Classifications of Macca Oromoo Girls’ Nuptial Songs (Sirba Cidhaa)

Abstract

Girls’ nuptial songs of the Oromoo of Horn of Africa are powerful folksong genres, but are rarely practiced today. Ethnographic data were collected and analyzed contextually, structurally, functionally, and semantically from multidisciplinary approaches: folklore, ethnomusicology, anthropology, sociology, literature, linguistic, gender, and others’ theories. They are classified into arrabsoo (insult), faaruu (praise), mararoo (elegiac/dirge), ansoosillee (bridal praise), fala (resolution), and raaga (prediction) with their distinct natures. Macca Oromoo girls compose these competitively to making weddings memorable, express themselves, inspire and encourage men for brave and appropriate actions. These genres form binary oppositions in their respective orders and enrich the culture. They also depict identities and roles of girls in creations and maintaining of culture.

Full text

Humanities 2019, 8, 145; doi:10.3390/h8030145 www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities
Article
Classifications of Macca Oromoo Girls’ Nuptial
Songs (Sirba Cidhaa)
Dereje Fufa Bidu
Department of Oromoo Folklore and Literature, Jimma University, P.O. BOX 378, Jimma, Ethiopia;
bderejefufa@yahoo.com or dereje.fufa@ju.edu.et
Received: 7 February 2019; Accepted: 19 June 2019; Published: 28 August 2019
Abstract: Girls’ nuptial songs of the Oromoo of Horn of Africa are powerful folksong genres, but
are rarely practiced today. Ethnographic data were collected and analyzed contextually,
structurally, functionally, and semantically from multidisciplinary approaches: folklore,
ethnomusicology, anthropology, sociology, literature, linguistic, gender, and others’ theories. They
are classified into arrabsoo (insult), faaruu (praise), mararoo (elegiac/dirge), ansoosillee (bridal
praise), fala (resolution), and raaga (prediction) with their distinct natures. Macca Oromoo girls
compose these competitively to making weddings memorable, express themselves, inspire and
encourage men for brave and appropriate actions. These genres form binary oppositions in their
respective orders and enrich the culture. They also depict identities and roles of girls in creations
and maintaining of culture.
Keywords: folklore; folksong; ethnomusicology; nuptial songs; oral poetry; girls; arrabsoo; faaruu;
mararoo; ansoosillee; fala and raaga
1. Introduction
This article classifies Macca Oromoo
1
nuptial songs (sirba cidhaa) girls perform into different
genres. The Oromoo live around the Horn of Africa, mainly in Ethiopia, and belong to the Cushitic
group. In literatures, the name is spelt as ‘Oromo’ or referred to as ‘Galla.’ Here, the last vowel is
lengthened following Afaan Oromoo orthography and chosen for uniformity and easy reference.
Macca Oromoo nuptial songs are delimited to specific folk group, gender, age, and social occasion.
They are of Macca Oromoo, particularly of young unmarried girls (durba
2
), whose ages mostly vary
from early to late teens. The social occasion of the study is limited to wedding, upon which girls
perform more different varieties of folksong genres. The focus of this study is on identifying and
distinguishing the genres of nuptial songs with their specific natures and distinct features. It also
explores and describes the creativities and creative talents of the girls in different moods and
situations in natural contexts. It begins with brief introduction of the Oromoo in general and the
Macca in particular. This mainly discusses the Gadaa (government) system and its rules on overall
cultural affairs and the in-built feminine institutions focusing on the nature of marriage.
Girls are among the most ignored social groups both in the studies of folklore in general and
that of the Oromoo in particular. Kousaleos (1999) contends the studies of folklore remained to be the
domain of men until recently. It is only few years since women’s genres, experiences, and
performances have started to emerge. Yet, girls are still scarce in folklore studies and archives. In the
1
Oromo is most common in literature, but herein Afaan Oromoo orthography is followed for consistency and
easy reference.
2
Young unmarried virgin girls also named durba qarree (opposite to the male qeerroo). Virginity has special
connotation as it is required on wedding of such girls.

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same token, Oromoo and Gadaa studies have been denied access to scholarship over a long period
to emerge only recently; siiqqee and similar women institutions have started to follow (Kumsa 1997);
but addooyyee3 and similar others, which focus on girls and girlhood, have been denied attention
(Cerulli 1922; Legesse 1973; Bartels 1983). However, Oromoo culture is full of rituals and ceremonies,
wherein females dominate with their famous and powerful performances of folksongs and
compositions of oral poems; girls produce folksongs of rich, diversified, and amazing qualities to
mastermind, encourage, or discourage men to force them fulfill their desires; they conquer and
captivate the young men with their songs. These have lasting effects on members of the society to die
for the positive and to escape from the negative images they create. Among other social occasions,
girls dominate wedding stages to have attentions of their respective communities.
Nuptial songs are among the essential expressive forms for girls in Oromoo in general and the
Macca in particular. Folksongs are considered as the mouthpieces for girls and weddings are one of
the most productive stages for their performances. The stage and the occasion also provide the richest
varieties of their folksong genres. The songs contain the girls’ essential artistic compositional and
performance skills to entertain, inspire, mock, praise, lament, and influence all members to take
desirable actions for the well-being of the society. This article presents the genres of these nuptial
songs Macca girls compose and perform along with their basic features, stages, and natural contexts.
Weddings are one of the vital social occasions that allow girls to take central stage in the society to
create social impacts. The songs exhibit the creative talents, skills, techniques, and powers of the girls
to display and realize their influences on the society.
Thus, this article has two parts. The introduction highlights on the Oromoo and Gadaa system
and the institutions that nurture and empower wedding and girls’ folksongs and the
ethnomusicology. It also includes the methodological and theoretical frameworks that guide the
study. The body explicitly describes genres of the folksongs: natures, orders in the ritual procession,
manners of performances, artistic skills and musical qualities, roles on wedding, and relationship.
1.1. The Oromoo and Their Cultural Tradition
The Oromoo live in Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, and other east African countries. They are
demographically populous, culturally homogenous, and among the most ancient peoples (Mbaya
2002). In Ethiopian history, they have often been referred to as ‘Galla’, a derogatory term court
historians attached to them and they reject. Their language, Afaan Oromoo, is widely spoken in the
region. Traditionally the Oromoo used to depend on cattle breeding and farming agriculture (ibid.).
The former is solely and mostly practiced in the eastern and southern lowland areas; while the latter
is in the highland areas in the central and western parts along the other economic activities. The
mixed agriculturists produce crops and rear cattle.
The Oromoo have developed a socio-politico-religious institution named Gadaa. Many scholars,
however, present qaalluu as contrasting but complementary institution. Qaalluu is a hereditary
institution which represents spiritual authority and is headed by abbaa muudaa (father of
anointment), who is ultimately responsible to Waaqa (God). He anoints and blesses groups and
individuals who come to him in pilgrimage and receives qumbii (fragrance) in return. Those who
come to him include persons at political echelon in Gadaa system. Abbaa muudaa is also directly
accountable to the gumii (assembly) of people. The power is life-long as long as he avoids those things
he is not supposed to eat, drink, or do. The trespassing of these restrictions diminishes the qaalluus
of their powers. The origin of the qaalluu is said to be variable. In some cases, the source is attributed
to an unknown origin, in other cases it is attributed to patience (Kassam and Megersa 1989; Legesse
1973, 2006; Bartels 1983; Baxter 1986; Ta’a 1986).
Gadaa is an egalitarian and participatory genealogical generation and age set socio-political
system which represents temporal power (Legesse 1973, 2006; Kassam and Megersa 1989; Jalata 2007;
Megersa 1993; etc.). The head, abbaa gadaa (gadaa leader), is ultimately responsible to the gumii (law-
making general assembly of people) and has hierarchies of officials representing distinctive emblems
3 The institution of intimate friends in peer groups who love each other and share secret to at girlhood.

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of office or power and authority. Gadaa officials stay in power only for one term, eight years, and
they are liable to buqqisuu, uprooting, if they commit crime or act unlawfully. However, as has been
enshrined in the complex constitutional and legal systems of Gadaa, one has rights and duties to
serve Gadaa until one becomes 80 years of age. The system interprets daily activities and interactions
of individuals, groups, sexes, and society. They also define the places of all living and non-living
things. Gadaa has both dogmatic and flexible laws.
One becomes a member in Gadaa system at birth with one’s age mates and exits after 80 with
other members of his Gadaa class. Membership provides roles and rights, and accounts
responsibilities. Members of a Gadaa class assume power at 40. However, before 40, they are required
to acquire proper arts, skills, and knowledge and elect their internal leadership to different positions.
The period during which they have power is called their Gadaa. After eight years, the group
relinquishes power for the next class. Each Gadaa has power for eight years, after which the class
promotes to the next. This also forces the predecessors and the successors to follow suit to fill the
power vacuum. Transitions are marked by distinctly named rituals (Bidu 2015; Legesse 1973, 2006;
Kassam 1999; Bartels 1983; Baxter 1986).
Gadaa orders men’s lives from birth through a number of grades to gada-moojjii (elder-hood,
where individuals exit off the system and its responsibilities). The grade structure corresponds to
natural age. The active grades are dabballee, gaammee, foollee, raaba, and kuusa, respectively. The
names could vary from group to group. Each grade has eight-year-periods, the five of which make
40-year-cycle, half of an individual’s life span. Fathers and sons may belong to the same patriline
(gogeessa), of which there are five, and follow one another at intervals of 40 years. After the age of
40, the class comes to power to lead the society for eight years. This is called the Gadaa period (40–48
years of age), after which the institution is named. Those who exit Gadaa grade become yuuba I–III
and Jaarsa, advisors to power holders before ending in Gada-moojjii (no more aware of Gadaa).
One gogeessa occupies the power echelon at a time. Rites of passage mark transition to the next
grade and entail changes in ritual status. Preferably, procreation occurs in the senior warrior (raaba)
grade and requires a man to have proved his virility by killing a trophy animal. Mostly, abbaa gadaas
(gadaa leaders) are men. Females assume their gadaa grades along with their husbands, and
sometimes brothers. They play different roles and contribute expressively to Gadaa system; Gadaa is
incomplete in their absence. Having a son is an equivalent feat to acquiring a trophy for women.
Women maintain the continuity of Gadaa system; they are considered the vital and ultimate
caretakers, as their children take and pass Gadaa power on. The ritual changes affect their lives as
mothers and wives. The Oromoo believe women are the ways through whom men are blessed to
procreate (Kassam and Megersa 1989; Bartels 1983, pp. 257–83).
Besides men, women organize in sororities after two Gadaa grades to play their parts in Gadaa.
They learn lessons from mothers, grandmothers, elders, and peers to discharge their responsibilities.
Women mostly appear to manage and control domestic activities. This denied etic perspective
researchers hardly observe women’s roles in the Gadaa system. However, women play major roles
and have a number of duties and responsibilities in Gadaa. Acting responsibly and cautiously, they
can instigate or pacify conflicts. Indeed, women are considered the architects and the main guardians
of Gadaa system; they are essential parts to involve, act, react, and exercise their powers to improve
lives. Gadaa leaders cannot fulfill its required rituals without having wives and sisters (Legesse 1973;
Bidu 2015). In rituals, women express themselves, share their views, knowledge, and understandings
to encourage or discourage the men towards or away from some actions in orally and artistically
powerful ways. This shows its egalitarian and participatory nature in regard to gender.
Girls and women have their respective gender-based in-built institutions to gain and maintain
their power in gadaa. As per their age and marital status, they are organized under
Addooyyee/hiriyyee, siiqqee, cibiree, and others. Addooyyee/hiriyyee is a sorority institution for
girls to organize, unite, learn, acquire, and maintain their powers to protect their right and defend
themselves from exploitations and mistreatments. Siiqqee does the same; it also helps them stand against
those actions of men that contradict their advantages and interests. Cibiree is a motherhood institution to
empower, defend, and protect mothers. This institution exhibits elements of gender equality and power.

