result, larger
inequalities present in Canadian society—such as racism and patriarchy, and how they intersect
with religious oppression—are not adequately addressed (Lykke, 2010). The findings of this
study show that when veiling Muslim women face discrimination, it negatively influences their
sense of belong in Canada, which further hinders their social and cultural integration.
58
All six participants in the study said they wished that more people could learn about Islam. One
participant raised an important point: that although there is an increase in research about Muslim
women in academia, their voices are still missing from other sources such as articles published in
newspapers and on social media. This study also found that negative views about Muslims came
mostly from the uneducated and the older generation—an observation found in a previous study
as well (Wilkins-Laflamme, 2018). More education, as well as positive images and
representations of Muslims, are necessary to counter negative views.
Black Muslim participants had significantly more negative experiences, which is consistent with
intersectionality theory. This serves as a reminder that different identities and forms of
oppression are significant in Muslim women’s everyday experiences. Such a relationship
between discrimination and sense of belonging is not new and has been found in other studies
with not only Muslim women, but also immigrants in general (McCoy et al., 2015). This means
that Canada as a country needs citizens to work together to address the injustices present, without
placing the blame on immigrants’ cultures and religions.
This chapter highlights that Muslim women face difficulty with social and cultural integration
because they are not considered “Canadian” despite being born here. Muslim women in this
study regarded social and cultural integration as important, and also recognized that integration is
closely tied to success in society. Their personal choices to veil exemplify how some Muslim
women in Canada take steps to integrate themselves into Canada culturally while also practicing
their faith. Muslim veiling women in Canada are redefining notions of cultural and social
integration by making concerted efforts to fit in. For further research in this area, hopefully this
study can encourage more scholarship looking at the relationship between social and cultural
integration, as well as economic integration, in regard to immigrants’ sense of belonging.
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Gender, Place and Culture, 18, 716-731.
Taylor, J., Ayoub, S., & Moussa, F. (2014). The hijab in public schools. Religion & Education, 41, 16-30.
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Islam International.
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toward Muslims and religious discrimination: Islamophobia in Canada. Canadian Review of
Sociology/Revue Canadienne De Sociologie, 55(1), 86-110.
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8. Being Canadian and Ahmadi Muslim: Exploring Identity
Formation of Young Women
by Aisha Mohammad & Mehrunnisa Ahmad Ali
Abstract
This chapter explores the questions: how do young Canadian Ahmadi Muslim women self-
identify and what influences their identifications? Responses from nine young women collected
through semi-structured interviews show that they have multiple, overlapping, sometimes-
conflicting identifications. The women noted family, institutional affiliation, and residential
location as the most influential factors on their identity formation, which mediated the influence
of friends, peers, and the media. Implications for future research are presented.
Keywords: Identity; Ahmadi Muslim women; identity formation; Canadian
Introduction
Canada is home to people from many different backgrounds. Hamdon (2010) acknowledges that
while it is not uncommon for new immigrants to feel out of place, “what is unusual is that
Muslims have been in Canada for over 100 years and are still struggling to find their place” (p.
39). Although the event of 9/11 led to difficult times and the labelling of Muslims as ‘terrorists,’
their lifestyles have always distinguished them from other Canadians. For example, “things such
as dating and premarital sex, drug and alcohol use, which are common practices among many
youth in North America, are strictly forbidden in Islam” (Zine, 2001, p. 399). Although similar
prohibitions have been endorsed by other religions, Muslim youth tend to take them much more
seriously than Canadian youth of other religious affiliations.
This study will investigate how young Canadian Ahmadi Muslim women self-identify and what
influences their identifications. Ahmadis are a minority Muslim group, usually included among
mainstream Muslims in the literature even though they are commonly discriminated against by
dominant Muslim populations. Ahmed-Ghosh (2004) states that “while a number of studies on
Muslims in North America have been conducted… some minority Muslim communities have not
received adequate attention; the Ahmadiyya community is one of these” (p. 73). We selected this
group because: 1) voices of young Canadian Muslims are often not represented in the public
discourses (Wong et al., 2017); 2) Muslim women face more discrimination than men; 3)
Ahmadis also face discrimination from other Muslims; and 4) one of the authors of this chapter
is a Canadian Ahmadi Muslim woman.
Theoretical Framework
Identity is a complex notion. According to Erikson, identity refers to a “a well-organized
conception of the self that defines who one is, what one values, and what directions one wants to
pursue in life” (Berk, 2012, p. 600). Burke and Stets (2009) claim that “through a social
comparison and categorization process, persons who are similar to the self are categorized with
the self and are labelled the in-group” (p. 118). Internal identity reflects an integrated sense of
self based on a feeling of security, autonomy, and comfort. External identity relates to the social,
cultural, and political world in which the individual seeks recognition and acceptance
(Fukuyama, 2018). The ‘negotiation’ between the internal and external realities can: 1) change
61
external environments or one’s own beliefs and values, or 2) result in a conflict which is either
actively engaged—which often happens during adolescence (Berk, 2012)—or simply accepted as
a ‘difference.’
Kroger (2007) identities five approaches towards an understanding of identity, which are not
mutually exclusive but overlapping categories with shifting emphases. The historical approach
recognizes historical relativity; the sociocultural approach focuses on the impact of social
contexts; the structural approach recognizes the influence of social, economic and political
structures that shape lives; the narrative approach focuses on how identities are constructed
through one’s life story; and the psychosocial approach addresses the biological, psychological,
and societal influences on identity.
Writing about the contemporary context of migration, Sicakkan (2005) claims that: mobility of
bodies, especially through migration, changes the spaces of interactions; mobility of boundaries
shifts individual territorial, political, cultural, economic, and social spaces; and mobility of minds
allows for shifting ‘belongings’ between different references of identification. This is important
to keep in mind when exploring identities of immigrants whose backgrounds may be quite
different from the dominant cultures in their destination countries.
In the study described below, we draw upon social identity theory that focuses on people’s
claims of membership in various groups. To examine how some Canadian Muslim women
categorize and label themselves, we need to first describe the contexts in which they live.
Context
Although often represented as a single entity in the Western imagination, Muslims are not a
homogenous group. Their beliefs and practices vary a great deal depending on their
interpretations of Islam, influences of their families and communities, and their personal
propensities. Ahmadi Muslims are a sub-category of Muslims—the name of the sect is
‘Ahmadiyyat’ (also called Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama‘at) and its members consider it to embody
the revival of Islam by the Promised Messiah. It was founded in 1889 by Imam Mahdi (‘The
Guided One), Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in a small village called Qadian, in Punjab, India.
Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a devoted follower of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (Zirvi,
2010). Two major differences distinguish Ahmadi Muslims from other Muslims, they believe
that: 1) Jesus Christ died a natural death, therefore the second advent of Jesus is a spiritual
occurrence rather than a physical return to earth; and 2) Hadhrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad fulfilled
the prophecy of the second advent of Jesus and is both the Messiah and the Mahdi (Zirvi, 2010).
Ahmadis are against violence and promote the motto, “love for all, hatred for none.” However,
Ahmadi Muslims have been persecuted in Pakistan and other countries due to differences
between the dominant Sunni Muslims and Ahmadis’ positions regarding the religious status of
Imam Mahdi. Ahmadis were formally declared as non-Muslims by Pakistan’s state legislature in
1974, and not allowed to practice their faith openly—their places of worship have been attacked,
and many have been murdered because of their religious identification. This has led many
Ahmadi Muslims from Pakistan to flee to other countries such as Canada.
According to a recent survey, 83% of Canadian Muslims say they are very proud to be Canadian,
whereas only 73% of non-Muslim Canadians make the same claim (Environics Institute, 2017).
Despite their apparent identification with Canada, many Muslims experience discrimination.
Several researchers (e.g., Tiflati, 2017; Beyer et al., 2013; Hussain, 2004; Litchmore & Safdar,
2014) have found that many Muslim youth living in Canada face discrimination and harassment.
62
Women who wear the hijab are in particular targeted more often due to the hypervisibility of this
garment. Litchmore and Safdar (2014) conducted a quantitative study to investigate if
perceptions of discrimination among Muslim-Canadians were related to levels of religiosity,
ethnic identity, and gender. They found higher levels of perceived discrimination among women
than men, and a positive relationship between religiosity and perceptions of discrimination.
Beyer and Ramji (2013) examined the religious identities of 200 Muslim, Buddhist, and Hindu
men and women between the ages of 18 and 27. The 58 Muslim women who participated in the
study expressed a stronger individual religious identity, rather than a strong association with their
religious communities. They found that “Their religious identities were not shaped or nurtured
primarily or all that directly by their religious communities, but a significant number of the most
highly involved youths considered themselves deeply religious” (p. 120). They also noted that
“many expressed an inner struggle to balance their lives as Muslims and Canadians: to maintain
a Muslim identity while at the same time fully participating in Canadian culture” (p. 113-114).
As Hamdon (2010) states, “Muslims living in Canada are struggling to make sense of their
identities, to come to term with differences within their community(ies), while at the same time
attempting to interrupt oppressive discourses which have constructed Muslims as alien, and even
dangerous, to the West” (p. 12). Lacking in the literature is a study examining the self-
identification of Ahmadi Muslims in Canada.
Methodology
The first author of this study is an Ahmadi Muslim Canadian who wears the hijab. She recruited
nine women between the ages of 19-26 from the Greater Toronto Area and surrounding region
using snowball sampling. The women were all born in Canada and had parents who immigrated
from a South Asian country (Pakistan, India, Bangladesh). Because of the researcher’s identity,
she was easily able to recruit participants and build rapport with them. The participants were
quite open with her because they assumed she would understand their perspectives; however, it
remains possible that some participants may also have censored their thoughts and attuned their
responses to her identity. In addition, the researcher’s interpretations of what the participants said
may be partially influenced by her own beliefs and affiliations.
This study used a qualitative approach and narrative construction of identity as a strategy. Face-
to-face unstructured interviews were conducted with nine Canadian Ahmadi Muslim young
women, audio recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Questions related to the women’s parents’
immigration histories, where they lived, experiences of discrimination, and identity influences
were asked. Data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach, starting with open, then
axial, and finally selective coding.
Findings
When asked how they self-identify, most of the women talked about being ‘Canadian,’ being
‘Muslim,’ and being ‘Ahmadi’ (and two added additional labels i.e. ‘Pakistani’ and ‘a student’).
Probed further, they explained what the three major categories meant to them.
Being Canadian
Seven participants compared Canada to their parents’ countries of origin, appreciating the former
for freedom of expression, security, acceptance of differences, diversity, and multiculturalism.
They were proud to be Canadian but acknowledged that Islamic and Canadian values sometimes
63
conflicted. Although they proudly claimed their Canadian identity, neither they themselves nor
others necessarily thought of them as ‘fully’ Canadian. For example, they talked about how
much they enjoyed hockey but could not participate in ‘the hockey culture’ which belonged only
to ‘real’ (i.e., White) Canadians. Some said that going for a drink after work was a typical
Canadian way to build relationships, but they could not do so because alcohol is forbidden in
Islam, and had to find other ways to socialize with co-workers.
Several participants said they were often subtly reminded of their differences in social groups
and settings. Two of them described instances when a professor and a peer apologized to them
specifically after swearing in their presence because of their perceived Muslim identities.
Another likened her experience of being a Canadian to her memory of her Catholic high school,
where she felt like an outsider because she did not dress like other girls, watch specific television
shows, or use particular social media platforms like them.
Being Muslim
The women suggested that their Islamic identity was an individual religious identity, which was
different from their communal Ahmadi identity. Being Muslim was associated with personal
religious practices such as praying five times a day, fasting in the month of Ramadan, reading the
Quran, and dressing modestly. Six of the nine women wore the hijab and were thus visibly
Muslims. However, even the women who did not wear the hijab said that they dressed modestly
to display their Islamic values and identity.
Most participants reported low levels of discrimination, which they had expected to face because
of their Muslim identity. Those who did not wear the hijab felt that discrimination was also
based on cultural and racial differences, or other indicators of their religious identity such as
Islamic names.
