Agricola’s List (1551) and the Formation of the Estonian Pantheon

Full text

14 Agricola’s List (1551) and the Formation
of the Estonian Pantheon
Aivar Põldvee
The geographical proximit y and the linguistic a nity between Estonia and
Finland, as well as their close cultural and scholarly contacts, can easily
lead to the assumption that the shared roots of the two nations’ identities
and their historical bonds are a subject for ceremonial speeches rather
than a contemporary research topic. In a nutshell, one nds a humorous
re ec tion on t his appr oach f rom Es tonia’s big ges t wee kly new spap er, wh ich
topped its list of Finns who have made a signi cant mark in the history
and consciousness of Estonians with Elias Lönnrot (1802-1884), the author
of the Finnish epic Kalevala, followed by Vanemuine, the Estonian clone of
the Finnish Väinämöinen, the protagonist of Lönnrot’s epic.1
Both Lönnrot and Vanemuine play an important role in the shaping
of Estonian national identity: Lönnrot not only provided an examplar for
the Estonian epic, but made a walking tour in Estonia in 1844, studied the
Estonian language under the guidance of Friedrich Robert Faehlmann
(1798-1850) in Tartu (Ger. Dorpat), and paid a visit to Friedrich Reinhold
Kreutzwald (1803-1882) in Võru (Ger. Werro).2 At the time, Faehlmann
was working on the literary folktales that were to become the foundation
of Estonian mythology as it became widely accepted in the nineteenth
century. He also started to compile an Estonian national epic, proceeding
from the example of the Kalevala, a project later concluded by Kreutzwald.
The Estonian epic Kalevipoeg starts by addressing Vanemuine, the god
of song and music. The pantheon evoked in the literary folktales and the
epic was later employed in the cultural and, later, even political, popular
movements of the so-called period of national awakening of the Estonian
people. The Vanemuine Society, founded in Tartu in 1865, established the
tradition of Estonian song fest ivals (1869), which  ourishes even today, and
the amateur theatre (1870) that later became the  rst professional theatre
Vanemuine (1906). The Estonian at hletic association Kalev (19 01) w as name d
after the mythical hero Kalev, and his son Kalevipoeg became the symbol
of political (re)nascence and armed str uggle for freedom. Toompea fortress
1 Keskküla et al., ‘Eesti esisoomlaste’.
2 Niit, ‘L isaandmeid Elias Lön nroti’.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
in Tallinn (Ger. Reval), the stronghold of rulers throughout the ages, in this
ps eudo -my tho log y beca me K ale v’s gra ve, a nd c erem onies to co mmemor ate
the victims of Soviet mass deportations are conducted at the bronze statue
of Kalev’s widow, Linda.3
The Estonian canon of cultural history describes the development of
Estonian mythology, or rather pseudo-mythology,4 as a process consisting
of three stages. First, Kristian Jaak Peterson (1801-1822), a young student of
Estonian descent, in 1821 translated into German the Mythologia Fennica
(1789), the work of Christfrid Ganander (1742-1790), a scholar of Finnish
folklore.5 In Peterson’s translation, Ganander’s alphabetical lexicon was
given a hierarchical structure, and some Estonian material was added.6
Peterson’s intention was to take the rst steps towards the study and
restoration of Estonian mythology in the spirit of Herder, in the manner it
was envisaged and thought possible at the time. Second, in the middle of
the nineteenth century, Faehlmann’s mythical folktales that later were to
be used for shaping the Estonian pantheon came out in print.7 And third,
Kreutzwald’s national epic, the Kalevipoeg, was published in an academic
Baltic-German edition in 1857-1861,8 and in a popular edition in Kuopio,
Finland, in 1862.9
Th is out line, foc usi ng on t he n inete ent h centur y, has s eeme d so conv inc -
ing and ex haustive,10 that so far no great attention has been g iven to earlier
attempts to describe Estonian mythology. Also the periodization based on
the so far most extensive historical review of Estonian folkloristics, but still
used in the present day, distinguishes broadly between the pre-folkloristic
3 The author of the statute (1920) was August Weizenberg (1837-1921), one of the founding
gures of Estonian art. For the role of pseudo-mythology in Estonian nation-building, see
Jansen, ‘Muinaseesti Panteon’; Viires, ‘Muistsed jumalad’.
4 It is appropriate to use the term pseudo-my thology here, as older information about the
ancient gods and beliefs of the Estonians is ver y scarce and ambiguous, while t he nineteenth-
centur y records a re in most cas es uncritic al and al so too late. A lar ge proportion of t he materia ls
representing Estonian my thology is at best characterized wit h the term fakelore. For more on
this, see Dorson,Folklore and Fakelore, pp.1-29; Dundes, ‘The Fabrication’.
5 Ganander, Mythologia fennica.
6 [Peterson], Christfrid Ganander. See also Järv, ‘Krist frid Gananderi’.