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They are ignited with values and belief systems to help in actualizing empowerment and equality. These
have been ideal instruments to maintain power balance and provide social justice. They also help to
encourage, motivate, and inculcate essences of creativity and innovations.
Cogently, marriage and the in-built institutions display women in the Gadaa system. An
Oromoo has to marry by 40, before entering the Gadaa period (41–48 years). Marriage is highly
ritualized, ceremonious, and procedural to exhibit longstanding Oromoo traditions. It helps to
maintain and sustain Gadaa through procreation. It demands and allows one to learn laws and
procreate to claim his Gadaa after a generation. It follows ritual and legal bindings, seera rakoo
(Gadaa marriage law). Beyond the man and the woman, the exogamous moieties establish strong
social bonds and engagement channels and relationship through marriage. Seera rakoo occurs under
ritual oath. The groom slaughters sheep on the gate and daubs the forehead of the bride with its blood
before she enters into the bridal room to seal the legality of the marriage. The bride is required to be
virgin to maintain the reputations of herself and her parents (Mbaya 2002). This is indeed believed
vital for a long-lasting marriage, and the overall success of the couples’ married life.
Girls are taken care of and are cultured. They must be well trained, disciplined, responsible, and
eloquent in norms and social values. They are informed about the values attached to virginity and
the subsequent problems in marriage. Virginity is believed to boost marrying opportunity, love, and
trust between the couple and respect for the families. Girls can face sexual assault or be coaxed for
sexual intercourse. Parents and families control and pamper them to remain virgin until marriage.
Mothers take the prime responsibility to ascertain this. They follow their daughters, identify the
behaviors of their addooyyee (peers) to trust or to avoid. Brothers and sisters stand next to mothers.
Relatives, villagers, and other social groups and connections are also responsible. This lessens the
possibility of getting pregnant, having a child before marriage, and the ensuing disgrace. Having a
child before marriage damages the integrity and status of a girl, her family, and even her clan. Such
a child has only maternal affiliation to force to name after the grandfather (mother’s father); this is
anomalous in Oromoo family structures. These put strong moral, social, and cultural responsibilities
on the girls reflecting the attitude of people towards them. Most of their folksongs also arise from
and revolve around these issues. To help with these issues, parents control girls.
Girls inspire and maintain Oromoo moral standards. They are intelligent and creative to
maintain and keep norms and values. Enculturation and suppression give them limited outlets in
social discourses, but indeed add their curiosities and determinations. Likewise, their songs are the
most engaging instruments of self-expression. They compose oral poems and perform in group with
the help of dibbee (single or double membrane, wood, or metal semi-circle framed drum). These
create captivating music to attract attentions, inspire actions, and shape the society. Men try to fulfill
any demand the girls require off them, even if it endangers their lives. This is to avoid unpleasant
names in their songs. For someone to imply the saying, yoon … durbatu natti weeddisaa (if I do [not]
…, do the girls defame me?) is most feared. Gadaa values feed the songs to have lasting effects on
groups and their behaviors. Girls reveal societal norms and their own ideas, emotions, desires,
aspirations, motives, fears, attitudes, determinations, angers, speculations, etc. in these creative and
powerful art forms, which need to be listened to and addressed.
Nuptial folksongs give power and intensity not only to the wedding ceremonies, but also to
Oromoo identity, culture, values, belief systems, customs, and norms. The genres are rich and
powerful; each social group takes care for them, including their attitudes for marriage and attached
values (Bronner 2007, 23 quoting Dundes). Music and dance reflect society and offer means to
negotiate and transform hierarchies of place (Qashu 2009; quoting Stokes [1994: 4]). In Arsii Oromoo
wedding rituals “men, women, and youths occupied different spaces and sang different musical
repertoires”. They were structured in the same manner, but remain in a nuclear family on a daily
basis. The various musical repertoires of wedding produce and emphasize group identities with a
unique opportunity disclosing their specific roles in the ritual and in the society (ibid.).
The Macca make the majority of the Boorana Oromoo and live to the west of Addis Ababa in
Oromiyaa, the vast heartland of Ethiopia. They have fertile arable land for crop production and
animal husbandry. They produce mostly grain and cash crops and also rear cattle, sheep, goats,

Humanities 2019, 8, 145 5 of 31
mules, donkeys, and horses. They contribute significantly to the income of the national state and the
country. Historically, the Macca have been exposed to the direct impacts of subjugation to lessen the
ritual practices of Gadaa as the cultural displays were feared to undermine the dominant culture.
However, marriage customs and practices continued defiantly as expressive forms of identity,
traditions, and the belief system. They have been serving as the outlet of Gadaa system depicting and
displaying social structures and social groups during the times Gadaa was suppressed. Macca nuptial
songs (sirba cidhaa) are rich and diversified. They have an intricate relationship with Gadaa.
Unweaving the genres and explorations of the themes require “a long line of subsequent investing,”
as Belden (1905) remarks on Child’s work.
The current study mainly focuses on identifying and describing the genres of Macca Oromoo
wedding songs (sirba cidhaa) girls sing. It briefly outlines the genres, explores their unique features
and basic characteristics, and arrange temporally and spatially along wedding rituals. Specifically,
the identifications of the general themes of the genres, descriptions of the manners of their
performances, their places and times in the procession of wedding and their roles are focused on. It
also discerns the structural relationships of genres as culture bearers perceive on the wedding rituals
to reveal their essentiality in folkloristic inquiry (Georges and Jones 1995, p. 93). The name ‘Macca
girls’ nuptial songs’ is contextualizing. It specifies the folksingers as a particular gender and age
group. The girls sing the songs on wedding ceremonies, the immediate social setting the songs are
based on, including their manners and roles. The songs are part of the complex and multiple genres
of Oromoo folksongs and ethnomusicology and are performed on variable occasions. However, girls’
nuptial songs have significant roles to display social groups, their roles, manners, identities, and
interrelationships. They also reveal Oromoo philosophy, psychology, culture, identity, and means of
achieving life’s goals. The identification of the genres along with their contexts and natures opens
horizon for documentations and studies of folksongs and ethnomusicology and paves ways to pursue
further investigations and detailed analyses (Ben-Amos 1993).
Weddings as the immediate context of Macca girls’ nuptial songs disclose the mood and the
atmosphere. They are distinctive descriptions of the natural contexts: the producers, the participants,
and/or audiences, while the purposes, the styles, and the materials and/or subject matters help to
specify the particular genre of the performing art to promote our understanding. Limón and Young
(1986) spotted “performance and contextually centered understandings of folklore as social
behavioral process and as situated communicative interaction”, which has received researchers’
attention since 1970s. Bauman and Briggs (1990) and Bronner (2012) also confirmed this idea. Bauman
(1986) advised that performance analysis in contemporary socio-cultural context should be situated
in ordinary cultural practice, cultural display, or enactment, and the situated interactional practice of
verbal art—Oral poetics (as quoted by Limón and Young (1986)).
Weddings are vital occasions to inspire girls to perform folksongs. Here, they face opponents
and have opportunities to express themselves dynamically and share their creative talents to their
communities. It is one of the limited public life where they perform music freely and influentially.
They express their suppressed and overdue feeling, emotion, attitudes, desires, and grudges
charmingly. Preparations for the stage spark creative performances. Girls gradually practice nuptial
songs (sirba cidhaa) in peers to produce versatile song genres to address their concerns and liberate
them, but force the men to fulfill their demands. Dundes frames this as a brief and a certified outlet
in psychological and cultural meanings; narrative and ritual symbols summarize (or intensify)
experience and release from reality (Bronner 2007, p. 3). These folksongs are scantly documented,
and they are not as commonly practiced as before these days; they are exposed to extinction.
1.2. Methodological and Theoretical Frameworks
The ethnographic data have mainly been collected through interviews, focus group discussions,
and observations from Macca Oromoo girls’ nuptial songs since 2001. These were from live events
focusing on them and during other studies of different topics. Secondary data have been explored
and used from studies by other individuals, video clips, and TV broadcasts. Moreover, the researcher
is a native with practical experiences about Oromoo folksongs and has been teaching oral poetry,

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folksongs, and ethnomusicology for a long time. Social and cultural changes have immensely
weakened the practices. However, simulative demonstrations were made by Macca women and girls.
The consultants were practitioners of the songs at girlhood prior to the time of consulting. Identified
through snowball sampling, they included the elderly and young women. Performances, actions, and
speeches on simulation stages helped to enlist consultants. Furthermore, crosschecking and counter-
checking techniques were used to strength the validity of the data. These techniques produced vital
issues about the genres. These were transcribed, categorized, and ordered in meaningful ways for
analyses. Secondary data were also explored from works on the same or similar subjects. Some songs
were recorded from practical performances on the stages and others were used from YouTube. The
researcher’s practical cultural and teaching experiences had further enriched the study scaling down
the existing knowledge gaps.
The data have been transcribed, examined, analyzed, classified, and interpreted using
interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary approaches. In this research, they were approached mainly
from the contextual and performance-based folkloristic perspective, which Jordan and de Caro (1986)
wrote “tends to overlap with several other fields of study”. Among others, anthropological,
sociological, literary, linguistic, gender, ethnomusicological, and art theories have been used. These
are essential to analyze Oromoo girls’ nuptial songs; in the same token, Short (1996, p. 2) argued for
linguistics in literary stylistic analyses. Using these, performances, gender and social relations,
origins, creativities, musicality, contextual realities, and artistic qualities are analyzed. The richness
and the interconnections of contextual folklore studies were realized first by Ben-Amos (1972) and
subsequent followers. In ‘Gender and Genre in the Folklore of Middle India’, Flueckiger (1996) used
a “performance-centered” approach identifying the social contexts and the different genres the local
group recognizes focusing “on their interconnections and contextually shifting social meanings”.
Local classification emphasizes “exteriority: genre name, purpose, style, performance context, and
social group”. Moreover, the kinship elementary structure of Lévi-Strauss (1963) and the analyses of
creativity and creative contexts of oral poetry by Bidu (2013) have been used. Feminist theories have
no contradiction with these theories and frameworks. Meanings of the songs have been mainly
constructed from the Oromoo cultural milieu in general and the specific stage of the wedding along
the nature, style, instruments, other performances, and constituent elements. Common features of
genres are presented together to focus on distinctions of specific genres.
2. Genres of Macca Oromoo Nuptial Songs (Sirba Cidhaa)
2.1. Arrabsoo (Insult)
In the girls’ nuptial song of Macca Oromoo, arrabsoo (insult) is intended to besmear, ridicule or
undermine bad behaviors and identities off the in-laws. The subjects revolve around activities, duties,
roles, and styles of the group or their members in their efforts to fulfill needs and discharge roles.
They imply their lack of courage, unity, capabilities, trustworthiness, strength and determinations,
etc. In spite of whoever they are, the in-laws are described as incapable and coward to accomplish
desirable activities. Defamatory song characterizes them as cowardice, docile, weak, diminutive,
ineffective, lousy, etc. The girls attempt to humiliate, harass, seduce, and conquer them. The
recounting of true incidence can humiliate; otherwise, the other part also tries to reciprocate or
ridicule the defamation itself. This tests authenticity and strengthens the wedding. Power is added
to the songs and competitive atmosphere is created between the two groups. Achieving a desirable
act is insufficient; how one defends genuine achievements is important. The confidence one has
developed through the achievements need to be proved. Such songs which undermine and ridicule
the achievements and identities are tests to them. They are meant to evaluate the level of confidences
the in-laws have established through different behaviors and achievements during their history.
Arrabsoo mainly attributes some negative characters to a wedding person to ridicule or
discourage. Behaviors are interpreted undesirably even if otherwise. They are considered as
distinguished identity marks of the vilified persons or groups. The girls study carefully to identify
the patterns of the behaviors in the individual members or groups to focus on. Arrabsoo can also

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undermine their desirable characters of which the group could be proud. It is a faultfinding song; it
focuses on negative characters and/or features or undermining achievements of the other group in
the intercourse.
Arrabsoo is the major and the most common genre of Macca nuptial songs. It has wide coverage
in terms of time, themes, and performance styles. It occurs at the beginning of the wedding occasion.
It is sung for long span of time covering approximately for more than the two-third of the total time
of singing on a single day and in general. Arrabsoo is also sung both on eve and wedding days. Eve
occasions can be extended to two months and sung during evenings alternatively, leaving one day in
between and being sung on the second. The length of time depends on the availability of girls to
organize and the concern of other girls to participate.
Arrabsoo is sung at the places of both the bride and the groom. The bride, her peers, and her
relations compose and sing at her parents’ home. The bride departs from her addooyyee members.
They know they are going their ways one after another and have mixed feelings. They have to make
their last moments memorable and eventful. They wait for it with strong desires. At the homestead
of the groom, the sisters, their peers, and/or relatives sing arrabsoo for about the same time span. The
length depends on the availability of a girl to invite others from different villages. Once they come
together they know their business. One exaggerates, publicizes, and recounts a number of the
weakness of the other and vice versa.
Arrabsoo is one of the powerful genres of nuptial songs. This can vary from time to time and
place to place. Young men can accompany young girls in dance at both the bride and the groom’s
homes. This is the case during the eves at evenings. Sweethearts enjoy the company of each other in
dances in the dark to intensify and strengthen the performance. However, the most powerful
momentum of arrabsoo is when opposite groups come face-to-face. This mainly occurs twice. One is
at the time the amaamota4 arrive at the place of the bride to take her. The groom and his companies
sing and dance powerfully to display their power, strength, and identities in competition with the
girls. In reaction, the bride and her peers sing and dance strongly and powerfully to surpass the
amaamota, who are trying to do same for their part. The girls also slur each one of them severely. The
moment is one of the epicenters of competition to realize the actual purposes of the genre. The essence
of competition is not limited to the nature of song, but it is also attributed to the power of the dances.
The song is accompanied by powerful physical performance reflecting jubilant moment. The groom
is the center of the defamation and the amaamota are insulted because they are his friends, relatives
and companies.
2.1.1. Iyyoolaa koo shuwuu5 My iyyoolaa oh shuwuu
Mishingaan asheeta ‘jennee? The sorghum is said to be ripe,
Meerreree asheenni sunii? Where is the ripe?
Mucaan bareeda ‘jennee? The boy is said to be handsome,
Meerreree bareenni sunii? Where is the handsomeness?
Dhufe kaa jaldeessi kunii! He who is chimp has come.
In song 2.1.1, girls from the bride side slur the groom who looks like chimpanzee. They have
been told that he was handsome to eagerly wait to see him. However, when they see him, they scorn
him, saying he looks like chimpanzee. They are making a counter claim. The song contains parallel
patterns to create powerful rhythmic effects. The groom (mucaan) becomes ‘the boy’. Mishingaan
asheeta (sorghum ripe) is created to parallel and rhyme with mucaan bareeda (the boy handsome).
They also exhibit semantic parallelism. Asheeta is sweet, captivating, and salivating, which the
mishingaa was supposed to be. Similarly, the expected groom is handsome; the one who comes bears
the face of a chimpanzee (denial of expectation). However, it is intentional defamation of the
handsome groom. The girls create such musical songs to attract attentions and entertain whether in
4 The groom, his best men and companies who bring the bride from her parents’ home.
5 The poetic voice of the verse more important than the semantic meaning it creates.