The participants said that their Islamic values and practices were reinforced by their Ahmadi
identity but added that their communal identity also distinguished them from other Muslims.
Three of the women added that they had faced discrimination from non-Ahmadi Muslims. They
believed there was a negative view about Ahmadis held by other Muslims, even among those
who were born and raised in Canada. They were thus hesitant to tell other Muslims that they
were Ahmadi because they were not sure how they would react.
Being Ahmadi
To all nine women being Ahmadi meant having a community (Jama‘at) in Canada and around
the world. The women claimed that the Jama‘at’s structure offered them specific roles and
responsibilities, making them feel fully accepted. It was also a major component of their Ahmadi
identity as it guided their life on a daily basis. Their bond with the current leader of the Jama’at
was maintained through sermons, classes, and letters, and their communal relationships were
reinforced by frequent community prayers, social events, and activities.
Nevertheless, two participants had also felt discrimination against them within the Jama‘at
because of the way they dressed. One of them, who did not wear a hijab, had stayed away from
the community for this reason when she was younger. However, the participants attributed this
attitude to the cultural rather than religious beliefs of those who discriminated against them,
because of people who practice the same religion but live in different countries can have very
different norms about women’s attire. Yet Muslims can also defend their sartorial choices in the
name of religion rather than culture: the participants noted how Pakistani women typically do not
64
wear jeans, t-shirts, or dresses, and would therefore deem the participants as “falling short” in
their Islamic values because they did wear such garments.
Managing Multiple Identities
At this stage of their lives, all the women felt either no or little internal identity conflicts. One
participant insisted that she had absolutely no internal conflict because she had guidelines from
her parents and was never really attracted to “all that stuff” (referring to ‘Canadian’ cultural
practices) because she knew who she was from a young age. However, others had faced conflicts
regarding use of alcohol, dress style, and restrictions on their social life during high school or
early post-secondary education, but had learned to manage them. Many attributed their earlier
difficulties to a lack of understanding of why they were told to do, or to avoid, certain practices.
Once they were able to understand the logic behind what they were told, it was easy to accept
those values. One of them said that she had matured and now understood she could choose to
drink alcohol or not, and decided she was not going to do so. Others said they could live like
Ahmadis, Muslims, and Canadians at the same time because people have “different faces”
depending on the context.
Influences on Identity
The women identified family, institutional affiliation, and residential location as the most
influential factors on their identity formation, which mediated the influence of friends, peers, and
the media. All nine participants identified family as the first and foremost contributor to their
identity. The women believed in their parents’ teaching of Islam and Ahmadiyyat from a very
young age, and the values they modelled provided clear guidelines for them to follow. Mothers
and sisters were the most significant role models. These women said that the strongest influences
on their decisions, such as choosing to wear the hijab or not, came from their mothers and sisters
as opposed to any male figures. Only one participant mentioned her father as an influence on her
religious identity and practices.
A major influence on the women’s identity was involvement in the Jama‘at, which offered a
support system and other Ahmadi women as role models. The women’s involvement in the
community also shaped their social life, which reinforced their Ahmadi identity as they were
able to learn a lot from attending community events and grow as individuals. For example, one
participant stated:
My mom, and how she was involved in the community, and what she wore was
something that I looked upon. Then growing up, I went to my religious school where I
found friends who were also within the community. So I had a good general sense of who
I was… like [a member of] a community, and where I fit into that over there. (Participant
7, Vaughan)
Another influence was the women’s residential location. The three participants who lived in
‘Peace Village’ (a 35-acre, Ahmadi-owned neighbourhood in Vaughan, Ontario) said it was
important to be close to the mosque and have Ahmadi neighbours who affirmed their values and
lifestyles. Some participants noted that non-Ahmadi friends who accepted them for who they
were helped them to develop stronger identities without feeling ‘othered.’ Several participants
said that their friends had no influence on them, because they made their decisions based on their
own values and parents’ teachings. However, one participant noted that the fashion media had a
65
huge impact on her identity formation as she was growing up, and she had trouble meeting the
conflicting expectation of the Ahmadi community and her Canadian peers.
Discussion and Conclusion
This chapter confirms other works that suggest that identity is neither singular nor fixed. All the
women in this study claimed three or more ways of identifying themselves. The participants
found an overlap among these identities but also acknowledged some conflicts, which they were
seemingly able to manage.
The women’s identities were invoked by the contexts they encountered. Some aspects of their
identities were ‘fixed’ in such encounters—such as their perceived religion, race, culture, and
gender—and the interpretation of these by their interlocutors. However, the women could also
choose to conceal other aspects of their identities. For example, some of them chose not to reveal
their Ahmadi identity among other Muslim women for fear of being excluded from their group.
Furthermore, in some cases they could also choose how to interpret others’ responses—e.g., the
apology from the professor for swearing, which can be interpreted either as an exclusionary
gesture, or as a marker of respect towards a Muslim woman.
The participants remained partly included but also partly excluded in groups they identified with.
They were proud to call themselves ‘Canadian’ but did not think of themselves as ‘fully
Canadian.’ They were born in Canada but did not think they were entitled to think of themselves
as Canadians; instead, they were grateful for being able to live in Canada rather than in their
parents’ countries of origin. This may be due to the common belief among immigrant families
that only people with English and French heritage are truly Canadian. The participants loved
hockey yet believed they could not fully participate in ‘the hockey culture’ because it belonged
exclusively to White Canadians. Similarly, they practiced Islam more staunchly than many other
Muslims but often did not feel accepted by the larger Muslim community. While the women felt
most fully accepted by the Ahmadi Jama’at, transgressions against community norms, such as
not wearing the hijab, also led to feelings of exclusion for a few. Membership in groups and
group identifications are thus partial and contingent for these participants—linked to both
historical and current factors—rather than being fixed and permanent.
Families, strongly-structured religious communities, and neighbourhoods wield a strong
influence on identity development and mediate the influence of other factors. When all three
factors are aligned with each other, they collectively foster a consistent sense of self. Women in
the family and the community have a stronger influence on young women—not only by teaching
particular norms and values but also modeling them. Religious communities that offer
opportunity not only for communal religious practices, but also for social engagement,
strengthen communal bonds and group identities. And neighbourhoods reinforce these identities
by reflecting commonly-held beliefs and shared practices. However, we don’t yet know whether
the comfort and security of a single dominant identity comes at the cost of exclusion from other
groups. The labelling of people has led to ‘othering,’ discrimination, and sometimes harassment.
Perhaps it is time to question the notion of identity itself—as Appiah (2018) suggests—since
multiple, complex and shifting identifications are becoming more common. Perhaps it is time to
abandon the search for comfort and affirmation, and instead to seek allegiance with those with
whom we have nothing in common.
66
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Appiah, K. A. (2018). Lies that bind: Rethinking identity. New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation.
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Berk, E. (2012). Emotional and Social Development in Adolescence. In Infants, Children, and
Adolescents (7th ed., pp. 600-601). Boston.
Beyer, P., & Ramji, R. (Eds.). (2013). Growing up Canadian: Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists. Montréal,
Québec: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Carbado, D. W., Crenshaw, K. W., Mays, V. M., & Tomlinson, B. (2013). Intersectionality. Du Bois
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Erikson, E. (1980). The Harvard guide to modern psychiatry. In A. Nicholi (Ed.), The Harvard guide to
modern psychiatry. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Hamdon, E. L. (2010). Islamophobia and the question of Muslim identity: The politics of difference and
solidarity. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.
Litchmore, R. V., & Safdar, S. (2014). Perceptions of discrimination as a marker of integration among
Muslim Canadian youth: The role of religiosity and ethnic identity. Journal of International Migration
and Integration, 16, 187-204.
Mendelsohn, M. (2007). Measuring national identity and patterns of attachment: Quebec and nationalist
mobilization. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 8(3), 72-94.
Wong, J. P., Macpherson, F., Vahabi, M., & Li, A. (2017). Understanding the sexuality and sexual health
of Muslim young people in Canada and other western countries: A scoping review of research
literature. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 26(1), 48-59.
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67
9. Afros, Activism, and Affinity: The Politicization of
Natural Black Hair, Racism, and Sense of Belonging in
Multicultural Greater Toronto Area
by Jasmine Homer & Cheryl Teelucksingh
Abstract
This research study explores the natural hair textures of six Black/mixed-race women in the
Greater Toronto Area (GTA), where natural Black hair continues to be discriminated against in
public and private spheres. While all six women experienced racism in the GTA, intergenerational
knowledge from family played a larger role in shaping their negative perceptions of their own hair,
and how members of the dominant group may perceive their hair. Their experiences were assessed
alongside their opinions on Canada’s Multiculturalism Act (1988), which seeks to preserve and
enhance multiculturalism. While all six women believe that cultural celebrations (e.g., Caribana,
Taste of the Danforth, etc.) are demonstrations of the Multiculturalism Act in play, they all find
that The Act is ineffective in bridging the gap between ideology and practice, and therefore does
not facilitate social inclusion between members of the dominant group and racialized ‘others.’
Keywords: Racism in Toronto; natural hair; Multiculturalism Act; social inclusion
Introduction
When Canadians are asked to unpack what it means to be ‘Canadian,’ the term ‘multicultural’ is
often used. Compared to their neighbours to the South, Canadians are considered more tolerant
to racial and cultural differences and therefore offer a more welcoming attitude towards
immigrants whose appearance and norms differ from the Anglo-Saxon dominant group (Paris,
Apr. 27, 2018). However, as Melissa Gismondi (Aug. 18, 2017) says, “Canadians have a
tendency not to be less racist than Americans, but less loud about it” (par. 1). Racism in Canada
tends to be more subtle and insidious, often disguised as ignorant or insensitive comments.
Considering that Canadians continue to praise their culture of tolerance that has been enacted
into federal legislation via the Multiculturalism Act (1988), it may seem hypocritical that
racialized people are routinely discriminated against for displaying and wearing cultural symbols
in highly multicultural cities like Toronto.
One indicator of cultural and racial difference that continues to be the target of racism in the Greater
Toronto Area (GTA) is the natural hair textures of Black women. As insignificant as hair may seem
to some Canadians, Black women who wear their hair in its natural state (i.e., free from chemical
straightening agents) regularly experience racism and/or prejudice against their hair. Based on
centuries of racism and oppression, the natural hair of Black women is still largely considered to be
less professional and generally less appealing than Eurocentric styles and textures.
This chapter explores instances of racism faced by six Black/mixed-race Black women who live
in the GTA and wear their hair in its natural state. Their opinions towards their hair as a symbol
of resistance, and how they believe natural Black hair is perceived in the GTA, are analyzed
alongside their opinions of Canada’s Multiculturalism Act. The major themes that will be
explored in this chapter are: natural hair, racism in the GTA, and social inclusion. The primary
research question is: do racist events experienced by Black women with natural hair influence
their opinions on the legitimacy of the Multiculturalism Act as a facilitator for social inclusion?
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Literature Review
History of Hair Alteration
Scholars of colonialism, starting with Frantz Fanon, have recognized that a sense of shame towards
ones’ physical appearance has been deeply internalized and has permeated Black consciousness
around the globe (Barnett, 2016; Bellinger, 2012; Donaldson, 2012; Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016;
Robinson, 2011). A common practice of Europeans during the enslavement process of Africans
was to shave the heads of slaves—both male and female—thus stripping them of their identities,
culture, and individuality. In African culture, hair is an important symbol that conveys information
about a person including tribal heritage, marital status, social rank, age, and more (Bellinger,
2007). Given the intense social and cultural significance of hair to Africans, the process of being
scalped was dehumanizing and therefore a useful tactic to break slaves’ spirits and facilitate
subordination (Bellinger, 2007). The shame felt through the loss of their hair was coupled with a
devaluation of other physical characteristics—Blackness thus became the antithesis of beauty.