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praise or defamation. This way their songs retain a long-lasting effect on the minds of members to
maintain traditions or to inspire members for change.
2.1.2. Baala sokokkee, The leaf of sokokkee,
Baala sokokkee, The leaf of sokokkee,
Eeraxxa6 soddee, Where’re you going our in-law,
Naaf gotottee? Carting your lame leg?
Cabi akka sooyyoma xobbee! Be broken like immature sooyyoma tree!
Song 2.1.2 is sung in reactions to the jubilant and powerful musical performances the arriving
amaamota perform. It is intended to vilify and undermine the efforts and to test their courage and the
authenticity of their performances. The amaamota are displaying their powers with their strides and best
performances. The girls, contrarily, are portraying them, especially the groom, as lame and incapable
people. He drags his feet like a lame person; in other words, they are saying that he has difficulties to
move steadily. The irony and contradictions make interesting contributions to help us realize about the
contents of arrabsoo songs. It also reflects the tense and competitive relationship between the two groups.
The competitive and contrasting reactions boost and heighten musical performances to the highest
possible level. This makes a wedding ceremony into what it is or should be.
The girls close the gate to prohibit the amaamota from coming inside. The amaamota push the
gate to pass by it. This may cause some pushes and pulls between the girls and the companies of the
groom to disallow and to pass. However, exerting force is considered truly abhorrent. The companies
of the groom do not dare to press on as its consequences show disrespect. Their retreat implies not
only their surrender, but their knowledge and understanding of the intentions to compete with the
girl s. They h ave to show p atience and res train. T here is no animosity here. It is meant to give meaning
of purpose for the occasion. It is to establish relationship and lay foundation for future lineage and
kin. The girls stand firm and continue their songs until their demands are met.
2.1.3. Dongorii dhaabii obboo koo; Dig and erect my brother,
Kan damee hin qabne maa murtee? Why did you cut branchless in the first place?
Gobamii dhaaphuu yaa gurbee; Stand still you poor lad,
Kan birrii hin qabne maa dhufte? Why did you come without money in the first place?
The symbolic representation of acts and behaviors are more important than the things
themselves on Oromoo wedding. The fact that the groom is required to pay money is more than
about money. It is to add purpose to the musical performance to test their knowledge and respects
for the demands of the in-laws, the female gender, and the tradition. Tradition is more important
than the financial value of the cash. He has to know the traditions, be prepared for their requirements,
and act accordingly. The girls are physically not strong; however, the competition—in song 2.1.3—is
not about physical strength. The power of women starts to be realized here. The amaamota surrender
and prove it to the other that they know and respect their traditions to submit and take away one’s
member in marriage, i.e., they are conscious of the respects girls should receive. This proves
knowledge, love, and respect, rather than force, are instruments for winning. The groom and his
companies are in search of relationships and friendships from the family and their group in general.
The girls’ song is rhythmically powerful and vibrant. This provokes physical performances. The
degree of rhythmic vibration can vary. Sometimes, it exceeds above the normal, other times it drops.
The physical performance exhibits the determinations and strength of the performers in front of the
spectators and opponents. Their opponents also build up the performances and their powers. The
group show their identities and powers with their songs. The issue of self-esteem involves as
worrisome and empowering. It ignites and heightens emotions and energy. With the song, the girls
try to undermine the in-laws or depict that they were lowborn and unequal with them. He is too poor
to afford what it requires for a man to marry a girl. He is too incompetent to work and acquire wealth,
which makes him incapable to pay for the marriage. His naivety is greater than his poverty. He does
not realize that it requires wealth to marry a beautiful girl. He does not know who he is and where
6 ‘Eessa dhaqxaa?’ (Where are you going?) becomes ‘eeraxxa’? to create poetic and musical qualities sounds.

Humanities 2019, 8, 145 9 of 31
he belongs, nor does he recognize and realize his capabilities and potential. He shows his stupidity
to come here without taking into account his capabilities. He did not work hard to be viable or to
belong here, but now he knows nothing about what he should do to be out of the situation he is in.
He should go back home.
2.1.4. Way laloo koo, My affluence,
Hin laadhu, never will I give,
balbala obboo koo. My brother’s gate.
Hiddii cirtan malee, Unless you cut hiddii,
Birrii fiddan malee, Unless you bring Birr (money),
Hin laadhu balbala obboo koo! I’ll never give my brother’s gate!
In fact, the groom proudly takes out and pays the payment the girls require on the gate, balbal-
qabaa7. He knows and has been prepared to pay the money the girls require in song 2.1.4. As for
money, he has to acquire it from anywhere to avoid humiliations. As for wisdom, he is accompanied
by wise counselors to take care of the situation. They are with him to guide him in ways that maintain
the integrity of their groups and clan. They have to pay to pass.
Poverty is an obstacle for marriage and for establishing and rearing family. Boys have to work
hard to acquire adequate wealth to avoid this obstacle and worry. The careful, conscious, and alerted
ones work hard to easily go through the wedding requirements and establish family easily; however,
not all do so. This issue makes an important part of girls’ wedding songs, as 2.1.5 demonstrates. They
ridicule the groom for having not enough cattle and crops. They imply that he should have worked
hard to be established economically; he should have acquired adequate resources early on in his life.
They show that he did not work hard; that he did not save, he is lousy, a drunkard, or too incompetent
to manage his home and family; that he could not pay out the dowry, provide the rituals marriage
requires of him, and could not feed his bride. He simply requests the daughter of a man for marriage
without having anything to live on. This makes important theme of the girls’ song at the home of the
bride’s parents.
2.1.5. Yaa hoomii gaaraa irreessa hoo, the hoomii above Irreessa Mountain,
Inni maal qaba iyyeessahoo; the in-law has nothing, but poor;
Loon sadii qaba, only three cows has he,
Tokko qalataa, he slaughters one,
Tokko qaraxaa, he gives dowry one,
Tokko uffataa, he sells for clothes one,
Merre rakoon kee? where is one for rakoo ritual?
Kana rakkoon kee! Here lies your problem.
The Macca Oromoo practice mixed agriculture: they produce crops and rear animals. Their
wealth is counted in the amounts of grain crops and the number of domestic animals, especially cattle.
Both can be sold to earn them money, when it is necessary. Earlier, dowries used to be paid in kind,
but can now be in cash, too. Gifts provided for the bride in most cases require cash pay. Wedding
feasts require crops. Self-sufficient grooms can fulfill marriage requirements by themselves; others
can be helped by close relatives and clan members. Some only fulfill the wedding requirements with
what they have acquired or got from helps of relatives and clans. However, after the wedding is over,
they could be in trouble. The man who marries must have grain crops to depend on; it is one of the
fundamental requirements. The most difficult situation is when he has nothing to feed his wife—the
basic failure of the male gender, as song 2.1.6 discloses. This symbolizes destitute, the situation which
the following song marks. Roaming indicates having nothing to rest on; folded sack represents
emptiness, having nothing. Both indicate poverty and restlessness.
2.1.6. Ulee qalloo qallittii, That thin tinny stick!
Homaa hin qabduu namtittii, The fella possesses nothing,
7 Fully pronounced as ‘balbala qabaa’ (balbala—gate, qabaa—holding) to mean to disallow someone’s coming in.

Humanities 2019, 8, 145 10 of 31
Keeshaa martee, gabaa xallistii, Roams about the market with a folded sack,
Achii dhuftee, mucaa namaa rakkistii. Comes to trouble one’s daughter.
After passing and getting the reception of the hosts, the girls continue insulting the groom and
his companies. They mostly depict the groom as a coward; one of the ways they ridicule him. One
among the many possible songs of this kind is the following:
2.1.7. Farsoo miilanaa, the farsoo of this round,
Naqxa moo naquu? Shall you make or shall I?
Atuu naqittaa, You shall make it,
Anuu dhuginnaa; I shall drink;
Baqqoo miilanaa, The Baqqoo of this round,
Dhaqxa moo dhaquu? Will you go or shall I go for you?
Anuu dhaqinnaa, I shall go for you,
Atuu hafittaa, you remain at home,
Ajjeesee fidee, I kill for you,
Faacha badhaasee, Give you the trophy,
Atuu dibattaa, you will be anointed,
Ittiin garmaamtaa, with it you jump high and above,
Ittiin seeggaltaa! With it you sing and pageant!
Song 2.1.7 portrays the groom as infamous coward. The purpose is to ridicule and irritate him.
The bride criticizes him for staying at home, acting as if he were female, and having no manly
qualities. He fears to go to Baqqoo8 to kill big game animals and bring trophy back home. Trophy is
a proof for brave acts. Here, the bride knows the groom did not go to Baqqoo to kill and obtain a
trophy. He is too fearful to go and kill; thus, she is ironically promising him to bring one herself for
him. It is inevitable that one speaks of his bravery. However, speaking is different from doing and
demonstrating with tangible evidence. One’s bravery is proven by the trophy he brings home after
going to Baqqoo and killing such an animal. If he has killed, he produces the trophy, sings songs, and
dance with it to silence and indeed force them to join his team.
2.1.8. Gundoo booree Gundoo booree,
Gundoo adooyyee Gundoo addooyyee,
Dhiistee galta moo ree Are you leaving it behind,
Fuutee galta moo ree? Or taking it?
Yaa jabbi dhootuu, The calf rider,
Yaa cagginnooftuu, you moody!
Gundoo booree, Gundoo booree,
Gundoo addooyyee, Gundoo addooyyee,
Fuutee galta mooree? Are yopu taking it,
Dhiistee galta moo ree? Or leaving it behind?
Baddaa kana saanuu hin jirtuu fardeen malee, This highland has no cattle except horse
Kana keessa dhiirtuu hin jirtuu nadheen malee! In this group no men, only are women!
Song 2.1.8 is a test of patience of one of his close cousins. From among the companies, a close
lineage of the groom is selected to receive the properties she has acquired. This person could be the
first, the second, or third cousin, depending on availability and feasibility. All things being constant,
the nearest cousin is selected. He can also claim the right to be. The representative of the family of
the bride counts out all items prepared for her to take along. He passes them publicly on the wedding
stage to the selected and represented cousin of the groom. The latter takes care of these domestic
items and household utensils. He has responsibility to take care of them and check for their safe
arrivals. Some of these are gifts she has been given by her parents, relatives, addooyyee members,
8 Desert or lowland where big game animals live and breed. Hunters have to withstand hunger and thirst to
kill and bring home their trophy and sing about it proudly.