Because lighter-skinned slaves were considered to be more physically appealing and were given
preferential treatment over those with darker skin, a shade-based hierarchy was reinforced
(Donaldson, 2012). Mixed-race women who had naturally straighter and softer-looking hair
possessed what came to be known as “good hair,” while darker-skinned women who had shorter,
more tightly-coiled hair had “bad hair” (Barnett, 2016; Bellinger, 2012; Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016;
Johnson, 2016; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Robinson, 2011; Rock et al., 2009; Rosette &
Dumas, 2007). Over time, hair straightening and assimilating to White European female beauty
standards became normalized in the Black community.
It was not until the end of the 19th century that products specifically designed for the hair of
Black women came into existence. The Black hair-care industry became a multi-billion-dollar
industry supplying Black women with a plethora of products and tools designed to straighten and
lengthen coiled, kinky hair. Using chemical relaxers continues to be one of the most popular
ways of attaining straightened hair, even though the health risks of using such products are well-
known to health and beauty experts and the Black community (Rock et al., 2009).
In The Good Hair Study (Johnson et al., 2017), one in five Black women reported feeling social
pressure to straighten their hair for work or other professional events—twice the number of
White women. The psychological effects of anxiety towards the presentation of Black women’s
hair is well documented (Bellinger, 2007; Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016; Harris-Britt et al., 2007;
Johnson et al., 2017; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Robinson, 2011). Black women continue to
face social pressures to assimilate into North American, Eurocentric society, and their natural
hair remains heavily politicized and potentially divides the Black community regarding: 1) a
critique of White privilege, 2) gendered and racial notions of beauty, and 3) a sense of authentic
Black identity (Barnett, 2016; Donaldson, 2012; Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016).
The Politics of Black Hair and Anti-Black Racism in the GTA
Canada has a deep, often silenced history of anti-Black racism. While free Blacks had settled in
Canada prior to the American Revolution, the Canadian government did not remove racist
restrictions based on country of origin to its immigration policy until 1967. The political stigma
ascribed to natural Black hair heightened during the Black Power era in the US and Canada
between the 1960s and 1980s. The afro became a symbol of militancy and resistance to White
supremacy and Eurocentric beauty standards, which Black men and women were pressured to
69
follow to assimilate into White North American society (Bellinger, 2007; Johnson & Bankhead,
2013). By blatantly choosing to embrace what society deemed as “bad hair,” those who wore
their hair in an afro were taking back their Black identity and challenging racial prejudice against
Blackness (Saint-Louis, Aug. 26, 2009).
As the Black Power era came to a close, the symbolism of the iconic afro reversed from a sign of
black pride to an indicator of delinquency (Bellinger, 2007). Once again, natural Black hair was
shunned by the Black community, as the need to assimilate and secure employment remained
dependent on looking presentable and professional to a predominately White audience (Ellis-
Hervey et al., 2016). Straightened hair once again became a popularly conceived necessity for
Black women throughout North America (Bellinger, 2007). By the early 2000s, however,
attitudes towards natural Black hair began to change. The contemporary Natural Hair Movement
took hold in the US and Canada, aiming to create a positive image of natural hair and beauty
within the Black community, thus encouraging acceptance (Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016).
While there is greater acceptance today within the Black community for natural, healthy hair—
and less tolerance for racism and prejudice against Blackness—many Black women continue to
straighten their hair or wear wigs and weaves. Rosette and Dumas (2007) found that Black
women in the workplace use hairstyles to differentiate their social class. Middle- to upper-class
Black women were more likely to wear their hair straightened as it conveys a more professional
image, while Black women of lower rank were more likely to embrace their natural hair and resist
conforming to society’s preference for relaxed hair. Assuring economic security is one popular
reason identified by Donaldson (2012) as to why Black women feel the need to alter their hair.
In a study by Gilkinson and Sauvé (2012), all visible minority groups indicated experiencing
some discrimination and racism in Canada, and the Black population reported experiencing the
highest number of racist incidents and the lowest sense of belonging to their province, region,
and to Canada on a national scale. Anti-Black racism remains a huge problem even in the most
multicultural cities. A number of recent incidents of discrimination towards natural Black hair
have been featured in the news media. In some instances, women were sent home from work and
made to feel embarrassed by their natural hair because it supposedly violated the company dress
code (CBC News, Mar. 10, 2016; Lee-Shanok, Apr. 8, 2016). Another incident involved a
teacher equating a young Black student to a comical, gun-wielding, fictional male Black
character who shared a similar Afrocentric hairstyle (Marychuk, Jun. 4, 2018).
These examples of news stories of anti-Black racism in the GTA shed some light on the reality
that Canada is not the polite, inclusive, anti-racist country that many politicians would have
citizens believe (Bell, 2016)—even with the formal legal frameworks set in place to enshrine the
rights, freedoms, and multiculturalism of all Canadians. The Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, Section 15(1), states:
Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal
protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without
discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or
mental or physical disability. (Constitution Act, 1982)
Furthermore, the federal Multiculturalism Act (‘The Act’) has encouraged Canadian citizens and
politicians to proclaim that Canada is one of the most diverse and inclusive countries in the
world (Perry, 2015). While Canada’s presence on the world stage and international commitments
to fight against injustices like genocide, human trafficking, and inequality suggests Canada’s
70
status as a more welcoming country than others—and to a certain degree, this evidence supports
that it is—the claim that Canadians are welcoming to all races and cultural backgrounds is
widely blown out of proportion. Racism and discrimination plague the nation just like any other,
as is demonstrated by instances of prejudice against natural Black hair.
This study explores the claim that Afrocentric or natural hairstyles worn by Black women are a
marker of race, ethnic origin, and/or colour covered under The Act, and tests the notion that
since the inception of The Act in 1971, “there remains a deep divide between the ideology and
practice of multiculturalism” (Perry, 2015, p. 1641).
Intersectionality and Critical Race Theory
Intersectionality is a core tenant of Critical Race Theory (CRT), which takes an anti-racist
perspective and “advocates for social justice for people who find themselves occupying positions
on the margins [of society]” (Crichlow, 2015, p. 188). CRT theorists see race as “a modern,
socially constructed concept” (Carney, 2016, p. 185) and consider oppression and resistance as
oppositional forces constantly at play in race and racism. CRT is a tool used to “challenge the
colour-blind notion [and] the neutrality of law; subtle forms of racism… and to suggest how law
can be used as a tool to challenge racism” (Crichlow, 2015, p. 187).
CRT considers the neoliberal policy of “colour-blindness” to be particularly problematic, as it
has given way to a new form of racism that turns a blind eye to the structural and systemic forces
that perpetuate the marginalization of racial and ethnic minorities in contemporary Western
society—wrongly blaming the victims for the hardships they face (Carney, 2016). The
intersectional aspect of CRT has grown tremendously in scope and academic scholarship to
account for all people who face multiple marginalizations in Western society, thus rendering
both theories useful in examining the social and political implications of natural Black hair in the
multicultural GTA.
Methodology
Interviewed participants consisted of six Black (and mixed-race/bi-racial) women between the
ages of 21 and 65+ who live in the GTA. As a criterion for inclusion in the study, all participants
self-identified as being Black/mixed-race/bi-racial women who wear their hair in its natural state.
‘Natural hair’ was defined as hair that was not chemically or thermally straightened and with no
wigs and weaves. Prior to the semi-structured interviews, participants were given a demographic
questionnaire that asked about their racial identity, gender identity, age, citizenship status, level
of education, current profession/student status, and current annual income range. Participants
selected their own pseudonyms by responding to the question, “in a word or a short phrase, how
do you define your hair’s identity?”
Results and Analysis
While their demographics varied, all six women identified the significant role that
intergenerational education played in forming their own opinions about natural Black hair and
perceptions on how it may be perceived by the wider public of the GTA. They learned from
family members—particularly their mothers—that kinky hair was considered “bad hair” and
looked unprofessional, unkempt, and was not accepted in Canadian society. This informal
education had a significant impact on how these women viewed their own hair, and the self-
esteem of most was negatively affected.
71
All six women were made to feel negatively about their hair at some point in their lives—either
by family members, peers, and/or co-workers, which influenced their decision to continue
straightening their hair or wearing Eurocentric weaves/wigs, even though they were unhappy
doing so. One woman—‘Strength and A Mystery’ (SAM)—did not internalize the negativity
expressed towards her natural hair as a child, unlike the other participants who only learned to
ignore such comments later in life. The emphasis on intergenerational education about hair
textures confirms that European standards of beauty have transcended generational boundaries
and are a major contributing factor for its continued permeation within the consciousness of the
general Black community (Donaldson, 2012; Johnson & Bankhead, 2014; Barnett, 2016; Ellis-
Hervey et al., 2016).
One important aspect of wearing one’s hair naturally, as expressed by the participants of this
study, is as a form of resistance—not only against Eurocentric beauty standards that marginalize
Black women, but also against the prejudices against natural hair found within the Black
community. By choosing to embrace what their families and society has deemed unprofessional
and unappealing, these women are taking back their Black identity and undermining the legacy
of slavery that has rendered Blackness the antithesis of beauty.
Racism in the GTA
When asked to define racism in the context of the GTA, all six women described it similarly as
insidious, subtle, and most often in the form of ignorant comments. ‘Explosive’ and ‘Intricate’
also saw it as “intolerance to any race that’s not your race.” ‘Defiant’ considers racism to be a
“huge problem” in the GTA and ‘A Mind of its Own’ (AMIO) considers it to be less blatant than
in the US, but “it’s definitely there … you can feel it.” All six women have been at the receiving
end of racial microaggressions, most often in the form of unnerving looks from non-Black
people while out in public and insensitive comments. However, only Defiant could confidently
say that she was denied economic opportunities because of her natural hair. Two other women—
AMIO and SAM—received negative comments about their hair in a professional setting, and the
remaining three were unable to separate instances of discrimination towards their hair from more
general racism. Negating intelligence and qualifications, ascription and assumption of
criminality, and a dismissal of the experiential reality of Black women were the most cited
instances of subtle racism that the participants have faced in the GTA. Their shared experiences
are far too common among Black women in the GTA, as is demonstrated by the heightened
awareness and discussions about Black issues that are currently dominating the media.
Social Inclusion – the Multiculturalism Act
When asked for their understanding of the term ‘social inclusion,’ all six participants mentioned
the ability for everyone to be included in society. In Canada, the federal Multiculturalism Act
(‘The Act’) is considered to be a marker of social inclusion. However, participants also raised
comments that reflected the divide between the ideology and practice of multiculturalism, as
noted by Perry (2015). All six participants mentioned that The Act does not affect the day-to-day
lives of racial minorities in the GTA.
‘Freeing,’ Explosive, and Intricate explained that even with The Act, segregation of different
racial, ethnic, and cultural groups continues to characterize the GTA and keep people divided
along those lines. Freeing considers this segmentation to be “one of the disadvantages of [The
Act].” Likewise, Intricate and Defiant referred to multiculturalism in the GTA as “a myth”
because of ongoing racial, ethnic, and cultural intolerance. While Defiant sees some benefit to
72
The Act, in that it “opens up conversations about multiculturalism,” she considers conversations
to be “a small win” that are insufficient to produce positive change. Explosive and AMIO also
refer to the intolerance that is present in the everyday interactions of people (i.e.,
microaggressions) as evidence that The Act is ineffective.
SAM shared these same sentiments but has also seen The Act employed effectively at different
points in history where new immigrants are concerned. She explained, “it has opened doors in
different spots. I know for my parents, multiculturalism opened doors and they’re happy because
they were able to come here.” That being said, she still sees racism permeating the GTA with
People of Colour being unfairly targeted by police officers, and educational programs for youths
of colour “not necessarily being in place or getting funded”—and therefore considers The Act to
be “a catch.” Based on their collective opinions on The Act, all six women who have experienced
racism and/or discrimination towards their natural hair do not consider The Act to have
effectively built a truly inclusive society.
According to the Annual Report on the Operation of the Canadian Multiculturalism Act 2016-
2017, 85% of Canadians indicated that they “believe that ethnic and cultural diversity is a value
that Canadians share to a great or moderate extent” (Government of Canada, 2018). Furthermore,
the national identity of Canadians largely rests on “celebrating our differences, and welcoming
and building communities through mutual respect.” While two of the primary objectives of The
Act are 1) “to build an integrated, socially cohesive society” and 2) “to improve the
responsiveness of institutions to meet the needs of a diverse population,” the fact that Black
women continue to face prejudice towards their natural hair in the public sphere indicates that
these objectives have yet to be fulfilled. The rise of concerns about racism and hate-motivated
crimes against Black people can be attributed to a number of national and international factors,
but the inefficiencies of The Act to mediate hatred towards racial and cultural differences cannot
be ignored.
Perhaps the most obvious demonstration of The Act in play is in the number of cultural
celebrations that take place in the GTA year-round, such as Caribana, Afrofest, Taste of the
Danforth, and so on. Although these celebrations bring people of all different nationalities and
cultural backgrounds together—thereby facilitating social inclusion and potentially educating
cultural outsiders on other cultures—the participants of this study expressed mixed feelings
towards them. These celebrations may successfully bring different groups of people together and
satisfy some of the objectives of The Act, but only for a short period of time. If more education
would be provided about the political and historic contexts behind these events than they
currently do, then these events may help to alleviate the ignorance about ‘others’—a factor that
each study participant has blamed for the culture of racism that plagues the GTA.
All six participants believe that ‘social inclusion’ and ‘feeling of belonging’ where they live are
important factors that influence happiness and success, which is the underlying plight of most
people who experience discrimination, as well as the high-level goal of The Act in Canada.
Although the participants all recognize the vast structural inequalities that drive discrimination,
they collectively agree that there is some obligation on the individual level to make people feel
welcomed in society—as Intricate explained, this can be demonstrated by offering a smile to a
stranger, or actively attempting to alleviate forms of racism. Social inclusion can be a powerful
tool used to drive policy change, and vice versa, says Defiant.
73
Conclusion
Demonstrated by the unique experiences and opinions of the participants of this study, it is
impossible to come to one coherent conclusion to the question: do racist events experienced by
Black women with natural hair influence their opinions on the effectiveness of the
Multiculturalism Act in Canada? All participants have experienced discrimination based on their
natural Black hair, yet having this hair certainly qualifies as a marker of race, ethnic origin, or
colour that qualifies for protection under The Act.
Due to the intersectional nature of their lives, it is not clear if participants’ opinions on The Act
were influenced specifically by these racist experiences. Even though some of them experienced
similar forms of racism, their opinions towards The Act varied. Nevertheless, all six participants
believe that social inclusion is vital to happiness and success, and that The Act is ineffective in
achieving its goal of facilitating social inclusion. Improvements to The Act’s transferability from
ideology to practice are necessary to create a community that values and welcomes cultural and
ethnic differences in the GTA.
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Part 4: Inter- and Transnational
Perspectives
10. The Transnational Experiences of Canadian Snowbirds
in Mexico
by Adriana Espinosa de los Monteros Romo & Myer Siemiatycki3
Abstract
Much has been written regarding global migration to Canada, with particular recent attention to
its transnational implications. Yet relatively little research has been devoted to the other side of
the fence. Every year, thousands of Canadian ‘snowbirds’ escape from the cold weather during
winter season. This chapter portrays the life experiences of seven Canadian snowbirds to Mexico
through the lens of transnationalism. The chapter sheds light on this growing phenomenon for a
better understanding of this Canadian transnational behaviour. It explains how this seasonal
migration has developed in the life of the snowbirds; reflected in their mobility, identity, social
networks, political awareness, as well as their cultural and economic practices. In the process, it
clarifies themes of seasonal diaspora, ageing, and migration.
Keywords: Canadian snowbirds; Mexico; transnationalism; seasonal migration
Introduction
Every year, thousands of Canadians make their annual trip down to Mexico. They travel to the
south as the monarch butterflies do, fleeing from the harsh weather in Canada. The so-called
‘snowbirds’ spend most of the winter months in Mexico and return to Canada during the
springtime. They take the best of both countries by enjoying warm weather all year round,
knowing a new culture, expanding their social network, engaging in volunteer work, and
enjoying a more affordable lifestyle.
Migration studies have usually paid more attention to the flows of people moving from the
Global South to the Global North. Little interest is taken in those moving North to South, whose
primary purpose of travel is not associated with working, an escape from wars, or adverse
political and economic conditions; indeed, their non-racialized, affluent status casts them as
‘privileged migrants’ (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009; Lizárraga, Mantecón, & Huete, 2015).
Similarly, migration research has focused on Canada as a receiving country, overlooking it as a
sending country (Hayes, 2015). A piece of investigation is missing regarding Canadians
migrating to the South—much has been written of the Mexicans migrating to Canada, mainly as
temporary workers, but very little on the reverse seasonal flow.
The seasonal migration of Canadian snowbirds in Mexico is a growing, under-researched
phenomenon in the migration field, given that it has mostly focused on Canadians in the
3 Myer Siemiatycki served as second reader of the MRP. The authors thank Hudson Moura and Colin Mooers for
their roles supervising this research in its MRP stage.
76
American Sunbelt (Desrosiers-Lauzon, 2011; Bjelde & Sanders, 2012). According to Northcott
and Petruik (2011), "apparently, the seasonal migration of elderly Canadian snowbirds to
southern destinations remains a greatly underestimated and understudied phenomenon" (p. 317).
Despite the fact that some interest has emerged about this theme, Gustafson (2001) affirms that
"little attention has been given to the migrants' experiences of mobility, to their dual and
sometimes multiple place attachment, and to their strategies for managing cultural differences
between their home countries and the countries to which they migrate" (p. 373). Therefore, there
is a gap in the research that needs to be addressed.
The objective of this chapter is to fill this gap. We explore snowbirds’ attraction to Mexico, and
how their seasonal migration impacts their identity and attachments. The chapter blends
transnationalism theory with the voices of seven snowbirds themselves through in-depth, semi-
structured interviews. Snowbirds were selected according to the definition provided by Happel,
Hogan and Choi (2004): living in Mexico at least three to four months in each of the last three
years. The chapter is organized into three sections and the concluding remarks. The first section
provides a general overview of the literature about snowbirds. Next follows a discussion of some
transnational theories that will be used as the main lenses of analysis of this research. The third
section explores snowbirds’ experience in Mexico from interviews conducted. Concluding
thoughts resulting from the work performed for this investigation close the chapter.
This is the first study of its kind, as there is no research that has probed the lived experiences of
Canadian snowbirds in Mexico. It is necessary to add that this is not a case study of a specific
community or location in Mexico—but instead, an analysis of the broader phenomenon across
Mexico, given that Canadian snowbirds are not a homogeneous diaspora in Mexico.
Snowbirds: Seasonal migrants or long-term tourists?
The term ‘snowbird’ has evolved since its emergence. In the 1920s, it was used to refer to the
migrant labourers who could not stand the cold weather and headed south seeking refuge. As of
the 1960s, this name was used for the temporary migrants travelling to Miami and its
surroundings, usually for leisure purposes, to avoid cold winters (Desrosiers-Lauzon, 2011). In
recent years, it is not only used to refer to those going to Miami but also to other destinations.
Coates, Healy and Morrison (2002) define them as “warmth-seeking seasonal migrants” (p. 433)
who escape from the cold weather during the winter season—fleeing from the extreme cold,
snow shovelling, and the short and dark days. Happel, Hogan and Choi (2004) not only refer to
the climate but also to the age and occupation, defining the typical snowbird as "a retired/semi-
retired individual 55 and older who stays at the seasonal residence one month" (p. 5).
Furthermore, snowbirds are characterized as being mostly baby boomers who: 1) have enough
retirement income to travel and reside in another country; 2) have a longer life expectancy; and
3) use technology and communications that allow them to be in touch with their family and
friends while they are away (Bjelde & Sanders, 2012). According to Statistics Canada
projections, people aged 65 years or older will make up 25.5% of the total population by 2061.
These generally retired people, whose lifestyle goes through changes with retirement,
contemplate migration; as they don't feel any attachment to their work or to a specific area of
residence (as cited in Edmonston & Lee, 2014).
77
In his book, Florida’s Snowbirds, Desrosiers-Lauzon (2011) explains the complexity of this
phenomenon:
They are tourists because they are sightseers, they are visitors because they interact with
Florida and Floridians, they are migrants because they settle in the state, and are seen as
outsiders; yet they are residents because they elect to live in dwellings officially defined
as permanent residences albeit in a unique, semi-permanent fashion. Finally, snowbirds
are community builders, through their unique lifestyle — leisurely but not quite like
tourists, with homeownership but unlike permanent residents — and their practice of
sociability and mutual help. (2011, p. ix-x)
Snowbirds’ mobility is a response to satisfy different needs, desires, and a dearth of social,
cultural, or economic advantages that their country cannot offer them. In that continuous search,
snowbirds are somewhat compelled to always live an “in-betweenness.”
Transnational Experiences
In the globalized world where we have all been living in the last few decades, different groups of
people are linking their lives and interacting with persons not only from their homelands but also
beyond borders and nation-states (Satzewich & Wong, 2011). The emergence of transnational
studies changed the perspective of the study of migratory movements. Transnationalism assumes
multiple affiliations to different localities, moving away from the idea of studying migration
solely from the perspective of the place of origin or the new place of residence (Vertovec, 2001).
Gustafson (2008) suggests that migration is not a single permanent movement, but an ongoing
process that involves repeated movements between the country of origin and the host country.
Similarly, studies on transnational ageing are prevalent amongst the research related to
snowbirds in the United States, since one of the characteristics of the snowbirds is that they are at
the age of retirement. Transnational ageing then, as stated by Schweppe and Horn (2015), is “the
process of organizing, shaping, and coping with life in old age in contexts which are no longer
limited to the frame of a single nation-state” (p. 7). Studies about transnational ageing touch on
topics related to snowbirds, underscoring how their dual residences and pendular migrations
make them develop transnational behaviours and ties to sending and receiving countries (Witter
et al., 2015; Balkir & Böcker, 2015).
While the snowbird phenomenon has been studied from several different perspectives,
approaches, and dimensions—such as ageing and retirement (Schweppe & Horn, 2015; Balkir &
Böcker, 2015); leisure or lifestyle (Bantman-Masum, 2013, Casado-Diaz, 2012); privileged
migration (Benson & O'Reilly, 2009; Croucher, 2012); determinants of their mobility
(Edmonston & Lee, 2014); and migration patterns (Coates, Healy, & Morrison, 2002)—this
chapter analyzes the phenomenon through the lens of transnationalism.
Canadian Snowbirds in Mexico: Transnational Life
Experiences
According to Rodriguez and Cobo (2012), the first groups of Canadian retirees began coming to
the coasts of Mexico in the 1980s. Records of the first Canadian snowbirds in Mexico date back
to the 1990s, when their migration expanded further from the American Sunbelt region as they
realized the weather was warmer and the cost of living was much cheaper in Mexico than in the
U.S. (Coates et al., 2002). Moreover, the enactment of the North American Free Trade
78
Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994 increased not only commerce and investment, but also enabled the
movement of people (especially from north to south). According to the Canadian Embassy in
Mexico (2017), Mexico is one of the top sun-travel destinations for Canadians, ranked in second
place just behind the U.S., Mexico receives annually 1.9 million Canadian tourists and it is stated
that “tens of thousands are estimated to be snowbirds” (Government of Canada, 2017).
The influx of snowbirds differs considerably from the migratory movements of those immigrants
who are fleeing from war, poverty, or environmental issues. Weather and economic advantages
are the main reasons for the Northern migrants to move, on a seasonal basis, to countries with
warmer climates (Gustafson, 2008), as in the case of Mexico. Accordingly, participants
confirmed that their motives were to move to a place where they could enjoy higher temperatures
that allow them to perform outdoor activities and improve their health and lifestyle. They also
typically cited the lower cost of living in Mexico as another inducement to relocation.