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etc. and others are items she has prepared for herself. At the end of giving and receiving of the items,
the girls carefully follow the process and take away the gundoo booree (tray the bride herself has
made of grass). This is intentional enticing to put the guy in a dilemma. They conquer, subdue, and
undermine him. They can attack him in groups; he must avoid physical and negative reactions. His
use of masculine power against them could provoke consequential reactions from their brothers.
Physicality is completely unacceptable and disrespectful to the relationship. He has to be patient,
tolerant, systematic, and wise. If he fails to secure the item, he cannot be trusted to take care of the
home, the wife, and properties at the absence of the groom in the future; he knows the negative
images he carries along on behalf of his group. The song and the dramatic performances are intended
to test his capability and responsibility. By extension, the person represents the family and the clan.
Testing him is equal to testing the behaviors, the temperaments, and personalities of the whole family
and clan.
At the home of the bride’s parents, the insults stop when the giving out of the bride to the groom
looms. Thus far, the girls have been trying their best to look like they have been happy, superior, and
powerful enough to beat the groom and his companies. However, it now becomes clear that at the
end of the day, the victory will be that of the groom and his companies, who are taking one of their
members as a wife. This separates them and creates a feeling melancholy to withstand the departure.
Hence, they turn to and end up in crying (more on this later: mararoo).
The second moment for the insult song is when the groom brings home the bride. It takes place
at the home of the parents of the groom. On arrival from her parents’ home, the sisters and relatives
of the groom deny the bride the way to come into their home. They say that she does not deserve to
be a member of the respected family. They equally perform physically to display their powers and
identities to the bride. She has been insulting them with her friends at her place. It is now her turn to
receive payback what she has done to them. The song is directed at insulting the bride. She is insulted
for being dull, deformed, ugly, untamed, ill-mannered, not being a virgin, not having adequate gifts,
not a good breed, being a witch, sorcerer, for being not self-controlled, promiscuous, etc. The groom
has to negotiate with them to let her come in. By denying her entrance, the girls on the groom’s side
also take money from him to have her come in with him. This kind of insult, bargaining, and
negotiation at the moment of the coming in of the bride heightens, prolongs, intensifies, and
empowers musical performances. It creates the highest point of the performance of insult song at the
groom’s family home. It begins when the amaamota appear into view from distant.
2.1.9. Kuftee cabdaa, To not fall down,
Obboo dhabdaa, To not miss Obboo,
Yaa eenyu suutuma deemi! To walk forward, be careful.
This song stresses that the bride is ill-mannered. It is meant to show that she has never been
cultivated or cultured. She has not learned how to control herself. She runs eagerly to gratify her
immediate desire, lust. She has coveted to be in bed with the groom, whom the girls on the groom’s
side refer to as obboo9. Ironically, while running in haste, it is possible for her to fall down and break
her feet. This could keep her back and force her to miss what she has craved for. This part of the song
signifies that she is running to reach for the place where she would gratify her lust. She has to be
mannered, must control her erotic desires. Although it might not be true, the girls have created
opportunities for themselves to insult her. She is not running, nor is she is not alone; she is
accompanied by kaadhimaa10, waa’ellan11, and amaamota. She comes on the back of the horse or
mule, is helped to descend and escorted home by her best men. No opportunities for her to lead them,
but to follow and to be accompanied by these groups.
2.1.10. Way laloo koo My Laloo,
hin laadhu balbala obboo koo. I’ll never give my brother’s gate,
9 Respect name to refer to elder brother, kin, relative or other.
10 Fiancé/fiancée; here it could stand for the groom or the bride.
11 Best men.

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Okkotee taannashee, The smallest gourd,
Uran gindii lamaa, Pierced two plows;
Ofolee akka haadha ishee, deflowered as her mother,
Uramtittii kanaaf is this penetrated whore,
hin laadhu balbala obboo koo! Will I never let in her!
Song 2.1.10 shows that sisters disallow the groom from bringing his bride home. They keep the
gates of their parents. They say that she is not a kind of breed who deserves to come into the home
of the family. They are criticizing her improper behavior to fit for the groom and his family. The
particular arrabsoo underscores that the bride is not a virgin. She has already been like her mother,
deflowered and unfit to be bride. In Oromoo culture, marriage follows seera rakoo12. The bride is
required to be with her chastity and virginity. A girl has to avoid sexual intercourse, abstain sexually.
The sisters and/or relatives of the groom have doubts that this particular girl fulfills this required
quality of the culture. They are claiming that she is not cultured. They may not have doubts about
her virginity; still, they perform this arrabsoo to satisfy their inner desire to insult her and retaliate as
she has insulted them when she was at her parents’ home. The groom has all the responsibility to
take care of his bride and should pay what is required on her behalf for the gatekeepers to have
permission to bring her into his father home.
This interaction creates one of the most powerful and jubilant moments for arrabsoo at the home
of the groom. The girls get power and energy to grill the bride severely and strongly. She has no
chance to respond to their insults in the same way. She has already completed her part at her parents’
home. She can react only with her confidence, determination, and courage with glowing and
powerful eyes. This kind of reaction is interpreted as her disproval of what the girls are saying in
their insult songs. As it is their ways of competing, the girls on their part get more courage to be
strong with the songs. This is the moment of audacity.
After the girls receive the money and let in the bride and the groom, the arrabsoo song continues
until the announcement of the virginity of the bride. In some groups of Macca, it is named ‘sirba
warroomii’ (song of family union) and sung to bargain positions in the union. The society perceives
the lack of power and energy implies the missing of the touch of authenticity and some fundamental
qualities in such songs. The songs create and portray a vivid imagination. Negative pictures are
depicted symbolically and figuratively. On the contrary, power and energy demonstrate respect,
completeness, and a strong self-belief. However, it is difficult to pretend to show these. Being genuine
and authentic is appreciated. Social status is public, acting out cannot disguise weaknesses, though
efforts are made. However, what one knows about oneself varies from what others approve.
Strengths lie in self-perceptions and established self-confidence developed gradually. Virginity
continues to be the worrisome issue:
2.1.11. Yoo fiddee dhuftee, i
f
you bring it,
Aayyon siin jedhaa, I’ll call you ‘Aayyoo,’
Aayyoo ishee jabduu, ‘Aayyoo’ the senior,
Sittan marmaaraa; I’ll keep visiting you;
Yoo dhiiftee dhuftee, i
f
you leave it behind,
Faallon siin jedhaa, I’ll call you ‘faalloo,’
Faalloo ishee cabduu, the broken ‘faalloo,’
Sittan waraabaa! I’ll use you to draw water.
Song 2.1.11 underscores how much durbummaa (virginity, represented by the pronoun ‘it’ on
lines 1 and 5) is concerning. ‘Faalloo’ is denotatively an empty bucket; however, here, it connotes the
female reproductive organ devoid of virginity. If the bride comes with virginity, she will be respected
and given proper place in the new family. It is a sign of decency. If not, she will not have that respect;
she will be degraded and disrespected at their home. Her loss of virginity reflects her carelessness,
her little concern for future life. The Oromoo are more concerned about the future than the present.
12 Marriage law in gadaa system; ceremonious marriage is the first one where the bride is required to be virgin.

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The saying, ‘kan argatan irra kan abdatantu caala’ (what is hoped to get is more important than what
is in hand!). One is expected to suspend one’s temporal pleasure and satisfaction for the more
powerful and meaningful inevitable eternal satisfaction. The bride is expected to follow this principle.
The song indicates the bride has to be encultured to this principle. She proves this with her virginity.
Otherwise, she is considered careless and unfit to withstand inevitable temporal temptations which
could hamper future lives. Virginity is an indication that she is a true bride to have acceptance in the
new family. A bride who is not virgin is believed to be unfit to represent the new family at their
absence. In Oromoo marriage, virginity is the most desirable and primary quality of the bride, upon
which all other desirable qualities are to be built or established.
It is also required that the bride has acquired adequate skills and knowledge in home-
management. She has to be equipped with basic and necessary skills and knowledge and has
adequate understandings of the demands of homestead and livelihood. She is expected to learn these
from her mother, peers, and lineage. She proves her learning and understandings of these by having
household and other items along with her from the home of her parents on the wedding day. These
items are meaningful. They are formally provided at the home of the parents of the bride and received
in similar manners at the home of the parents of the groom. They are significant to display the wealth,
wisdom, skills, knowledge, and understanding of the bride and her parents. These items can be gift
from friends, relatives, and neighbors. Regardless, they are from people we love, appreciate, and
share some kind of good days and feelings with her and her parents. In other words, they show that
the family has good social relations, respect, and status. They also show they plan and execute their
plans by preparing the items gradually for the marriage. These items cannot be produced overnight;
they are handmade. The bride, her mother, family, peer groups, close relative, and/or neighbor
provide gifts. Only a few of them are available for sale on markets. Some items are made by the bride;
specifically, these include trays and other items made of grass,
The following song is one among many. It undermines the bride and her parents. The groom
and his people have paid them an expensive dowry and took a very long time to acquire her. This
shows that the family of the bride is powerful with a strong bargaining power that is expected to
surpass those of the groom. In that case, she is expected to bring many fancy gifts. However, the song
accuses her of not having any gifts or return-dowry. That she does not even have handmade
household utensils. She is unskilled. This undermines the skills, thoughtfulness, and planning
abilities of the bride and her parents.
2.1.12. Baala hoffaa timboo, The leaves of tobacco dry,
Afurtama hoo si qaraxnee, we paid dowry forty,
Waggaa afur hoo si kadhannee, we begged four years ‘n’ agree,
Meerre gonfaan immoo? Where are your gifts?
Maal dhoksaan immoo? What is the mystery?
Arrabsoo attaches negative and shameful images, characters, personalities, behaviors, attitudes,
etc. to the other individuals and groups who involve in the wedding from the opposite. Culturally
adverse behaviors are attached to these individuals and/or groups. It is made of what is hated of girls,
boys, wives, husbands, friends, the young, the old, groups, and the whole of the clan. Members of
the other clan are given such images to be insulted and defamed. The features are made to be avoided
by members in these manners. Its performances on such important stage can serve as a means of
teaching to avoid such undesirable behaviors.
2.1.13. Mukuma guddaa, o
f
big tree,
Muruun hin dhibuu, cutting is not a problem,
Jiksuutu dhibaa; the problem lies in falling
Qe’ee warra guddaa, o
f
the extended family
Dhufuun hin dhibu, coming is not a problem,
Buluutu dhibaa. The problem lies in staying;
Buluun maal dhibaa, Staying is not a problem,
Xinnaa guddisuu, It’s rearing the little ones,

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Guddaa dubbisuu; It’s caring for the elderly ones!
Finally, arrabsoo becomes mild in its animosity and settles down to giving advices to the
incoming bride at her new place. Song 2.1.13 focuses on how she can manage to live with the new
group. The group identified in the song is extended and large, who are interlinked in diversified
ways, particularly in cousinhood. The bride is expected to establish good rapport with all the old and
the young members of the group. She should rear the younger ones and care and support for the
elderly. She should give due respect for all members. Respect is reciprocal; one gives and takes in
return. If she gives it them, she will also receive it back. That is all it requires to live in harmony in a
large and extended group. The energy and the tone of song 2.1.13 are also mild. It is performed in a
calm and cool manner.
In conclusion, arrabsoo is sung both at the home of the bride and that of the groom. The one at
the home of the bride is sung by her and her addooyyee members. It is directed against the groom
and his companies, group, and clan in general. The groom and his groups or clan members are
depicted as foolish, greedy, coward, poor, naive, ignorant, and incompatible with those of the bride.
Even though females are not excluded, the focus is more on the male gender. On the other hand, the
one at the home of the groom is sung by his sisters, cousins, and relations. They portray the bride and
her groups and clan in a similar light. It focuses more on the female gender. They are depicted as
craving to satiate their sexual lust; they are ill-mannered, naive and not thoughtful; they do not think
about and for the future. Arrabsoo is accompanied by a strong physical performance. The manners
of performances accompanying it vary from highly energetic and powerful to mild ones. These are
among the dominant themes and manners of arrabsoo.
2.2. Faaruu (Praise)
Faaruu is a praise song. It is opposite to arrabsoo (insulting song). It appreciates or adorns
individuals and groups belonging to the singer. It is about admirations of their deeds, behaviors,
achievements, and performances. It revolves around one of the culturally established desirable
values. These include bravery, resolve, stamina, determination, unity, beauty, strength, honesty,
integrity, dedication, wisdom, visionary, etc. Exemplary individuals and groups are referred to from
history and comparisons are made with the contemporary ones. Characters are inheritable. A
generation can imitate its predecessors. It could be reconstructed from members involving in
economic, social, political, cultural lives. Such individuals attain the symbolism of the valuable
qualities from their day-to-day experiences and interactions. The current Qeerroo (unmarried young
men, qarree is for females) is inspired by the examples, concepts, ideas, strategies, and determinations
to force the shrinking of the dominance of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)—the architect and
dominant of the four parties forming the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front
[EPRDF]—in Ethiopian politics. These come down from those of early generations.
The manners of performances of praise songs are more tilted towards ear-provoking. Its power
lies in its poetic and semantic qualities. Its rhythms and performances are mild and have secondary
roles. It is sung melodiously to be listened carefully to keep in memories. It demands the attention of
the participants and audiences. It concentrates on and discriminates the elements and features that
make it a unique form of Oromoo oral poetry and songs. It is beautiful, so it will be kept in the
memories of the audiences for generations. This is the way they pass on from generation to generation
in memories and tell stories about individuals and groups and the Oromoo in general. From those
that are kept in memory, new ones are constructed comparatively and analogically as experiences.
Therefore, the manner contributes to the continuity of the song genre and the construction of the
history of the nation.
Praise song appreciates positive images to make members aware about desirable characters,
behaviors, personalities, attitudes, etc. It is about the desired images and behaviors from girls, boys,
wives, husbands, warriors, groups, clans, individuals in friendship, etc. These are enlisted to
encourage members to act likewise. These are encouraged and motivated so that members will take
them on next times in shaping their societies. Provable truth from members’ experiences are cited
and decorated with poetic qualities in praising actions and characters of individuals and groups. In