Two themes continuously came together from the interviews with snowbirds: weather and
ageing. During the wintertime, snowbirds have enough time to perform numerous activities, but
the weather does not allow them to participate in those due to their age and reduced cold
endurance. “I feel a lot younger and I am active during the winter months,” a participant said.
Retirement provides them with the economic means and time to travel. Also, most of them
related to Canada and its winters with boredom, whereas in Mexico their life was more joyful
and active. Therefore, weather and ageing boost snowbirds’ mobility to Mexico, providing them
with what they lack back at home, while also having the necessary technological means to
maintain their relations with family and friends back home during the wintertime. It is important
for them to keep this contact to reintegrate in their regular homes and lives once they are back in
Canada in spring or summer.
Moreover, Coates et al. (2002) stated that beyond the cheap cost of living in Mexico, the
improvement in the Mexican transportation infrastructure and the increasing interest in Mexican
culture are other factors for snowbirds to “winter” in Mexico. Although responses from
participants coincided somewhat with the reasons cited by Coates and his colleagues, other
motivations were the proximity and accessibility to similar products and services as those offered
in Canada. Mexico is a country with hundreds of years of aboriginal and colonial history and
traditions, different traditional foods, and diversity in natural environments—all within reach to
snowbirds. Mexico has the advantage of being economically more accessible than Canada and
other countries where they may have travelled before, allowing them to continue with their
seasonal mobility while maintaining their Canadian social networks.
Snowbirds use transnational strategies to cope with different difficulties that can be faced in
Canada after retirement. The Coates et al. (2002) study found that snowbirds from Canada come
from different economic backgrounds and classes, and therefore, despite the limited incomes of
some, their funds are more than enough to have a comfortable life in Mexico. Furthermore,
Northcott and Petruik’s (2011) research on the mobility of elderly Canadians suggests that
snowbirds’ seasonal migration lasts up to 6 months for fear of losing their provincial health care.
In contrast, studies by Coates et al. (2002) have shown that Mexico becomes a medical tourism
destination, where treatments are much cheaper than in the U.S. and Canada with good results
for the patients. Participants explained that one of the reasons to choose Mexico for staying for
prolonged periods of time is the good health care service provided there. One of the interviewees
said, “we’ve had great experiences with Mexican health care. In fact, outstanding care!”
79
Moreover, participants reported their appreciation of Mexican culinary delights (“food is another
reason for going there, the cuisine is outstanding”); archaeological sites (“we went around all the
archaeological sites and travelled a lot in Mexico”); and surprisingly, even security (“I feel safe
there and my husband, he agrees, he feels very comfortable in Cancun”). In sum, many
participants portrayed Mexico as a country of contrasts (“I enjoy the country very much, I like
the culture, I love the people, it is a beautiful country. Also, it is interesting the struggle that
Mexico faces, developed and undeveloped Mexico living side by side”).
Some of the participants expressed interest in Mexican politics, even though they knew they
could not participate in it, given that Article 33 of the Mexican constitution refrains them from
doing so. They want to know how the country is going to be run if some political tensions arose.
They were also concerned about corruption and the well-being of their Mexican communities.
Some of them followed the election in July 2018 and expressed their hope for a better
government in Mexico. A participant recounted how she took part in photojournalism during a
protest in Mexico. She remembered how she ran away from the police and mingled among the
locals to go unnoticed. In contrast, some other participants said they are aware of Mexican
politics, but they do not get involved because they want to be law-abiding in order to not get in
trouble—and they know that whoever rules the country, they cannot change it.
A number of the interviewed snowbirds have developed a solidaristic attachment to their
Mexican community and contribute volunteer labour to promote its well-being. One participant
supports a theatre in Puerto Vallarta, selling tickets and answering clients’ inquiries, and also
spends time with her work colleagues there. Another interviewee is part of a ceramic “colectivo”
in Oaxaca City, helping them with translations, editing, and curatorial work. She is also part of a
horticulture project. Another participant made a bicycle ride from Toronto to San Miguel de
Allende as part of a snowbird-led organization’s fundraising efforts in Canada (Amistad Canada)
on behalf of the Mexican town, raising $25,000 CAD to support community projects there.
Snowbirds’ seasonal migrations have clearly forged tangible ties and various commitments of
Canadians to their winter home community.
Snowbirds’ annual trips to Mexico have changed their lives in subtle ways. Some of the
participants never imagined they would learn Spanish, yet they all speak “un poquito” (a little
bit) now. Moreover, they expressed interest in improving their language skills to be able to better
understand the Mexican economy, politics, and culture. They admire not only the country’s
natural beauty but also its people: “[my Mexican friends] speak [the Mexican dialect] Zapotec,
Spanish and English. I do communicate with them in English. That’s unfortunate, I really want to
change that.” When talking about their experiences in Mexico, the snowbirds often refer to
places and activities by naming them in Spanish: “I like to go down to the ‘jardín’ (garden),” or
“I am part of a ‘colectivo’ (artist collective)”—showing how they (un)intentionally “become
more Mexican.”
Mexico is a country of contrasts that appeals to people from all over the world, snowbirds
included. From traditional food to politics, it is a country exotic enough to be attractive while
still keeping enough similarity with the ways of living of North America. The mobility of
snowbirds is shaped by Mexico’s accessibility, which allows them to maintain contact with their
homeland not only by communicating with their family and friends back in Canada, but also by
having the opportunity to acquire goods and services with the “Canadian touch.” Furthermore,
snowbirds find different ways to engage with the local politics through arts, journalism, and their
awareness and hope for the country that hosts them every year. They are exposed to politics,
culture, and mobility that converge during their daily lives in Mexico— all this is brought back
80
with them to Canada when they take home parts of Mexico like pottery bought from an artisan,
photos and memories, and even opinions and discussions about Mexico shared with their friends
or relatives.
It can thus be said that snowbirds live in a constant “in-between,” taking the best from both
countries. According to Krumme (2004), sometimes the sense of attachment and belonging to a
country “cannot be classified as ‘either-or’ but as ‘both-and’” (as cited in Balkir & Böcker, 2015,
p. 127). Some participants refer to both countries as their home: “Well, we call Mexico our
second home, but for sure, yes, Canada is still our home.” Another participant stated:
“Definitely, anywhere in Mexico could be home, I love a lot of things there.” Çaglar pointed out
that people who live transnational lives develop “complex attachments and multiple allegiances
to issues, peoples, places, and traditions beyond the boundaries of their resident nation-states” (as
cited in Vertovec, 2001, p. 580). From this study, it is clear that participants also developed
multiple attachments that cannot be limited to their own country or city, but rather expand to
their winter home.
Concluding Remarks
Snowbirds’ seasonal migration is a relatively new phenomenon that is gaining more and more
importance as its numbers expand due to the baby boom impact and the increase of the ageing
Canadian population. As stated by Katz (2005), ageing people are making decisions on how and
where they want to live—new places of residence where their identities will be reshaped.
Snowbirds have been coming to Mexico for no more than 30 years, and it seems that their
presence has not drawn much scholarly attention, as little research has been conducted on their
migration to Mexico. However, it is important to begin addressing this gap and encouraging
more research on the topic.
This study has shown that snowbirds are indeed transnationals with attachments to both Mexico
and Canada. They find identification in both places and feel compelled to return to each place for
different reasons. While Mexico provides them with warm weather, an active social life, and a
more attractive lifestyle, Canada remains important because of their family ties, time spent there,
and the memories they have from the past. Also, Mexico offers a variety of towns and cities
where snowbirds can establish themselves for the winter season: from warm, artsy, and colonial
towns to small, isolated beach towns as well as larger cities. As such, Canadians with different
backgrounds and various interests will go to several places where the seasonal migration
experience can be entirely different.
Thus, snowbirds are making a belated transnational life while discovering the best of two
lifestyles. They develop a dual loyalty while maintaining their roots and families in their
homeland, discovering new societies and sometimes integrating into totally different groups that
they never imagined could be part of their lives. As suggested by Balkir and Böcker (2015), this
social phenomenon goes beyond the dichotomy between permanent and seasonal migration.
Different factors such as health, economy, family issues, and accessibility to various services
(e.g., internet, banking, and health care) are essential to deciding to move permanently to a new
country or to maintain a pendular migration. However, these decisions are developmental,
confirming that migration is an ongoing process as discussed by Glick-Schiller et al. (as cited in
Lizárraga et al., 2015), rather than an overnight decision and one-time commitment.
This initial attempt to better understand the social phenomenon of Canadian snowbirds in
Mexico was analyzed through transnationalism. However, there are a myriad of lenses through
81
which to analyze this group of people. A more elaborate study would involve surveying the
experiences and the insights of Mexicans themselves as they adjust to the influx of foreign
nationals. What do the Mexicans think about their shared lifestyle? Are the snowbirds improving
or hindering their economic, social, and cultural situation? Are retired people in Mexico able to
have a less stressful life and enjoy the country, or individual Mexican cities, as much as
Canadian snowbirds do? A more exhaustive study of the topic would include an analysis of the
entire scope of this social phenomenon from the perspective of both Mexico and Canada.
There is still much to discover about snowbirds in Mexico. The intention of this chapter has been
to provide an opening into an area ripe for further study and analysis by immigration scholars.
Snowbirds have found an attractive way of life by moving back and forth between Canada and
Mexico. Something about the “in-betweenness” of their annual pendular migration has altered
not only their style of living, but also their perceptions of the wider world and their sense of
social belonging. They have two homes now—the one granted through accident of birth, and the
other consciously chosen.
References
Bantman-Masum, È. (2013). Enjeux de la mobilité des Canadiens et Américains au Mexique : Stratégies
économiques des migrants et réponse des États. Autrepart, 67-68(4), 87-101.
Balkir, C., & Böcker, A. (2015). Maintaining dual residences to manage risks in later life: A comparison of
two groups of older migrants. In Transnational Aging (pp. 137-152). New York: Routledge.
Benson, M., & O'Reilly, K. (2009). Migration and the search for a better way of life: A critical exploration of
lifestyle migration. The Sociological Review, 57(4), 608-625.
Bjelde, K. E., & Sanders, G. F. (2012). Change and continuity: Experiences of midwestern snowbirds.
Journal of Applied Gerontology, 31(3), 314-335.
Casado-Diaz, M. (2012). Exploring the geographies of lifestyle mobility: Current and future fields of
enquiry. In J. Wilson (Ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Tourism Geographies (pp. 120-125). New
York: Routledge.
Coates, K. S., Healy, R., & Morrison, W. R. (2002). Tracking the snowbirds: Seasonal migration from
Canada to the U.S.A. and Mexico. American Review of Canadian Studies, 32(3), 433-450.
Croucher, S. (2012). Privileged mobility in an age of globality. Societies, 2(1), 1-13.
Desrosiers-Lauzon, G. (2011). Florida's snowbirds: Spectacle, mobility, and community since 1945.
Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.
Edmonston, B., & Lee, S. M. (2014). Residential mobility of elderly Canadians: Trends and determinants.
Canadian Journal on Aging/La Revue canadienne du vieillissement, 33(4), 378-399.
Government of Canada. (2017). Overview of Canadian Consular Services in Mexico. Retrieved from
http://www.canadainternational.gc.ca/mexico-mexique/offices-bureaux/index.aspx?lang=eng
Gustafson, P. (2001). Retirement migration and transnational lifestyles. Ageing & Society, 21(4), 371-394.
Gustafson, P. (2008). Transnationalism in retirement migration: The case of North European retirees in
Spain. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 31(3), 451-475.
Happel, S., Hogan, T., & Choi, W. (2004, May). Snowbird households add $1 billion to state’s economy.
AZB: Arizona Business, 51(5), 5.
Hayes, M. (2015). Introduction: The emerging lifestyle migration industry and geographies of
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Hogan, T. D., & Steinnes, D. N. (1993). Elderly migration to the Sunbelt: Seasonal versus permanent.
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County, Florida. In S. Katz (Ed.), Cultural aging: Life course, lifestyle, and senior worlds.
Peterborough: Broadview Press.
Lizárraga, O., Mantecón, A., & Huete, R. (2015). Transnationality and Social Integration within Lifestyle
Migration. A comparative study of two cases in Mexico and Spain. Journal of Latin American
Geography, 14(1), 139-159.
Northcott, H. C., & Petruik, C. R. (2011). The geographic mobility of elderly Canadians. Canadian Journal
on Aging/Revue Canadienne Du Vieillissement, 30(3), 311-322.
Rodríguez, E., & Cobo, S. (2012). Los canadienses en México: Una aproximación histórica y
sociodemográfica a sus procesos de inmigración y de movilidad internacional reciente. Migration
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Rodríguez Chávez, E., & Cobo Quintero, S. D. (2017). Los Canadienses en México. Inmigración y
movilidad internacional. Migraciones internacionales, 9(1), 9-42.
Satzewich, V., & Wong, L. (Eds.). (2011). Transnational identities and practices in Canada. Vancouver:
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Vertovec, S. (2001). Transnationalism and identity. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 27(4), 573-
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83
11. Defying Classification: The Migration of Unaccompanied
Children from the Northern Triangle of Central America
by Lidia-Gabriela Jarmasz & Francis Hare
Abstract
This chapter presents findings of a scoping review of English- and Spanish-language sources
examining the drivers of the migration of unaccompanied children from the Northern Triangle of
Central America (NTCA). While politicians in the United States debate whether this migration
flow has been caused by violence or economic conditions, our review concludes that both sets of
factors play an important role and that neither can be deemed the primary driver based on the
available evidence. We also contend that, in this case, violence and economic factors form a
vicious cycle that could be thought of as a complex driver of migration. The migration of
unaccompanied children from the NTCA therefore challenges traditional models of migration
that assume a dichotomy between voluntary and forced migration.
Keywords: unaccompanied child migrants; Northern Triangle of Central America; forced vs.
voluntary migration; gang violence; economic factors
Introduction
The causes of recent sustained levels of migration from the Northern Triangle of Central
America (NTCA)—composed of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras—have been vigorously
debated and especially by politicians in the United States, the primary destination country. In
particular, each new wave of arrivals is met with the question of whether their journey was
motivated by violence or economic factors in the region of origin (e.g., O’Reilly, 2018).
This chapter contributes to this debate by reporting the findings of a scoping review of the
literature on the drivers of the migration of unaccompanied children from the NTCA. Drawing
upon different types of evidence from a variety of sources, we conclude that this migration is not
only motivated by both violence and economic considerations, but also that these two sets of
factors are so intertwined that they could be conceptualized as a complex driver.
The body of the chapter is divided into five sections. The first section describes the population of
interest and the country conditions, as well as highlighting research contesting the traditional
dichotomy between economic migration and migration driven by violence. The second section
delineates the methodology of our scoping review. The third and fourth sections present evidence
for the role of violence and economic conditions, respectively, in triggering this migration. The
fifth section considers the relative importance of these two factors as a complex driver of
migration from the NTCA.
Background
Unaccompanied child migrants from the NTCA
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) defines an unaccompanied
child as an individual “under the age of eighteen years… who is separated from both parents and
is not being cared for by an adult who by law or custom has responsibility to do so” (1997, p. 5).
This label includes children who are travelling by themselves, as well as those who migrate with
84
an adult other than a parent or habitual guardian. Since 2011, the migration levels of
unaccompanied child migrants from the NTCA to the United States—typically operationalized
as the number of apprehensions by the U.S. Customs and Border Patrol (USCBP)—have been
rising, as shown by the absolute numbers given in Table 1. Partway through 2018,
unaccompanied children from this region—the majority of whom are 16 or 17 (Jones, 2017)—
represented 76.4% of all apprehended unaccompanied minors in the United States, up from
24.5% in 2011.
Table 1. U.S. apprehensions of unaccompanied children from NTCA countries,
2011–2018
Country of origin
(self-reported)
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018*
El Salvador
1,394
3,314
5,990
16,404
9,389
17,512
9,143
4,769
Guatemala
1,565
3,835
8,068
17,057
13,589
18,913
14,827
22,583
Honduras
974
2,997
6,747
18,244
5,409
10,468
7,784
10,724
Total (all countries)
16,056
24,481
38,759
68,541
39,970
59,692
41,435
49,859
Sources: Consejo Nacional de Población (2016, p. 23) for 2011–2012; USCBP (2017) for 2013–2017; USCBP (2018a; 2018b) for
2018.
*Annualized from August 2018 year-to-date figures.
Country conditions in the NTCA
The NTCA is known for its high homicide rates. For example, in 2016, according to the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) there were 27.26 homicides per 100,000 in
Guatemala, 56.52 in Honduras, and 82.84 in El Salvador—far exceeding the world average of
6.2 homicides per 100,000 people (UNODC, 2014, p. 21). In addition, much violence is blamed
on youth gangs, the largest of which are Mara Salvatrucha (also known as MS-13) and Barrio (or
Calle) 18 (Casa Alianza Honduras, Pastoral de Movilidad Humana, & Catholic Relief Services,
2016, p. 13-14).
The economic conditions are equally grim: according to a 2011 World Bank study, “more than
60% of Hondurans, more than 50% of Guatemalans, and 30% of Salvadorans live below the
poverty line” (as cited in U.S. Government Accountability Office [GAO], 2015, p. 2).
Adolescents as young as 12 leave school in order to help support their family (Kennedy, 2014, p.
3). Moreover, the region has been afflicted by drought since 2014, which has caused widespread
food insecurity (United Nations World Food Programme & International Organization for
Migration [WFP & IOM], 2016, p. 18).
Forced and voluntary migration
Conventionally, migration to seek protection from “persecution, violence, war, severe human
rights violations, and other threatening situations” (Lorenzen, 2017, p. 745) is equated with
‘forced migration,’ and is assumed to be clearly distinct from ‘economic migration,’ which is
conflated with voluntary migration. A growing body of research, however, disputes the
forced/voluntary dichotomy. Indeed, forced and voluntary migrants may use the same migratory
channels (Betts, 2013) and individuals may have multiple reasons for migrating—some of which
would qualify them as forced migrants, and others as voluntary migrants (Lorenzen, 2017).
Further, as observed by Castles (2007) and illustrated by the NTCA region, “Countries with
weak economies, increasing inequality and widespread impoverishment tend also to have
85
tyrannical rulers, weak state apparatuses, and high levels of violence and human rights
violations” (p. 26). Following in this line of thought, this chapter will demonstrate that
unaccompanied children from the NTCA defy clear-cut compartmentalization as either
protection seekers or economic migrants, and thus challenge the forced/voluntary dichotomy.
Methodology
The objective of the scoping review was to identify and analyze sources in English and Spanish,
presenting a wide range of claims on the drivers of this migration. The sources selected—
comprising scholarly publications, newspaper articles, and NGO and policy reports—were
primarily identified via the Ryerson University Library and Archives catalogue in the spring of
2018, with supplementary materials identified through bibliography mining, suggestions from
scholarly databases, and Google Scholar. We limited the timeframe of the study to sources
published in or after 2010 in order to match the period of increased migration of unaccompanied
children from the NTCA. We included sources presenting an original analysis or empirical data
on the drivers of this migration. We excluded sources that primarily described the migration
journey or experiences in the destination country, including integration as well as navigation of
the asylum system.
Following standard scoping review principles (e.g., Daudt, van Mossel & Scott, 2013), we aimed
for comprehensiveness in the English-language subsample. We do not, however, make any
claims to comprehensiveness for the Spanish-language materials, because of limited access to
resources due to our geographic location. We stopped adding sources when the sample had
reached saturation (i.e., additional sources did not provide novel data). The final sample is
composed of 58 sources: 37 in English and 21 in Spanish.
In the following sections, we synthesize the empirical data on violence and economic factors
presented by the sources in our sample. We triangulate “correlative evidence”—a loose label we
apply to any statistical test, including correlations and regression analyses, of relationships
between migration levels and indicators of various country conditions—with data collected
directly from migrant children (through interviews, surveys, and narrative techniques).
Violence as a driver of migration
A statistically significant relationship between homicide rates and the migration rates of
unaccompanied children was detected across the NTCA at the level of the municipality of origin
(Clemens, 2017; Orozco & Yansura, 2014) and in Honduras at the level of the department (i.e.,
the major territorial subdivision) of origin (Jones, 2017). The link between violence in society
and migration is corroborated by child migrants themselves, who cited this as a cause for their
migration in numerous sources (e.g., UNHCR, 2014a, p. 25-26; UNHCR, 2014b, p. 43).
Children identified multiple categories of aggressions by gang members: attempts at forcible
recruitment involving threats of physical assault (Kennedy, 2014); extortion (Kandel, Bruno,
Bruno, Meyer, Seelke, Taft-Morales & Wasem, 2015); attacks against children who live in a
rival gang’s territory (UNHCR, 2014a); and the murder of a relative (Jaimez, 2017). The
quotation below, from a 17-year-old Honduran girl, illustrates many types of gang violence:
The gangs in Honduras threatened me, and because of the gangs, my 17-year-old brother
died three years ago… The gangs also threatened to kill me if I didn’t join them. (as cited
in Cao, 2017, p. 16)
86
Recruitment attempts also affect children’s ability to attend school. It is often their classmates
who try to recruit or extort them, while teachers and other authorities look on helplessly (e.g.,
Jaimez, 2017; Kennedy, 2014). More generally, the power of the gangs over authorities,
including the police, translates into a lack of state protection against violence (UNHCR, 2014b).
Economic factors as drivers of migration
Unaccompanied children also identify economic factors—including a “lack of meaningful
opportunity” (UNHCR, 2014a, p. 24) related to employment and education, and a desire to
support their family with remittances (Khashu, 2010)—as drivers of migration. Some children
explained that their parents had died or were sick, or that they were being raised by grandparents
who were too old to work (Khashu, 2010). Others indicated they had migrated to secure “stable
housing” (Becker Herbst, Sabet, Swanson, Suarez, Marques, Ameen & Aldarondo, 2018, p.
253). Many pointed specifically to food insecurity as the cause of their migration (e.g., Casa
Alianza Honduras et al., 2016). Some articulated a desire to provide for their siblings and to
finance their education, as exemplified in this quotation from a participant in Becker Herbst et
al.’s (2018) study, who expresses a desire to financially support their family:
The reason that I immigrated is because my father is very sick in his stomach, and my
siblings want to keep studying and we don’t have a good income in order to send them to
school; they cry because sometimes we do not have food to eat, in a few words I
immigrated because of the necessity of helping my family. (p. 255)
The correlative evidence of a link between the migration of unaccompanied children and
economic conditions in the NTCA is inconsistent. On the one hand, Jones (2017) found no
correlation of migration rates with the open unemployment rate or the proportion of the
population living in poverty. Similarly, Orozco and Yansura (2004) detected only a weak and
inconsistent correlation with the Human Development Index (a measure combining life
expectancy, education, and income indices). On the other hand, Amuedo-Dorantes and Puttitanun
(2016) found that growth of the GDP per capita was negatively related to migration, suggesting
that an improvement of economic conditions in the NTCA led to a decrease in migration. In
addition, these researchers found that migration rates from the NTCA significantly corresponded
with increases in the weekly median income in the United States, but that they were negatively
related to a rise in the unemployment rate in the US—a result confirmed by Jones (2017).
Are unaccompanied children fleeing violence, or are they
economic migrants?
Relative importance of violence and economic factors
The importance of both violence and economic factors in driving the migration of unaccompanied
children from the NTCA is well substantiated by the sources in our sample. It is more difficult,
however, to ascertain the relative importance of these two sets of factors, although some sources did
attempt to do so in quantitative terms. Two studies provided correlative evidence of the relative
contribution of violence and economic factors. Jones (2017) found that homicide rates were a better
predictor of the migration of unaccompanied children (with a correlation coefficient of +0.611) than
the unemployment rate (correlation coefficient of +0.273)—but only at the departmental level in
Honduras. Overall, the national homicide rates in the NTCA countries declined as migration rates
continued to rise. Further, although not statistically significant, the migration rates more closely
87
matched the employment levels in the United States than either set of factors in the NTCA (Jones,
2017, p. 349). Clemens (2017) contributed by using regression analysis to test the relative
importance of the homicide rate, poverty rate, and income per capita across the NTCA. He
concluded that the homicide rate, on its own or in combination with economic factors, accounted
for roughly as much of the migration (37.5%) as the economic indicators alone (35.3%).