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associating some good qualities to members, the girls must depend on some basic truth. Sheer
subjectivity is denounced and made fun off. Audiences denounce hollow praise and question if the
singer fails to articulate truth effectively. They ridicule her, her family and group and criticize her
severely.
When the groom leaves home for the home of the bride to bring her, girls accompany him and
his company with praise song. They praise their beauty, power, grace, elegance, and every other style
for being in the mood and behaviors of wedding. Only the waa’ela (best men) of the bride is ridiculed
or insulted at this moment. The best men are considered to belong to her.
2.2.1. Amaamoteen addaattee, amaamotee has whitened,
Hadaa birraa become the flower of autumn
guba arfaasaa fakkaattee, become the sprouting grass of spring,
Miinjeen keessaa gad aantee! The best men become belittled.
Song 2.2.1 is the praise of amaamotee. They are so embellished to become colorful in different
clothes and attractive wearing styles. They are also graceful and elegant in their performances and
unity. They look like bursting flowers of the autumn and sprouting grasses of the spring. They bear
and demonstrate power and strength at grace, elegance and power at young age. They are desired to
be so and have been provided with all necessary and possible materials and things to achieve and
demonstrate such power at the homestead of the bride’s parents. That is what the girls are approving.
On their departures, any missing quality is catered and fulfilled before the amaamotee leave. All the
participants assembled on the wedding see them off after they are proven to be complete. The girls
accompany the group (the groom, his best men, and their company) with praise songs. They sing the
following praise song at the moment of their departure.
2.2.2. Amaamota Obboo yaa mushurree companies of Obboo you the groom
Amaamota Obboo yaa mushurree companies of Obboo you the groom
Suman geggeessa I’ll see you off.
Amaamota Obboo, Suman geggeessa Companies of Obboo, I’ll see you off.
Kan baanee siifii, Ga’eelli kan milkii We are here for you, let your marriage is of
success
Suman geggeessa. I’ll see you off.
The girls also praise the group to whom they belong to. This can be the group in general or their
particular members; the clans they belong to, their brave elders and seniors, the brothers and younger
ones who are symbols of their bright future, their mothers who know how to manage the men and
the brilliant sons and daughters and generous members of the group, etc. These groups and
individuals are praised, admired, and appreciated for their skills, knowledge, generosity, strengths,
and bravery.
The songs of the girls enforce and encourage the young men to perform acts of bravery. They
are expected to react to the songs. Both play their gender roles. A young man who does not react to
such songs of enforcement and encouragement is considered as coward and incompetent or
incomplete (hir’uu/moomoo). Such praise songs press the young men to form groups and go to
Baqqoo to kill wildlife (lion, elephant, buffalo, etc.) or the warfront to defend the land and the people
to re tain or a ttain fame. Th ey instill courage and inspirations in them to perform acts of bravery. After
their departure, the girls wait eagerly, enthusiastically, and with concern. They hunt for news about
their progress. They worry for their health and peaceful return; they pray for their successful
adventure and sing praising their names in their songs. 2.2.3 is one of such songs girls sing while the
men remain on expeditions:
2.2.3. Birraa birraa keessa daraarti baallii, Leaf blossoms during birraa,
Goota zinnaara haarrii, Brave men in grey bandolier
Akkam faarrii? How is it going for you?
The killing creates stages for songs and dance. The young girls get opportunities for songs.
Killers, or those who have been to the battlefield, are received ritually and colorfully at home. The

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young girls create and sing memorable and powerful songs. Even though such occasions are meant
for praise songs, they critically test the authenticity and trustworthy of the killings. It is after long
severe criticism and undermining that they admit the trophy and praise the bravery of the killers and
returnees. Such killings boost the social status of the killers, their wives, sisters, family, and the whole
clan. They also boost the morale and strengthen the unity of the members of the society. The stage is
full of the performances of different genres of songs and dances members of the two genders enjoy.
They perform these separately within their gender and/or together. They generate various genres of
folksongs, particularly the girls perform weedduu/sirba and the men perform geerarsa (oral folksong
performed by men). They also perform ‘heemmolee’ together under the leadership of a male singer.
The following is an example of weedduu with which the girls undermine the killer and the male
hegemony:
2.2.4. Elaa obboo koo dimbilaalaa, my big brother this is small,
Meerra eeboon kee? where is your spear?
Siif ilaalaa! Let me see it for you,
Gabaa guutee, it’s all at market;
Yaa qonqordaa, like any marketable item;
Lafaa fuutee, you pick it from the ground,
Na sossobdaa yaa obboo koo! You soothe me with
The killer (the man who comes home with the trophy) responds to the enticement of the girls’
weedduu with the following geerarsa song:
2.2.5. Aasaatti dhufe seetee, You thought it came in talk,
Aasoftee fuudhuu feetee? And move to receive talking?
Qoosaatti dhufe seetee, You thought it came in joke,
Qoqqoostee fuudhuu feetee, And move to receive jokingly!
Dubareen biyya abbaa koo, You girls of my fatherland!
Isa ani talbaa itti tumee, I ground linseed for it,
Isa ani sarbaa itti dhumee; I lost my muscles for it;
Isa ani goojjoo itti ijaaree, I built a hat for it,
Isa ani qoonqoo itti xaaree; … I troubled in hunger for it; …
The stage of receiving the killer who comes back home with trophy becomes hot and powerful.
The heat and power emanate from the competing identities. The identities create powerful and
memorable weedduu, which the girls perform on one hand, and geerarsa, which the man and his
companions perform in reaction on the other hand. Empowered by such songs, the stage of
performances remains memorable to always encourage other young men for hunting and killings.
The enticement is not discouraging, it motivates them. It creates a mean for competition. The killer
has to prove that the trophy is the fruit of his own hard work and perseverance in front of hardship.
Partly, he proves this with the power and intensity of the geerarsa he creates, which depict the pains
and difficulties he has been through in the course of achieving the trophy. He has been in arid land
tolerating hunger and thirst; he has struggled with fierce wild beasts; he has withstood the fierceness
and wildness of the animal, its inflicting of physical and psychological provocations. His expel of
authentic experiences in a beautiful poetic songs wins the hearts and minds of the girls and other
attendants of the occasion. This provokes the praise songs of the girls.
2.2.6. Iyyoo yaa bila’ii, Oh the glamorous glaring!
Ilaa mee ilaalii, Look at it carefully,
Akka goonni dhaabee loluu, How the courageous fights in battle
Akka jandhi ateetii toluu! How successful the brave man’s wedding become!
2.2.6 is appreciation. The wedding is of the brave young man who has trophies. It is
extraordinary and exciting. The display encourages and motivates other members of the group. It
directly stands in opposition to 2.2.7 (arrabsoo) below:

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2.2.7. Utuu dur qottee, Had you ploughed earlier,
Bulbulee dhugdaa, would you have drunk hydromel,
Bulbulee dammaa; Hydromel of honey;
Utuu dur loltee, Had you fought earlier,
Diinqa amaatii kee, to the innermost home of your mother-in-law,
Gola abbiyyuu kee, The inner part of your father-in-law,
Gunfureen dhuftaa, would you have come in gunfuree,13
Gunfuree arbaa, Gunfuree of the elephant,
Yasee gafarsaa; Yasee14 of the buffalo;
Eessan agarta, Where do you get see,
Isa hoo in baqattaa? After all you escape them all?
Figures 1 and 2 portray hairstyles of brave men. Though taken from Karrayyuu15 not Macca,
names of the hairstyles and their symbolic meanings remain the same. Sometimes, the name goofaree
is given to refer to Figure 2 in Macca Oromoo. A person at this age says, Goofaree filuun yaadaa/yasee
luleessuun yaadaa (I think of combing goofaree/I think of brushing yasee) in his geerarsa. He
discloses that he passes days and nights thinking to be a killer to be famous. Bravery is glowing in
his innermost (foolataa). If he weds after killing, the wedding will be like the one described in song
poem 2.2.6. The person in the song poem 2.2.7 is depicted as coward, directly opposite to the one in
2.2.6. He is not courageous enough to react to the demands of the girls. He is not a kind of breed, as
he lacks the guts to be so. He used to escape when his peers and age mates were busy discussing,
competing, and going on expeditions. Now, he has nothing to display and comes to the home of his-
in-law in shame. In fact, the degree of his shame is exaggerated.
Figure 1. Yasee.
13 Gunfuree is a kind of hairstyle which stands up straight to mark out killers. It can be considered to be an
Afro.
14 Yasee is a long hairstyle that falls back and shows killers.
15 The Karrayyuu Oromoo are named Baassoo–Dullacha in Oromoo genealogical structure and live around
Fantallee Mountain to the east of the Tuulama. They are pastoralists who strongly and strictly stick to gadaa
system.

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Figure 2. Gunfura/Gunfuree16.
Not being mentioned in the girls list of brave men can anger brave young men. However,
individual variations can take some to the levels of irritations. It may enforce few of them to abandon
anything else. It can obsess them. Praising the brave ones who have killed and those who have been
to battlefield and leaving others out provokes anger and pressures them to join. On such stages, some
get angry and take immediate and unstudied measures. At times, they expose themselves to dangers.
Those who are lucky to escape dangers and come back home, recount the degree of their angers, the
decisions they have taken, and the dangers they have put themselves in. Those who have exposed
themselves to such difficult circumstances boast the degree of their bravery. One among such songs
is as follows:
2.2.8. Achi ilaallaan Maa’oodhaa, I looked over the horizon to Maa’oo,
Maa’oo muka tarreetii; Maa’oo is covered with lines of trees;
As ilaallaan waa’eedhaa, I looked back home to see the songs,
Waa’ee durba qarreetii; Those sung by virgin young girls;
Waa’eettan gala jedhee, I feared going back to the songs,
Maa’oottan calaa jedhee I swiftly left for Maa’oo!
Song 2.2.8 depicts the forces and pressures girls impose on men with their songs. With their
music, girls mastermind men to perform bravely at battlefields. They impose their desired values on
men to act bravely. They have the power and energy to enforce the men what they like. They insult
and ridicule cowardly acts. Even if they do not openly insult, they ignore names of ordinary persons
from their praise songs to imply that they are cowards. Ridiculed men cannot have social respect and
places among their peers and society in general. It is difficult for them to win the hearts and minds
of girls to marry. This is what the geeraraa (singer) of the song 2.2.8 depicts in his geerarsa. During the
Italian occupation period, a young man was recruited to go to battlefield to fight with the enemy. He
knew that he could escape and return home instead of going to the front. However, the girls’
ridiculing would wait for him from among his peers. That would make the opportunities of his
getting married difficult; he could not withstand their insults and challenges they impose in the
future. Maa’oo was a mountain on which training of soldiers and the battlefield occurred. This
contrasts with waa’ee, normally a genre of oral song which girls and women sing in praise of their
secret lovers. However, here, the singer represents praise songs sung openly on such stages to
appreciate bravery. Lines 1 and 3, 2 and 4, 5 and 6 create parallelism. That is also the nature of the
rhyming scheme. Line 6 carries the automatic decision the singer of the song 2.2.8 takes considering
the power of girls’ songs.
2.2.9. Ilaa shunkurtaa koo, Look at my onion,
Shunkurtaa kosii, That I harvest from my garden,
Yaa mooqa hin bulloofnee, The porridge that is not well ground,
16 The two photos are taken from Eric Lafforgue “Karrayyu man with his Gunfura traditional hairstyle in Gadaa
Ceremony—Ethiopia.”

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Elaa gurguddaa koo, Here are my elders,
Gurguddaa lammii koo, My senior citizens
Yaa goota hin dulloomnee! Ever fresh brave men.
The name of the praised persons can be renowned in the groups. They can be brave elders who
used to be war leaders. They can also be wise persons who are famous at arbitrations and giving
advices and guidance to the innocent citizens to go on right paths of life. The rich and generous
persons who provide for the needy people and save their lives can also be famous. One’s mother or
father can belong here, too. It indicates that they are hard workers and blessed to have the skills,
knowledge, wealth, and the belongings that they are endowed with. Smart young guys can be praised
for their social acceptances and approaches in their groups and social lives:
2.2.10. Falaxaan na dhaanii, Beat me with rive,
Uleen dhaqna cabsaa, Stick breaks the body;
Alaqaa tamaarii, the boss of the learners,
Michuu astamaarotaa, Peer with the teachers,
Lulee dhaqna baskaa! Whose body butter softens?
This song praises a young person who is a student in the modern education. He is praised for
his capability to fit well into the system. He enjoys the acceptances of the teachers at the school. He is
elected as students’ leadership and considered as social equal of teachers. The dichotomy between
the students and teachers is due to his social concordance, knowledge. and wisdom in the school
environment. Teachers are commonly from distant places and unfamiliar cultures. The teacher is a
socializing bridge between the students and the teachers. Though a student, he is found out to have
qualities nearer to or tantamount to the teachers. Because of his character, the teachers have accepted
him and make their communications easier with the learners. He is serving as a bridge between the
two. This is an important personality trait. Social issues and socializing characters are admired in
Oromoo culture in general and the Macca in particular.
2.3. Mararoo (Elegiac or Dirge)
Mararoo (Aberra (2003) referred to it as elegiac), we can also translate as ‘dirge.’ Mararoo is also
named as mararree, garuulee, ininayyoo, and others, but mararoo is most commonly used. In
wedding process, it takes turn from defamation when the giving away of the bride to the groom
looms at the home of her parents. Departure frustrates the bride and her peers. The bride departs her
home, parents, peers, and girlhood to worry. Mararoo emotionally reacts to the departure with
unhappy mood and style. They concede submission to the groom and companies. She worryingly
criticises her parents for giving her away. However, ultimately the criticism falls to a fate that destines
them to be girls who are forced to leave their parents’ places and homes for those of the boys in
marriage. Mararoo also recollects the good times the girls have together, which is no longer possible.
It expresses this pitiful situation and emotion with tears in the intimate friends, the sisters, the mother,
family members, etc. Only the singing and drumbeating girls perform physically. The emotion steals
their powers to perform. Mararoo is mainly listened to carefully to remember. The names of the
singing girls are also remembered if she is articulate and creative to produce powerful and
memorable songs.
Mararoo enumerates the past and mitigates the strong emotion of anxiety and pain resulted off
the looming separation from family, home, and intimate friends. The wedding girl may enumerate
grievances and mistreatments she has suffered at her parents’ home. This is especially strong if she
has been exposed to a cruel stepmother or stepfather. Mararoo may also express fears, frustrations,
and uncertainties expecting her in the future; it advises the bride how she could manage living with
husband and new family. Moreover, it creates a bridge between the relations the bride has had with
her mother and would prefer to have with her mother-in-law. These are contradictory issues.
Marriage separates young girls from parents, freedom, girlhood, each other, childhood experiences,
and memories. She could have joyful moments and memories with some, most, or all of these. Above
all, she could have memories of the good old days with her addooyyee members. One may overlap

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with the other. Among many things, the girls remember and recount going to dancing and singing
events, fetching water, collecting fire woods, grasses for their embroidery and other arts, and doing
the embroidery together. On all such stages, they play and enjoy together and share memorable
issues, knowledge, and experiences. They learn important life lessons. They understand the true
essences of friendship and trust. These have strong lasting effects upon them to remember and long
for. The separations from these are truly agonizing.
The wedding girl departs her home and her family. The departure from her mother is the most
worrisome for her. When she sings about this, the mother feels guilty for negotiating her giving away
to the man in marriage. It creates mixed feeling in the mother. The situation is frustrating and
disturbing and ignite creative imagination in the wedding girl and her peers. The wedding girl
expresses her naivety, immaturity, and uncertainty on joining unfeeling strangers (greedy aliens,
their lifestyle, and wild treatment). Sometimes, it appears as if it occurred unexpectedly to provoke
strange emotions in the peers, her mother, sisters, brothers, and relations.
Mararoo begins with the following song. The wedding girl typically or directly addresses her
mother from the start. She knows that tears are not only inevitable but also nearer at hand the moment
such songs come into being. It also seems that that is the main purpose.
2.3.1. Seenaan dhaama yaa haadha koo, I will recount my story my mother,
Seenaa ishee imimmaan biraa, the story which is mixed with tears,
Hin rafiin dhaggeeffadhuu, don’t sleep, but listen,
Yoo rafteef qalbeeffadhu! When you sleep explore!
This is followed by a sort of grudge and regret. The wedding girl seems to question why the
mother has negotiated giving her away. She questions her love of motherhood. It is a sort of saying,
“Am I really causing you some troubles?” “Is rearing me a problem for you that you have given me
away when I trust you most of all?” The bride is departing her mother; she does no more demand
food from the grain crops, butter to oil her hair, space to sleep on; the mother can use all these for
whatever purpose she want them for. This causes the mother suffer strong pain and put her in big
remorse.
2.3.2. Ayyo ayyolee, my mother,
Ayyoleen kan koo, a mother of mine,
Iddoo ciisa koo, where I sleep,
Gumbii dhaabbadhuu, stand your grain store,
Cabaa irbaata koo, what I eat,
Dilbii kaayyadhuu, store for years,
Dibaa mataa koo, what I dye of my hair,
Samaa kaayyadhu! Store in your better gourd.
The wedding girl also addresses her father with some complaints. The father appears to be
asunfeeling and insensitive as the mother to the departure of his daughter. He does not express his
feelings and his heart openly. He pretends to be fine with everything. He controls himself and lives
in difficulties without complaint and reflections. However, this is not his honest feeling. In reality, he
feels strongly about her departure, even if he does not express it openly. In her lament song, the
wedding girl speaks out that as a human being, he feels and he cannot avoid it even if he wants to
disguise his feelings. Even if he does not feel today, he will feel it in the future when he misses
someone to help to bring a calf or silence a crying child. He will feel it when gets old and cannot help
himself to reach to the places of his heart. The following is the song that expresses it.
2.3.3. Bilee ya bilee hoo, Bilee you my bilee,
Leenci dulloomee ya bilee hoo, an old lion my bilee,
In aadu seetee? Do you think it does not roar?
Inuma aadaa, It does roar indeed,
Jaarsi dulloomee, The retired elderly person,
Yoo jabbiin hoote, When a calf suckle,

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Yoo mucaan boosse, When a child weeps,
Na hin yaadu seetee, Do you think you’ll never think of me?
Inuma yaadaa! You will think of me surely.
In marriage, girls are taken to the home of the marrying boys. They never take the boys they are
marrying to their own homes. The places of the groom where they are going to live could be far away
from their parents’ home, which makes visiting difficult. Moreover, they are forced to feel that the
parents have negotiated with alagaa (aliens) to give them away. This restriction and imposition force
the girls to feel they are disliked and boys are liked. The girls feel that this is the act of cruelty and
absence of kind feelings. Song 2.3.4 portrays the treatment of girls by their parents and their feelings
towards these. They feel it is unfortunate to be a girl. She works hard to manage all and still the
parents give her away. They only like her helping them to accomplish their works. She fetches water
from rivers, collects firewood, milks cattle, prepares food for the family, takes care of the aged/elderly
and the young immature ones, protects the weak and helps the disabled, etc. She is so kind and busy
to manage all their businesses, households, and matters. All in all, the girl is busy with the
innumerable activities her parents have at home. But she is not even given proper food; she is
submissive and does not impose her wills on others. In spite of all these, her parents sell her out
unfeelingly.
2.3.4. Muka maa jigsuu daddaraartuyee. Why cut tree my blossom,
Gaaddisa qe’ee? it shades the homestead?
Durba maa jibbuu, why hate girls my blossom,
Sassaabduu qe’ee? she manages the homestead?
Haadha keessummaa, she hosts guests,
Cabaa hin tuffattuu she does not undermine lame,
Dabaa hin dubbattuu, she does not speak bad,
Guddaa dubbiftii, she speaks to the elders,
Xinnaa guddiftii, she rears the little ones,
Caccabaa nyaattii, she eats bits and pieces,
Gadi cabdee bultii, she bows down to live,
When the time comes, all are collected at once and together. The daughter is hugely and
practically missed at home. As a favored child, she is intimate and has a special relationship with her
mother and helps and follows her closely. Above anybody else, the departure moment incurs a huge
emotional intensity upon them. They know it would come; afterwards, the household burden the
daughter used to carry will fall on the shoulder of her mother. Both of them know this fact. Still, they
are related by their gender roles. They carry similar responsibilities. The mother practically trains her
daughter to properly discharge her responsibilities at her own home. These situations create, develop
and maintain an intimate relationship between the mother and the daughter. When marriage requests
comes for the daughter, it comes to the father, who asks for the permission of the mother and
members of his clan. The permission of the mother is vital because of their relationship. The father is
desperately in need of the services of his daughter; however, he has negotiated her marrying and
departing. He could suppress his sorrow to justify and tolerate to react. The looming of their
departure incurs strong and unbearable temptations on the daughter and the mother. Knowing the
facts, the daughter sings song 2.3.5 to demonstrate this temptation and her reactions:
2.3.5. Geeshe geeshe woo, geeshe geeshe
woo, Geeshe geeshee the tree, geeshe the tree,
Daddaraartuyee, daddaraartuyee, that blossom, that blossom,
Dayee deesse woo, dayee deesse woo, my mother, mother, who labored to deliver,
Egaa geesse woo, egaa geesse woo it’s come, it’s come,
Jajjabaadhuyee jajjabaadhuyee. Be stronger, be stronger!
Maaloo baabbaa koo, why the dad of mine,
Daddaraartuyee, that blossom,

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Baga si dhooftee, it’s good you kick,
Gufuun balbalaa, the obstacle on your gate,
Sit’ hoo dhaabbatee, you plant it for yourself,
Baga si qabde, it’s good that it catches you,
Mukuun galgalaa, the boredom of the evening,
Sit’ hoo jaal’atee, you liked it.
The wedding daughter is in deep powerful emotions, but weakened and helpless at last.
Weeping and with a softly sobbing voice, she reminds her parents to be stronger. However, she
appears to be resentful with her father for his greediness. Song 2.3.5 is also appropriate to discuss the
literary artistic qualities of song poems. It produces a model text to demonstrate the ways in which
the poems determine the style of the drumbeat and the physical performances to create musical
harmony. On the first line, we see the word geeshe/ɠeəʃe/. It does have little semantic significance in
this context. It plays more relevant and visible roles to create poetic qualities with deesse /deəse/ and
geesse/ɠeəse/. The word “deesse” is the addressee (mother) and “geese” (arrival) is the time of
departure. The words create strong prosodic and rhythmic harmony: rhyme, meter, alliteration,
assonance, consonance and rhythm. In linguistic terms, the three words are joined with minimal
sound differences. The concept of strength is in terms of the relationship of their sounds. The pattern
is semantically more relevant in the order geeshe/deesse/geesse. There are two syllable words in all
the three cases. They are all the same in their qualities of vowels and consonants: medial diphthong
vowels and geminated final consonant syllable. The last vowel is short in all the cases. This may imply
the weeping and stumbling of the singing lips. This shows metric and prosodic equalities. Both begin
with voiced velar sound /ɠ/ and voiced labio-dental sound /d/ and end with voiceless fricative /s/ and
/ʃ/ on the second syllable. The basic second syllable sounds in the words, /s/ and /ʃ/, vary in being
alveolar and post-alveolar, but both are voiceless fricative; air goes out freely through the gap the
alveolar ridge and the post-alveolar ridge create with tongue, respectively. That forces the production
of weaker weeping voices at the ends.
In many ways, we can explain poetic forms are given prime importance in Oromoo creative song
arts. Song 2.3.5 exhibits repetitions, words of limited semantic irrelevance, conjunctions and others;
these are exploited to bring about metric equality, rhyming scheme, parallelism between verses, and,
above all, rhythmic powers and intensities. The different combinations of sounds create the rhythms
of the poem and pattern that of the song. By the song, the departing bride addresses her mother:
“mother, it’s come, be strong (dayee geessee jajjabaadhu!).” However, compared to the actual feeling, this
does not mean much to depict the power of her emotional reactions underneath the language: it is an
understatement. Geeshe, dayee and woo become repetitive and added to play such poetic and artistic
significances. Geeshe daddaraartuyee/deesse, egaa geesse jajjabaadhuyee (geeshe the
blossom/mother, it’s come be stronger)! Other than what we have discussed above, the linguistic
features exhibit combinations of powerfully voiced musical sounds. These include the alveolar
plosive, /d/, alveolar trill, /r/ and front close vowel /y/ in daddaraartuyee; and post-alveolar fricative,
/ʒ/, plosive bilabial, /b/ and the velar explosive in jajjabaadhuyee. The combination of these rhythmic
and prosodic forms appear to underscore power or strength, which the departing daughter advices
her mother to be in.
The sound qualities determine the rhythmic qualities. The rhythmic qualities in turn control and
determine the style of drumbeating and physical performances. The last includes about the strength,
power, speed and intensity of the song music. In 2.3.5, the singing voice that comes out of the singing
girl begins strongly as the first syllables of the two words. However, they cannot remain this way
throughout to strengthen and empower the claim; at the end, it fades with a powerless musical voice.
The theme is about helplessness. It is not about strength and pride; it is about being weak and
helpless. The situation is frustrating. It is a moment of high emotional intensity, especially for the
departing daughter and mother. Both are weeping deeply. It appears unique and others appear to be
greedy to them. However, it is an expected, familiar and known tradition. The bride cannot make an
extended, stronger and more appealing case. It is already negotiated and she has been given to the
groom. The ending of the three vital words in soft voiceless sounds imply the poetic qualities control