Additionally, some studies reported the proportion of unaccompanied child participants who had
provided a particular response, which can also be used as an indicator of the relative importance of
factors. Two studies reported that violence was the most frequently identified cause for migration.
In a UNHCR (2014b) study conducted in Mexico, 48.6% of the participants cited violence as a
cause for their migration, and 29.2% named economic factors. Likewise, Casa Alianza Honduras et
al. (2016) revealed that 58% of deported Honduran children named violence in society, while only
22% named poverty and a lack of opportunities. Conversely, three studies place economic factors
on top. In Lorenzen’s (2017) study, 57.7% of unaccompanied children surveyed stated that they had
migrated for economic reasons, and only 24.9% named violence in society. Likewise, the Mexican
National Population Council, CONAPO (2016), reported that economic factors were by far the
reason named most often by participants surveyed in Mexican shelters, representing 59.2% of
responses, with only 3.8% of answers citing violence. Finally, the vast majority, or 70%, of
Khashu’s (2010) participants cited factors related to economic considerations, while only 6.5%
named violence.
On the basis of this quantitative data, therefore, neither violence nor economic factors emerge as
the primary driver of this migration.
The interrelatedness of violence and economic factors
This migration flow from the NTCA embodies objections raised by scholars against the
traditional forced/voluntary migration dichotomy. First, this has proven to be a mixed migration
flow: several studies report that Guatemalan children more frequently named economic factors as
the main cause of their migration, while violence in society played a bigger role for children
from Honduras and El Salvador (e.g., Lorenzen, 2017). Second, a single child may have multiple
reasons for migrating: 31.1% of Lorenzen’s (2017) participants named two or more motives,
including both violence and economic factors. Many child migrants cannot, therefore, be neatly
compartmentalized as either ‘economic migrants’ or ‘protection seekers.’
Violence and economic factors do not simply coexist in the same migration flow; they are
“inextricably linked” (Schmidt, 2017, p. 62). Indeed, poor economic conditions create a
favourable environment for violence in several ways. For example, in the absence of decent
employment opportunities for youth, or in contexts of widespread food insecurity, gang
membership and the sources of income it offers—such as extortion, robbery, kidnapping, and
trafficking—may become an attractive option (WFP & IOM, 2016). A 17-year-old Salvadoran
participant quoted in Schmidt (2017) verbalizes this relationship: “Gangs are increasing because
of the economy, because there aren’t enough jobs. Kids think it’s better to rob and steal because
they don’t see any other way to make money” (p. 64). Consequently, children suffering from
economic deprivation are vulnerable to being recruited by gangs (Jaimez, 2017). In addition,
Schmidt (2017) contends that youth who neither work nor study are likelier to join gangs “due to
idle or unsupervised time” (p. 64).
Economic factors also lead to violence in more indirect ways. For example, the economic
migration of parents turns children into targets of violence. Parental absence constitutes, on the
88
one hand, a risk factor for gang membership (Stinchcomb & Hershberg, 2014); and on the other,
a cause for extortion, because children who receive remittances from parents are perceived as
being better off (Kandel et al., 2015).
Moreover, the relationship between violence and economic factors is reciprocal: violence also
degrades economic conditions. Violence is reported to inhibit economic growth and opportunity
creation (Clemens, 2017) and to disfavour foreign investment (GAO, 2015). Gang members
target small business owners for extortion (Stinchcomb & Hershberg, 2014) and aggravate food
insecurity by assaulting people for their food stamps, as well as attacking customers and sellers
at public markets (WFP & IOM, 2016).
Ultimately, poor economic conditions and violence form a vicious cycle in which they breed and
compound each other. Unaccompanied children are thus not migrating in response to either
violence or economic factors in isolation; they migrate because of violence that is produced by
poor economic conditions, and because of economic conditions that have deteriorated due to
violence. We therefore propose that, in the case of unaccompanied children from the NTCA,
violence and economic conditions should be understood as a complex cause for migration.
Conclusion
This chapter has presented evidence, drawn from a scoping review, that both violence and
desperate economic conditions in the NTCA play important roles in motivating the migration of
unaccompanied children. Moreover, violence and economic conditions are indissociable: poor
economic conditions foster violence, and widespread violence degrades economic conditions.
The departure of unaccompanied children from the NTCA therefore challenges models that
compartmentalize economic migration (i.e., assumed to be synonymous with voluntary
migration) and migration driven by violence (i.e., forced migration).
Furthermore, although a full discussion of this issue is outside the scope of this chapter, we
submit that this migration flow also disputes the assumption that migration for purely economic
reasons is always voluntary. Indeed, some of the children interviewed in these studies described
situations of inadequate housing and rampant food insecurity in which they were obligated to
become their household’s main breadwinner, despite being minors. In other words, they crossed
borders in order to secure basic subsistence for themselves and their families. As first argued by
Jaimez (2017), this scenario coincides with Betts’ (2013) concept of survival migration, in which
“persons [find themselves] outside their country of origin because of an existential threat [i.e., a
threat to their basic rights] for which they have no access to a domestic remedy or resolution”
(p. 23). This form of “economic/survival migration” can thus be understood as an involuntary
solution to deprivation.
Paradoxically, even survival migration appears to require a minimum of financial resources.
Indeed, some families have taken out loans (Stinchcomb & Hershberg, 2014) or handed over the
title of their property to lenders (Cao, 2017) in order to pay the services of smugglers and
facilitate the migration of their children. Further, Clemens (2017) discovered a curvilinear
relationship between migration, income, and the poverty rate: migration rates of unaccompanied
children were low not only in municipalities where the average income was high, but also in
municipalities where the average income was extremely low or where the poverty rate was
extremely high. Poverty and low income may thus prevent people from using safer means of
seeking survival elsewhere. Short-term solutions to this migration should, therefore, include
more pathways for safe migration and resettlement.
89
References
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Mexico border. International Migration, 54(4), 102–117.
Becker Herbst, R., Sabet, R. F., Swanson, A., Suarez, L. G., Marques, D. S., Ameen, E. J., & Aldarondo,
E. (2018). “They were going to kill me”: Resilience in unaccompanied immigrant minors. The
Counseling Psychologist, 46(2), 241–268.
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15-362
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12. Framing Migration Crises: A Comparative Analysis of
Media Texts on the Venezuelan Collapse
by Berti Olinto & Dana Osborne
Abstract
This chapter explores mainstream and diasporic media coverage and discourses surrounding the
Venezuelan economic and political crisis, from late March 2017 until early May 2018. A
comparative content analysis was applied to a total of 256 news articles, editorials, and stories
from the Toronto Star (one of Canada’s largest newspapers) and from La Portada Canadá (a
Spanish-language Latin American newspaper in Toronto). The results demonstrated diasporic
media’s appropriation of journalistic biases such as human impact, dramatization, and national
interest, as well as the reframing of dominant discourses from international news agencies about
the Venezuelan economic crisis. Whereas there are significant similarities between both media’s
content regarding the crisis, La Portada Canadá stressed the transnational component of the
Venezuelan diaspora through discourses about political and civic engagement in Canada. The
Toronto Star focused more on the economic and political components of the crisis, which are
closely linked to the country’s national agenda.
Keywords: diasporic media; media coverage; media discourses; international crises; Venezuela
Introduction
Media outlets produced by and for immigrants, often referred to as ‘diasporic media,’ have
become powerful tools for enacting cultural identity, political participation, and civic
engagement in the destination country. Their relevance in terms of political participation hinges
on their ability to provide alternative discourses to mainstream media and to include other voices
in response to the dominant discourses promoted by international news agencies (Georgiou,
2005; Ogunyeni, 2017). Diasporic media is becoming a powerful tool for the discussion,
representation, and portrayal of international conflicts and migration crises that regularly have no
place in mainstream media and international news agencies (Georgiou, 2005). The role of
diasporic media in framing migration crises—particularly conflicts related to the diasporic
communities—remains to a certain extent unexplored (Ogunyemi, 2017).
Based on this premise, this research focused on analyzing the ways in which diasporic
newspapers in Toronto, Canada, framed the political and economic crisis in Venezuela between
March 2017 and May 2018, and how these newspapers provided alternative discourses to
Canadian media narratives through stories about the Venezuelan diaspora’s political
engagement, as well as international solidarity within Latin American immigrant communities.
Through this exploration of media coverage and narratives, this chapter asks the following research
questions: how have Toronto’s Latin American diasporic and mainstream media constructed
discourses and narratives of the migration crisis in Venezuela? And how have the diasporic media
reframed dominant discourses promoted by mainstream media and/or international news agencies?
The relevance of exploring these issues focuses on the potential attributed to diasporic media in
North America, in contributing to the resolution of international conflicts (Østergaard-Nielsen,
2006) and in providing new spaces for democratic dialogue about international crises that are
often excluded in Canada’s national and political agenda (Yu, 2018).
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Recent Economic and Political Developments in Venezuela
Since January of 2016, Venezuela has faced an unprecedented economic and political crisis
(Felter & Labrador, 2018). Critics of current President Nicolás Maduro and his predecessor,
Hugo Chávez, have denounced Venezuela’s economic issues as the inevitable result of more than
18 years of financial mismanagement. On the other hand, President Maduro’s supporters blame
plummeting oil prices and the actions of the country’s business elites (Corrales, 2016; Felter &
Labrador, 2018; Rapoza, 2018).
Hugo Chávez—a former military officer who launched a failed coup d’état against Carlos Andres
Pérez in 1992—was elected President of Venezuela in 1998 with the support of the Movimiento
Quinta República (Fifth Republic Movement), a socialist platform that had 56% of the electorate
preference (Ore, 2013). As a candidate, Felter and Labrador (2018) claim that Chávez railed against
the country’s elites for widespread corruption and pledged to use Venezuela’s vast oil wealth to
reduce poverty and inequality. Chávez remained President until his death in 2013 and was praised
by other socialist governments in Latin America for “expropriating millions of acres of land and
nationalizing hundreds of private businesses and foreign-owned assets, including oil projects run by
ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips” (Felter & Labrador, 2018, p. 1).
Felter and Labrador (2018) suggest that the lack of reinvesting in the oil industry in lieu of
expending for his socialist agenda in South America is one of the key elements that gave rise to the
current economic crisis. Venezuela’s dependence on oil exports, and the drop in oil prices in 2014,
plunged the country into a severe economic crisis marked by soaring inflation and shortages of food
and medical supplies (Felter & Labrador, 2018; Johnson, 2018). By 2018, international observers
have characterized the situation in Venezuela as a “humanitarian crisis” and as a “migration crisis”
(Baddour, 2017; Chandran, 2018; Rendon & Schnider, 2018). According to the International
Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 600,000 Venezuelans emigrated in 2017, particularly
to other South American countries such as Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru (IOM, 2018).
The political turmoil resulting after the country’s Supreme Court took over the opposition-led
legislative powers of the National Assembly on March 30, 2017 prompted street confrontations
between opposition supporters and the country’s National Guard in Caracas and other cities
(Chinea & Polanco, 2017). This in turn intensified the severe economic crisis and accelerated the
international migration of Venezuelans due to the political and economic collapse generated by
hyperinflation and food and medicine shortages.
Venezuelan migration has had implications in Canada. In fact, due to the number of Venezuelan
citizens claiming refugee status in Canada and settling in cities such as Toronto and Montreal, the
crisis has been on the radar of both the House of Commons and Senate (Keung, 2017a) and has also
been framed by Canadian media as a “humanitarian crisis” (Keung, 2017b; Lowrie, 2017).