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the style and power of the song and the music. The voicing qualities in daddaraartu/jajjabaadhu are
unable to invite similar voicing in the song and performances. The song is reduced to voicing and is
not accompanied by a physical performance. The vital prosodic features in the poems of the songs
determine the nature of the voices of the song.
The bride departs her addooyyee members to undergo giving–receiving marriage rituals; they
continue to sing to the same or similar tune. They address her mother and father subsequently. They
do this on behalf of her. At the moment of her departure, its rhythm and topic are changed in song
2.3.6. This song follows from song 2.3.5. Her addooyyee members continue soothing her mother to
advise her to collect her strength. Immediately, they move on to address her father. This is only to
soften his heart with melodious musical voice. Lastly, they proceed to request for the kind of gifts
they want from him: a heifer and a young bull.
2.3.6. Geeshe geeshe woo, geeshe, geeshe the tree,
daddaraartuyyee that blossoms, that blossoms,
Dayee deesse woo, mother, mother the deliverer!
Egaa geesse woo, it’s come! It’s come.
J
ajjabaadhuyee. Dayee deesse woo, Be strong, be stronger! mother deliverer,
Egaa geesse woo, It’s arrived, mother deliverer!
Jajjabaadhuyee. be stronger! Be stronger!
Maaloo baabbaa koo why my dad, the dad of mine!
daddaraartuyyee, That blossoms!
Maaloo yaa haadha koo, You my mother!
Fidi tirmaakoo Give out my gifts!
Raadaafi dibichaa, heifer and young bull
Fudheen didichaa, I’ll take and stride!
Jette addooyyeen hoo, says the beloved friend!
The second stanza of 2.3.6 is addressed to the bride’s father and mother. It is sung by her
addooyyee members, who are her mouthpiece to demand wedding gifts. They are demanding a
heifer and a young bull. These symbolize the new, young, powerful and reproductive. Fidi (give me),
raada (heifer), dibicha (young bull) and didicha (stride/march forward) are essential words. In most
cases, they combine alveolar voiced sounds to have prominence in sound musical qualities. This
changes the mood and the tension as it is fruitless. The parents come out of the prevailing emotion to
focus on blessing the bride and the groom together and giving them necessary gifts to push life ahead.
This also helps the bride to stride or march forward in life.
Furthermore, the wedding girl addresses members of her addooyyee (intimate friends). They are
vital parts of her life. Song 2.3.7 shows the time for separation is looming and they cannot help each
other at this moment. None of them can change about the looming departure. They are all helpless;
it is a moment of cruelty. They sing the song of lament and weep holding and hugging each other.
2.3.7. Baranee yaa baranee, This year only this,
Baranoo baana jennaan, Were we supposed to evade,
Falamaa taate qarreen, Our girlhood becomes contentious,
Sake in bannee! We were done away my heart!
Natti hin marmiin qoloo, Don’t be closer to me dress,
Na hin marariin qarree, Don’t soften me girlhood.
Egaa gargar gallee! We’re separated.
The worry of separation of the addooyyee members is primary. Song 2.3.8 reveals that the girls
feel they are under the watching eyes of men. Time runs fast: they are growing up are coming and
they are attracting the attention of men without having adequate time to play and enjoy life with their
addooyyee members. When the time of farming is over, the young men turn their attentions to
hunting for and seducing the girls. In this, they try to identify appropriate girls that fit their tastes

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and desires. If they get one, they send elders to her parents to request a marriage. This shows that
they are in need of marriage. Even though they are not told explicitly, at heart, the girls know this
process and sing song 2.3.8 in suspicions:
2.3.8. Suuyye hoo, Suuyyee,
Suuyye yaa gabaabe hoo! Suuyyee the short,
Qamaleen midhaan fixxee, Ape has destroyed the harvest,
Muka duuba naannoftee, It went round the tree,
Gabareen idaa fixxee, Peasant has completed work,
Durba duuba naannoftee, She went round the girls,
Qarmiitoo midhaan qabaa, It’s the farm yard that has the crops,
Qarree kootu hidaa qabaa, It’s my girlhood that has debit,
Jabeessaa nurraa qabaa, Firmly keep away from us,
Suuyye yaa gabaabe hoo! Suuyyee the short!
As they know the tradition, the girls predict and start thinking about this before the time has
come. They feel only disappearing can help them escape from being given to a man in marriage.
Thus, they sing the way to overcome the threat marriage poses with the following stanza:
2.3.9. Kaloo yaa kalaliituu, Melody that which is melodious,
Qarre hoo yaa qananiituu, Girlhood that which is precious,
Wal fudhannee banna hoo, Let us disappear together,
Birraa bariituu! When autumn falls.
Once they marry, there is little opportunity for the girls to come back together as when they are
young girls. Only chance can help them get married to the same place. Gone are the days of girlhood,
when they could enjoy time together with relatively little pressures from their parents. Marriage
brings that joyful time to an end, and it is worrisome to the young women. One asks her intimate
friend the time when they will see each other again with the following song:
2.3.10. Yaa kakattaa Gibee, The gorges of Ghibee River,
Hiriyyee joobiree, The dearest and smartest intimate,
Wal argaan yoomiree? When will our union be?
The other sings the following song in response to the question of her peer:
2.3.11. Dhakaa kakattaa caabii, The stone of a hill place,
Hiriyye nagaan taa’ii, My friend stay in peace,
Wal argaan guyyaa Waaqii! We can come together only on the day God will.
At times, mararoo can be given a different meaning. The first line of 2.3.12 underscores praising
addooyyee can only stir the emotion of the mother of the bride. Weeping does not have any
significance. It is the fate of the home of the father of the girl. No weeping can help to stop the
separation. It is known that it will occur. As we can see from verse 10 and beyond, it also carries
insults of the groom. It mixes the genres.
2.3.12. Addooyyee faarsuun maaluma haa
baasuuf? What’s the role of praising addooyyee?
Garaa haadhaa raasuuf, garullee; only stirs mother’s emotion, garulee;
Garuu hin ooltuu hin boo’inaa. It can’t be stopped, don’t weep anyways;
Bishaan gamaa hin waraabinaa, don’t draw the water over the horizon;
maallachoo qabaa it has algae,
Garuu hin ooltuu hin boo’inaa. It can’t be stopped, don’t weep anyways!
Manni abbaa durbaa, the home of girls’ father,
mallattoo qabaa garulee, does have a symbol garulee;
Garuu hin ooltuu hin boo’inaa. It can’t be stopped, don’t weep anyways;
Garulee hin beekuu laman deebisaa, I don’t know Garulee, I’ll say two lines;

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Gadhee akka keetii, Nonesense of your kind,
Manan eegsisaa garulee; I’ll make home keeper, garulee;
Garuu hin ooltuu hin boo’inaa! It can’t be stopped, don’t weep anyways!
Mararoo softens the hearts of the aliens, too. They share the feeling to treat her kindly at their
hands once she becomes member of their group. The emotion has a mechanism of control. Her
addooyyee soothe the bride viewing marriage is necessary and an unavoidable evil to bear.
Mararoo is sung immediately before the handing over of the bride to the groom and his
companies. It marks the point of departure from home, parents, peers, girlhood, good old day, etc.
Departing causes the most difficult feeling for the bride and her parents, especially for her mother.
Her parents are giving their beloved daughter away to an alien. She cannot help singing the song.
Surrendering girlhood freedom to shoulder marriage and family responsibilities is worrisome. The
daughter and her parents share the same feelings and worries. The bride could also express a long
time grief she has sustained due to the lack of one of her parents. She could complain the greediness
of her parents to give her away. On her behalf, her peers demand her parents to give her cattle to take
along with her to live on. Furthermore, the bride warns her immediate younger sister not to take her
place. Mararoo sometimes blames girlhood for the fate forces her to depart her home and family.
Whatever the subject matter could be, mararoo is only sung; it is devoid of dances.
2.4. Ansoosillee (Bridal Praise)
Ansoosillee is a song sung in reaction to the announcement of the deflowering of the bride, a
proof that she has been a virgin girl. The announcement proves the prior virginity of the bride and
the successful deflowering of the groom. There has been a common fear on both sides lest the bride
could already be deflowered. This is not merely disliked, but abhorred in Oromoo marriage. The
inability of the groom to deflower also provokes fear. The announcement kills the two suspicions.
The family, the girls, the companies and other assembled members of the wedding have been
expecting eagerly and become overwhelmed. All of them feel happy and joy about the deflowering,
as it underscores the successful accomplishment of the desired for marriage. This is a moment of joy.
The song emanates from the joy of the participants of the wedding to involve powerful physical
performances.
Ansoosillee ends the stage for the wedding ceremony. The name ansoosillee has something to
do with ‘going red’ in ritual terms. The word ‘ansoosillaa’ refers to a wild plant which is rich with
red color. In fact, it is red-rooted, and the song is named after this plant to refer to the going red or
the wearing of red colors by the bride and the groom. This ritually implies ripeness, maturity and
sacrifices. It shows deliverance and happy ending of the wedding. Ansoosillee is performed in
reaction to the announcing of deflowering. It is a rhythmically powerful song to give the wedding
stage happy ending. It has physical power and intensity. The power and the rhythm are instigated
by the inner emotions of the participants and actualized through physical performance of the
participants and the drumbeating of the singer. This is a relief and good news after suspenseful
evening, which the participants have been eagerly waiting for long. They become jubilant in reaction
to the announcement and express the reactions happily and powerfully. Both the songs and the
dances create unified rhythmic power and give the song momentum.
Procedurally, ansoosillee takes from arrabsoo following the announcement of the prior virginity
of the bride. Until that moment, the bride has been insulted cruelly and severely for being not virgin,
ill-mannered and not cultured. Most of all, her failure to keep her virginity is the main issue of
concern for everyone. The turning point begins when the best man contacts the couple immediately
after they have been left together. The best man is the first to be informed to communicate to the
mother of the groom. The latter takes a handkerchief which bears the bloodstain and ululates to
announce the news. The girls question, challenge and test her for possible drama. They sing
counteractively to give the song more power and intensity. In other words, this serves as a transition
between arrabsoo and ansoosillee. The mother certifies by singing and dancing courageously and
determinedly carrying and displaying the handkerchief with blood.

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2.4.1. Singer: Gindee gindillittii, Strong like stem,
Haadha dhiiraa shimintittii, The bootlicker mother of the man,
Sobdee ililchitii, she ululates falsely,
Meerre shaashiin immoo? Where is the handkerchief?
Respondents: Gindee gindillittii, Strong like stem,
Haadha dhiiraa shimintittii, The bootlicker mother of the man,
Sobdee ililchitii, She ululates falsely,
Meerre shaashin immoo? Where is the handkerchief?
After a while, the girls admit the news of her virginity and sing ansoosillee to reconcile with the
bride. This is at the announcement ceremony with their acceptance of the news. It changes the
arrabsoo to praise and show happiness from the proof of the bride’s virginity and her admittance to
the new family. It shows victory after long process. It is accompanied by a strong and powerful
beating of drum and dance named saraddaqa in Macca and dhiichisa in Tuulama and Arsii. Dancers’
heels knock the ground powerfully contracting and elongating their heads and necks harmoniously
in the air. It begins with the testing of the honesty of the ululation, proceeds with admittance and
ends with empowering the bride at her home. The best man is under oath to help her. He is
considered her brother and has been insulted along the bride. Now, he is also praised.
2.4.2. Singer: Ansoosillee hoo, Singer: Ansoosillee,
wareen deebitee, The news has come,
Respondents: Haa deebituu, Respondents: Let it come,
duruu deebitii! It always used to come,
Singer: Obboleettii … Singer: The sister … (name of the best man),
Qallayyoo akka … Slim like …
Waree deebisee! Has returned the news,
Respondents: Haa deebistuu, Respondents: Let it come,
duruu deebistii! It always used to come,
Singer: Ansoosille hoo, Singer: Ansoosillee,
Wareen deebitee! The news has come,
Respondents: Haa deebituu, Respondents: Let it come,
Duruu deebitii! It always used to come!
In song 2.4.2, he is portrayed as slim and strong. His sister, too, is slim and strong; this is to
announce splendid news about her. Under the physical appearance are aim, courage, motive,
determination and stamina. These features are signs of strength and sources of her success. The girls
side with the bride at the end of the wedding ceremony as she has a story to be told. They are
reconciled with her. In fact, they are proud of her as they belong together in girlhood.
Finally, the girls praise her and sing to advise her to be strong and powerful in bargaining her
place in the new family. She is complete and nothing makes her fearful in the bargaining process.
2.4.3. Singer: Gindee Gindillittii, Singer: Strong like stem,
… gichillittii, … (name of the bride) the brave,
Gulantaa dhiitanii, Let they kick the steps,
Mee sitti haa xiixanii, Lest they speak harshly to you
Ija dhiitii buli! Be strong in front of them.
Respondents: Gindee Gindillittii, Respondents: Strong like stem,
… gichillittii, … (name of the bride) the brave,
Gulantaa dhiitanii, Let they kick the steps,
Mee sitti haa xiixanii, Lest they speak harshly to you-,
Ija dhiitii buli! Be strong in front of them.
The poetic qualities are relevant to analyze their contributions to the musical performances. The
voices in the poem guide the song, the dance, the beating of the drum and the total physical
movement of the participants. They harmonize the totality of the musical performances. One can