However, according to different reports from Canadian media, Venezuelans have claimed that
“few Canadians seem to realize Venezuelans are dying from food and medicine shortages”
(Lowrie, 2017). It has been reported by Venezuelan communities in Canada that the crisis in
their country and its economic implications are rarely featured in Canadian media (Lowrie,
2017). Therefore, Venezuelans are using social and diasporic media to “ask Canadians to take
notice of the escalating political and humanitarian crisis in their homeland” (The Canadian Press,
2017, para. 3). The question remains: how is the Venezuelan diaspora in Canada using media
outlets to call for international solidarity? What are the discourses promoted by these diasporic
media? Has this use of diasporic media had a real impact in terms of Canadian international
policies regarding the conflict?
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Literature Review
The importance of media coverage of migration crises is closely linked to the influence attributed
to media in the resolution or escalation of international conflicts (Ogunyemi, 2017). Historically,
media coverage of humanitarian and migration crises has focused on so-called “news values”
(Ardèvol-Abreu, 2015), which include: 1) the human interest and impact, 2) the profitability of
the crisis in terms of rating or readership, and 3) the national interests of the countries in which
media operate (Ardèvol-Abreu, 2015; Johnston, Friedman & Sobel, 2014).
On the other hand, media framing—or the ways in which these values are considered to construct
discourses or narrative frames in a given context—is a determining factor in the coverage of
international and migration crises (Evans, 2010). According to Steele (2016), the notion of media
framing is based on a ‘sensemaking phenomenon’ that can create and structure the understanding
and interpretation of deliberate political action in mediated conflict situations. Therefore, authors
such as Ardèvol-Abreu (2015) have argued that media framing has had a significant impact on
how audiences and governments react to certain crisis.
International news agencies play a major role in both media framing and coverage (Ardèvol-
Abreu, 2015). According to Toledano and Ardevol (2013), the media that rely on international
news agencies (particularly in the Western world) tend to simplify and reproduce the discursive
patterns of news agencies of global influence, in which conflicts and crises are normally
“packaged” according to Western interests (Milojevich & Beattie, 2018; Van Gorp, 2007).
Rafeeq and Jiang (2018) have stated that international news agencies were considerably affected by
the international economic crisis of 2008; thus, these agencies no longer have the resources to be
the main force in terms of media setting and discourses. Following this change, academic research
over the last 10 years has tended to be limited in focus: often on the extent to which economic and
budget constraints on international news agencies have impacted the coverage of international
crises which were already of little interest to the media (Toledano & Ardevol, 2013).
Ogunyemi (2017) has argued that one of the possible results of news agencies’ economic
constraints is the increase in the consumption of online diasporic newspapers and news sites. On
the one hand, diasporic media tend to include sociocultural aspects of diasporic communities and
minorities that are often neglected by mainstream media (Georgiou, 2005). On the other, many
diasporic groups have manifested distrust towards international news agencies and news
corporations (Ogunyemi, 2017). Furthermore, diasporic media have the potential to elaborate
alternative narratives that are not commonly found in the mainstream media, and to develop
closer insights into international crisis—through which diasporic media engage with ethnic
communities and minorities.
Along with family remittances, diasporic media are considered an important part of the
“transnational reality” of many diasporic communities, and it is argued that transnational and
diasporic communities stay much more politically engaged in the host country by following local
and national news streamed from their homeland (Ogunyemi, 2017). Salojärvi (2017) posited
that diasporic media enable members of the community to construct their own meaning about the
conflicts and events that take place in the origin country, and participate as political actors by
engaging through these narratives.
In light of these observations, this chapter investigates: 1) how diasporic and mainstream
newspapers have framed the political and economic crisis in Venezuela; 2) how this framing
94
opposes, challenges, or reproduces the narratives from mainstream media and international news
agencies; and 3) the possible impacts of these narratives on Canadian politics.
Methods and Methodology
In this study, a total of 256 news articles that focused on the Venezuelan migration crisis were
analyzed. Of the articles selected, 201 were published in La Portada Canadá, an established
Latino newspaper in Toronto, and 55 articles were published in the Toronto Star. All articles
were published between March 29, 2017 (when the government of Venezuela stripped the
opposition-held parliament of its legislative powers) and May 20, 2018 (when Venezuelan
President Nicolás Maduro was re-elected in a process that some international media and foreign
powers defined as an “electoral fraud”). According to Chinea and Polanco (2017), the events that
occurred in this period intensified the international migration of Venezuelans, which had a
relevant impact on refugee claims from Venezuelans in Canada (Keung, 2017b).
From the data collected, quantitative and qualitative content analysis were applied to explore
media coverage of the Venezuelan crisis in both newspaper types. The key aspects of the
analysis were: the number of published articles related to the crisis and their classification
according to the source of information (i.e., international news agencies or original content), and
the frequency in which certain topics were mentioned as key elements of the crisis (e.g.,
Venezuelan diaspora, policy implications, international relations).
Qualitative analysis was useful in terms of analyzing the narratives. The key element was
evaluating the terms used by both media outlets to categorize discourse patterns regarding the
crisis in Venezuela. In this sense, the ways in which the crisis was described by both mainstream
and diasporic media were deemed essential in understanding how diasporic media discourses co-
exist with mainstream and/or dominant discourses.
Results and Discussion
In analyzing the media coverage and discourses in relation to the migration crisis in Venezuela,
the prevalent themes included: the humanitarian crisis elements of the stories; the need for
stronger measures to support Venezuelan refugees; the importance of international/Canadian
solidarity; and the political engagement of the Venezuelan diaspora in Toronto.
Humanitarian Crisis and Migration
The Toronto Star included the terms humanitarian crisis and migration crisis—as referred to by
international organizations and NGOs such as Caritas Venezuela and Human Rights Watch—in
which the narratives focused more on statistics from international organizations regarding the
effects of the crisis on vulnerable populations. While the human impact is an important element
of these narratives, the political, demographic, and economic effects of the crisis are the relevant
components. La Portada Canadá, on the other hand, used narrative elements that are more likely
to be based on the dramatization bias, which mainly linked the human impact/interest as a news
value. The suffering (sufrimiento), isolation (aislamiento), and hopeless condition
(desesperanza) of the Venezuelan population and their diasporas in other countries in South
America were significant aspects of the discourse.
La Portada Canadá highlighted the solidarity from the Canadian government and other South
American countries and called for more effective assistance measures from the international
community. The idea of a Latin American community in Canada based on the diasporas’
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involvement and participation is present in all the narratives, in which the political factor is
definitive. In many cases, the Venezuelan crisis is portrayed as a regional crisis in which the
notion of “home” is portrayed as a community of countries that call for international solidarity in
Canada. In this sense, the Latin American community is portrayed as comprising political actors
whose cooperation and participation are needed to support other members of the community. As
Dufoix and Rodarmor (2008) asserted, the influence of diasporic media on immigrant
communities’ cultural identity and political participation has given a new perspective to the
notions of solidarity in the host country.
The Venezuelan Diaspora in Toronto
A relevant aspect in terms of media discourses was how mainstream and diasporic media framed
the civic engagement of Venezuelans in Toronto. Figure 1 shows that 14.5% of the 201 articles of
La Portada Canadá focused on the Venezuelan diaspora in Toronto and its political engagement
as a direct result of the migration crisis. Similarly, 11.1% of the 55 articles from the Toronto Star
included the diasporic community aspect as a key element in the coverage of the crisis.
Figure 1. Venezuelan diaspora (political activities)
As an example, La Portada Canadá’s narratives reported the marches and public demonstrations
by Venezuelan political leaders in Toronto’s Queen’s Park—the site of the Ontario Legislative
Building, which houses the Legislative Assembly of Ontario—and Dundas Square, considered to
be the central hub of the city’s downtown.
Conversely, the interests of the Toronto Star have focused on the hardships of Venezuelan
refugees in Toronto, a group labelled as “forgotten refugees” due to the priority given to other
refugee communities. The transnational aspect of the Venezuelan community was crucial only
regarding its impact on refugee statistics in Toronto. The newspaper published three articles
containing interviews with Venezuelan refugees and representatives of NGOs supporting new
Venezuelan refugee communities in Toronto—an aspect that was not included in any of the La
Portada Canadá articles.
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Media Discourses: The Role of International News Agencies
The (re)construction of unique narrative frameworks and framing elements from major
international sources is, according to Lamb (2009), one of the most distinctive elements of
diasporic media and narratives. In this sense, a relevant aspect in terms of La Portada Canadá’s
coverage of the Venezuelan migration crisis is how the newspaper adapted and reframed
newswires from international news agencies (likely to make them more appealing for its Latin
American audience in Toronto), which constituted 73.60% of La Portada’s articles (Figure 2).
This adaptation implied the reframing of newswires from international news agencies such as
Reuters and EFE, for which the inclusion of narrative elements that accentuated the diasporic
elements of the crisis in Toronto and their sociocultural impact in Canada was a distinctive
aspect of La Portada Canada’s discourses.
Figure 2. Information Sources.
Media Discourses: The Crisis in Context
In terms of the media discourses about the migration crisis in Venezuela, the lack of
sociocultural context in the stories is also present in the narratives from both La Portada Canadá
and the Toronto Star. In this regard, the simplification implicit in the media’s framing of
international conflicts—likely aimed at facilitating audiences’ understanding—is a key factor in
analyzing how both newspapers framed the Venezuelan crisis.
Only two of the 201 articles (1%) from La Portada Canadá provided the audience with an analysis
of the political, historic, and cultural background of the situation. Instead of contextualizing the
crisis using its privileged access to the diasporic perspectives and knowledge of the conflict, La
Portada Canadá opted for more personalized news—which, according to Bennett and Townend
(2009), focus on the journalistic bias that gives preference to individual actors and human-interest
angles in events over larger institutional, social, and political contexts (p. 14).
97
In the case of the Toronto Star, six (7.2%) of the 55 articles included the historic, political,
and/or economic context and geopolitical implications of the situation. These analyses
emphasized the economic context of Venezuela as a member of the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries (OPEC) and how the crisis has impacted other OPEC members’ oil
industries, which is content chosen for its relation to Canada’s national agenda/interests. On the
other hand, the historic background—particularly in regard to the Bolivarian Revolution of 1999
and the relevance of the late President Hugo Chávez in Venezuelan politics—was only deemed
relevant in two of these articles.
Lastly, most of the descriptions about the Venezuelan crisis were presented through in-situ news,
in which terms such as ‘violent place’ and ‘daily confrontations’ were common elements in the
Toronto Star’s articles, while ‘human rights violations,’ ‘repression,’ and ‘anarchy’ were crucial
in La Portada Canadá’s narrative.
Conclusion
This study demonstrated that in the coverage of international and migration crises, diasporic
media may replicate or reproduce decontextualized and/or dominant discourses from
international agencies and media corporations. However, diasporic newspapers have the potential
to develop their own narrative approach by including transnational elements of the crisis that aim
at engaging with their diasporic audiences.
In the case of the migration crisis in Venezuela, the transnational approach of La Portada
Canadá focused on the political and civic engagement of Venezuelans in Toronto, and the
struggle of this growing community to legitimate their political cause in Canada. The
newspaper’s approach toward the crisis focused on calling for more effective measures from the
Canadian government in terms of political support for Venezuelan refugees and against the
Venezuelan government.
Traditional news values, such as focus on the national interest, can have alternative implications
in diasporic media. In their coverage, the Venezuelan crisis was approached through the lens of
the destination country’s national interest—but also from the national/diasporic interests of the
individual Latin American countries that constitute the readership of newspapers such as La
Portada Canadá. Terms such as ‘international solidarity’ and ‘community’ are key elements in
the ways in which the Venezuelan diaspora was portrayed by the diasporic media outlet selected
for this study.
The local-transnational input in diasporic media coverage of migration crises could be a crucial
element in future analyses on the role of Latin American diasporic media in Canada. In
particular, the ways in which the Venezuelan migration crisis was constructed by mainstream
and diasporic media might also be relevant in evaluating the measures adopted by the Canadian
government as a result of the political pressure exerted by the Latin American diaspora.
98
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