Humanities 2019, 8, 145 27 of 31
imagine the repetitive nature of the song and its rhythmic patterns. It is more or less similar and sung
in a similar style. Happiness empowers and guides the manner of performance. It continues with
motivating power to have an effect on all the styles of the performances as it shows the success in the
ultimate objective of the wedding ceremony. In song 2.4.3, ‘Gindee Gindillittii’ is a metaphoric
address to the bride. The phrase is full of voiced sounds occurring around velar and alveolar ridges.
Their first sound of the first word is velar plosive /ɠ/ followed by front upper vowel /i/; the next forms
consonant cluster made of velar nasal /ɳ/ and alveolar plosive /d/, which ends in front open
diphthong /æɘ/. All are voiced. These begin with velar and end with open front vowel in most cases.
They realize the nature of suppressing and ejecting powerful voices. The suffix -illittii is two syllables
referring to second person clever/strong feminine gender. The sounds originate from the lateral
approximant alveolar /l/ underscoring test and strength and alveolar voiceless plosive/t/
underscoring feminine gender both receiving stress. These are accompanied by front upper vowel,
marking verbs referring to second person, beginning and leading the rhyming scheme of the stanza.
The sounds come from deep down to outside. The combination of such sounds and their structures
determines and guides the rhythm of the song; it also reconstructs and explicates the meaning. The
power and stress in the stanza incite accompanying drumbeating. The family and the clan have
chosen the girl and her family to marry. However, these girls have been suppressing her positive
images, and have never praised her thus far. With joy, they are praising her for her strength,
determinations and dignified heroism. Other participants accompany the girls in jumping up and
back to butt the ground with their heels. This is from the bottom of their hearts with glamorous and
glowing sounds that come from their mouth, their drumbeating, their physical movements and
performances. This makes the performance a powerful, natural and authentic artistic piece.
It is a reconciliatory and winding up performance. She has maintained her integrity, fulfilled
and accomplished her responsibility as a girl. She has proven she is a well-nurtured, thoughtful and
far-sighted girl. She cares about the names and integrity of her parents. She cares about making her
own future home. She knows how and in what she has to pay sacrifices for her future life. That is the
social responsibility of girls and how they gain respect in the society. Fulfilling the requirements and
discharging their responsibilities have to be praised. By fulfilling these, she makes the girls proud of
her as they now belong together. At the same time, she has proven her dependable personalities, for
which the new family can trust for further responsibilities. She can help them prosper, be famous and
maintain their integrity. She can contribute vitally to their success. For this, she deserves praise.
On the other hand, there must be reconciliation. They have to make peace and become united.
They have to maintain and strengthen their sorority relationship. Here, she has to establish the social
network that she will miss from her birthplace. She has to develop anew and maintain social
interactions to learn the world and the new place and families. The new groups of girls have to lend
a hand, support and teach her about the new social structures and vice versa. After all, they are one.
They share girlhood and womanhood together. The same thing will be expected of each and every
one of them at their respective marriages.
2.5. Fala/Mala and Raaga (Songs of Resolution and Prediction)
Songs of fala (resolution) are meant to show the ways of solving the existing problem and the
songs of raaga (prophecy) are meant to predict the future consequences of the current state of being.
Burning social and topical issues become agenda for the girls on wedding stage. With their songs,
girls suggest or forecast the ways out of such social, economic, political or cultural problems. They
address social dilemmas and puzzling issues. They predict the outcomes of the current states of being
or problems. Whether the issue is directly about themselves or other worries of the larger society,
they are the ones to address them. The songs of fala (resolutions) address and communicate solution
using songs; the songs of raaga (prophecy) tell how some processes will culminate. In both cases, the
elders suggest listening to dibbee (the drum), which the girls’ beat as their sole basic musical
instrument. This is a longstanding tradition in Macca. The genres of the songs lie outside of all of the
above four different genres of songs to be considered as a peculiar and self-sufficient.

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In performing it, the girls beat the drum. They sing the song in call–and–response. Their
performances are neither powerful nor powerless. It is accompanied in no or mild physical actions.
The respondents do not dance to the song. They simply listen carefully and react in melodious
rhythmic sounds. Other audiences equally listen carefully when the singer sings out the poem. All
members of the society pay attention. The problem-solving songs are neither intended to praise nor
insult; these are the prophesizing ones. They are interested in neither appreciation nor defamation.
They seem to focus on alleviating the prevalent problems at hand in society and prepare the society
for the new developments in the future. They seem to be more objective, solution-seeking and
indicate more likely outcomes. Instead of appreciating or defaming, one solution is appropriate and
valuable to the issue at hand.
Problem-solving and predicting songs are distinct in that they are more aural than physical.
They are more about business and subject matter. This is better addressed in beautiful and melodious
songs than showing emotions with physical performances. They are similar to mararoo in their nature
of performance. The effectiveness is actualized in audibility.
It is believed better to illustrate with exemplary and specific incidence. This makes it self–
explanatory.
2.5.1. Yaa handaqqo handaaqqoo, You cock the cock,
Eessa handaqqummaan kee, Where is your cock-ness,
Kan dereera hin buunee, If you don’t descend steep slope,
Kan barii hin iyyinee? If you don’t crow for dawn?
Yaa Akaako Akaakoo, You Akaakoo the Akaakoo,
Eessa Hakaakummaan kee, Where is your Akaakoo-ness,
Kan bareeda hin fuunee, If you don’t wed to beauty,
Kan walii hin dhimminee? If you don’t care for identity!
Song 2.5.1 narrates about the marriage requests that come for a girl and the right choice that has
to be made. Two different individuals asked for her hand marriage. One was a poor young man and
the other was a rich adult man. Her parents faced a dilemma to make a choice from the two for her
future. If they would give her to the young poor man, she would be poor. If they would give her to
the rich adult one, she would not be happy in her future life. While this dilemma was still hanging
on, a wedding stage occurred. The elders requested to listen to the beating of the girls’ drum as they
knew they were going to suggest a solution for the dilemma. One of the girls sang the song naming
the clan of her choice, Akaako, where from the young man came. It was up to the clan to help their
member to get married. This was already known as buusaa-gonofaa17 in Oromoo tradition. Failing
to do so would be an insult for members of the Akaako clan. Therefore, the dilemma was solved as
the Akaako took the responsibility.
Raaga (prediction) is forecasting the future. It involves understanding and predicting what will
happen in the future. One genre of girls’ folksong deals with such subjects. Though not limited to the
wedding stage, it is one type of folksong that occurs in it.
2.5.2. Ishooleen ishoolee hoo, It is pleasant and triumphant,
Talalituun bishaanii, As the cleanest and purest water,
Beerawii18n galuufii hoo, Will the soldiers’ coming home be,
haa bariituu birraan! When will the autumn fall.
This song had prophesized the coming home of the men recruited for military services during
the Dergue era. It was sung during the prelude to the fall of the Dergue regime. The Dergue
government in Ethiopia proclaimed what is referred to as beerawii (compulsory military services) for
young men, who were abducted and forced to give these services. Even those who were not abducted
17 The tradition of piecing wealth together from different members to help the needy one to pave ways to be
out of the situation.
18 ‘beerawii’ is (phonologically Oromized) part of an Amharic phrase “biherawi wutidirinna agelgilot”
(compulsory military service), by which the Dergue compelled the youth to serve in defending their country.

Humanities 2019, 8, 145 29 of 31
lost taste for marriage, as their future lives were uncertain. Young women remain idle as they failed
to attract the interests of young men to get married. Thus, girls were left single (haftuu). They wanted
to get married, but there were no men to marry them or to request them. Therefore, they were
worried. They sang in secret to reflect this situation:
2.5.3. Bokkaan caamuu didee, the rain failed to stop falling,
Caamsituu bitannaa; we will hire rain-dryers;
Kan nu fuudhu dhibee, to marry us have we no one,
Mangistuutti himannaa! We will petition to Mangistuu!
Mengistu H/Mariam was a military junta leader named Dergue from 1974–1991 to institute
compulsory military service and abduct citizens. He was a dictator and controlled all power at his
own disposal until he was toppled in May 1991 by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic
Front (EPRDF) guerrilla fighters. In fact, the girls knew he was the source of the problem; however,
they also believed that he had solutions for it.
It was after long baffling and lifeless years that the girls finally invented a song about hope. They
sang the hope in 1990 and hope was realized within a year or less than that time in 1991. Their hope
and predictions were realized after long puzzling years. The Dergue failed the next year and the
soldiers came home. However, it was not easy for them to get married and establish families within
short times.
3. Summary and Conclusions
Oromoo girls compose and perform artistically powerful genres of folksongs. These include
arrabsoo (insult), faaruu (praise), mararoo (expression of agony), ansoosillee (expression of joy) and
fala and/or raaga (resolution or prophecy) and sing them on weddings. These have been analyzed
within their natural contexts using the theories of folklore, ethnomusicology, anthropology,
sociology, gender, literature, linguistics and art. They play respective roles; they have specific
moments and contexts that they are relevant to or fit in.
In this paper, the genres were arranged along the occurrences of wedding processions. Arrabsoo
and faaruu are common for both, but priority is for the former to address the main wedding purpose:
add powers and intensities to the occasions. While arrabsoo focuses on ridiculing undesirable
personalities, characters and behaviors, faaruu focuses on encouraging desirable characters,
personalities and values of the culture. They advise the bride, the groom, members of their families
and relatives and their clans to develop the desirable and avoid the undesirable behaviors and
character traits. Mararoo occurs at the home of the bride to express her feelings on her departure from
her home, family and intimate friends with whom she has grown up. It is an emotional spell on the
part of the bride on departure. It also soothes them all to remain strong. It could help to soften the
hearts of her parents to give more gifts and the marrying family to be kind. Ansoosillee is sung to
rejoice the success of the groom at his home in reactions to the announcement of the deflowering of
the virgin bride. It displays the happy ending of the wedding at the home of the groom. It also advises
the bride to be wise and strong to feel at home in the new family. This ends the wedding ceremony.
Fala and/or raaga (songs of solution or prophecy) usually occur during the evenings before the
wedding day whenever social concern exists. They aim at resolving family, social or communal issues
and can be sung at any moment of the wedding stage.
We can realize the semantic and temporal relationship underneath the songs. Arrabsoo and
faaruu are binary oppositions. Arrabsoo explicates weaknesses of the other group and faaruu praises
and recounts the strengths and good qualities of one’s own group. They, respectively, disclose bad
and good characters. Mararoo stands in opposition to ansoosillee. This expresses frustration of the
bride on her departure from her family, home, friends and girlhood. It helps to garner her supports
from different members. Ansoosillee expresses joy after the bride is proved virgin and the groom
succeeds. It welcomes the bride into the family of the groom. Fala focuses on suggesting the ways to
come out of the existing problem; it is likely for there to be an important social or cultural issue at
hand at the moment of singing. Raaga forecasts the future as a consequence of the present states.

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They can be topics of discussion among members and elders. In terms of time, fala and raaga can
oppose as one deal with the problem at hand and the other forecasts the future depending on the
observations of the current states of being. The variety adds the artistic beauty and shows the talents
of the girls to create. This also shows the roles of the girls in enriching the culture from multiple
perspectives.
Nuptial songs display strong cultural wisdom and poetic creativities of Oromoo girls. They
exhibit the talents, wisdoms, knowledge, understandings, desires, motives, love, fears, anxieties,
dislikes, emotions, etc. of the girls and the Oromoo in general; they also reflect girls’ composing skills
of song poems. The songs show social relations among different groups: addooyyee members, wife–
husband, daughter–parents, daughter–parents-in-law and families from the two sides, clans, etc.
These relations are ignited with cultural values to force men fulfill the requirements they demand
with their songs. Girls want these to be shared and maintained among the members to mark
identities. Girls’ songs exhibit powerful artistic talents and give meanings to the specific moments of
Oromoo wedding ceremonies. These begin with language structures and arrangements (meter,
rhyme, repetitions, etc.) to create basic rhythm. The latter guides and determines the manners of
drumbeating and the physical movements in the dancing the specific moment requires. These form
a pattern and harmonize the complete musical performances. These artistic endeavors have the
power to entertain, inspire, influence, encourage, unite, create sense of competitions, soften hearts,
inculcate motives, promote creativities, retain memories, enrich traditions, show visions, enliven and
change their society. They give power, intensity and add memory to wedding ceremonies. With this
artful language, Oromoo girls record historical events and evidences that remain in the minds of
citizens passing from generation to another. The artistic compositions and performances are
instruments of self-expression and emancipation. They are sung and performed with energies and
powers. With these, the girls inspire and motivate or ridicule and undermine masculine power. The
songs are sung on the wedding day or before. Before the wedding day, the girls rehearse, taking
adequate time for singing, dancing and entertaining to satiate their musical desires. It lets them insult
the other group or praise their own members enough. Desirable characters are defined for all gender
and age; individuals’ or groups’ behaviors are evaluated culturally.
Macca Oromoo girls compose, articulate and sing these varied genres of songs artistically on
weddings to entertain, encourage, advise and/or sooth participants, empower the wedding and
ultimately inculcate identities to shape the society. They can help either to maintain traditions, to
inform or to encourage for change and transformation. Girls have spectacular skills and melodious
voices to play vital roles in arts and artistic performances though they are physically weaker than
men. The powers of such songs are realized in their dictating, directing, and shaping the actions of
men in the desired ways. Such songs exhibit and reflect the different aspects of the lives of the girls
and keep the traditions and statuesque of the society. Today, these societies have lost their traditional
spaces, including the formal systems that accommodate them. The researcher recommends the
detailed study of each genre, as they have rich and varied discussion points.
Funding: This research received no external funding
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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