7 Fählmann, ‘Estnische Sagen’; Fählmann, ‘Die Sage’.
8 Kreutzwald, Kalewipoeg.
9 Kreutzwald, Kale wi poeg.
10 The Finnish authors discussing the development of Estonian culture in the nineteenth
centur y have departed from the same scheme; see, for example, Zetterberg, Viron historia,
pp.412-17. Anna-Leena Siikala’s study on Baltic-Finnic mythology does not mention in con-
nection with Estonia any authors earlier than Kreutzwald; cf. Siikala, Itämerensuomalaisten
mytologia.
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
period, characterized by sporadic written records of folklore, which lasted
up to the eighteenth century, and a later period of purposeful scholarly
studies starting with the nineteenth century.11 Thus Estonia still lacks
a more comprehensive scholarly approach, comparable, for example, to
Annamari Sarajas’s monograph on Finnish folk songs in the sixteenth- to
eighteenth-century literature.12 The fact that early written records about
Estonian folklore are much scarcer than those in Finland is not the sole
reason for this lack. Taking a look at the rst embryonic and compilative
descriptions of the Estonian pantheon, based on the so-called Agricola’s list,
this chapter delineates some opportunities to broaden the present approach.
Its main purpose is to uncover the ties that connect the development of
Estonian pseudo-mythology with the Finnish original sources through
seventeenth-centu ry records from the early modern period on the one hand,
and with the Baltic German ideas of Romanticism and the Enlightenment
on the other.
Agricola’s List
Michael Agricola (c.1510-1557) is known as a Finnish Protesta nt reformer (cf.
the contributions by Kallio, Hannikainen and Tuppurainen, and Lehtonen
in this volume).13 He studied in the Vyborg (Swe. Viborg; Fin. Viipuri) Latin
School and at the University of Wittenberg (1536-9), bringing with him
the impact of Luther, Melanchthon, and Erasmus of Rotterdam upon his
return. Agricola became the rector of the Turku (Swe. Åbo) Cathedral
School, and in 1554 he was consecrated as bishop of Turku. He published
the rst Finnish-language primer (Abckiria, 1543), and translated the New
Testament into Finnish (Se Wsi Testamenti, 1548), which makes him a lso the
founder of Finnish as a literary language. The year 1551 saw the publication
of his translation of David’s Psalms (Dauidin psalttari), the foreword of
which (Alcupuhe) included a list of Finnish ‘gods’, containing twelve deities
(or mythological agents) from Tavastia and twelve from Karelia.14 On the
11 Laugaste, Eesti rahvaluuleteaduse. The review also includes several glossed texts from
chronicles, travelogues, etc. Recent overviews of the development of folkloristics and histor y
of relig ion in Estonia do not pay muc h attention to the t ime prior to the ni neteenth centu ry. Cf.
Leete et al., ‘Uur imislugu’; Valk, ‘Eest i folkloristika’; Kulmar, ‘Relig iooniteadused’.
12 Sarajas, Suomen kansanrunouden.
13 Tarkia inen and Tarkiainen, Mikael Agricola; Heininen, Mikael Agricola .
14 Agricola, Teokset III, pp.209-14; Agricola, Mikael Agricolan Psalttari. For the list, see: Ant-
tonen, ‘Literary Representation’; Sarajas, Suomen kansanru nouden, pp.5-14; cf. Leht onen in this
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
grounds of t his versed list, Agricola is also considered t he founder of Finnish
folkloristics. In German, the discipline based on drawing up this kind of
lists was called Listenwissenschaft.
It has been suggested that Agricola’s list was inspired by the fteenth-
centur y Swedish tex t Siælinna Thrøst (Ge r. (Der grosse) Seelentrost (‘Consola-
tion of the Soul’)), and in the Lutheran trad ition, Luther’s Small Catechism in
Lithuanian by Martinus Mosvidius (Mažvydas) printed in Königsberg (1547),
with Latin and Lithuanian introduction admonishing parish members to
abstain from acts of superstition and all false deities headed by Perkūnas.15
The compar ison to Mosvid ius (cf. t he contribution by Tuomas M. S. Lehtonen
in this volume) as a parallel seems all t he more justi ed by the fact t hat the
Catechism a lso included a primer, compiled according to the sa me principles
as Agricola’s.16 The Lutheran Reformation’s struggle against the remnants of
paganism a nd Catholicism among various peoples followed simi lar patterns.
In the struggle against idolatry, the rst step was to determine – or in
some cases ‘invent’ – the adversary, proceeding from the principle that a
new faith required new kinds of paganism. In Prussia, for example, twelve
Prussian gods were listed in 1530, and their character was explained with
reference to their Roman counterparts.17 In studies of folklore, this kind
of interpretation is called interpretatio Romana or antiqua. Even though
Finnish scholars are not quite unanimous on this point,18 the Prussian
analogy allows us to assume that Agricola too proceeded from the same
idea, mentioning twelve gods from Tavastia and twelve from Karelia. It
must be admitted that the names denoting idolatry and gods in Agricola’s
list do not allow for an unambiguous interpretation: some of them allegedly
reect the Catholic cult of the saints.19
volume.
15 Harva, Suomalaisten muinaisusko, pp.1-2.
16 Mažvydas, Katekizmas, pp.51, 59-62. Both Agricola’s and Mosvidius’s primer drew on the
example of the Latin edition of Luther’s Small Catechism by Johannes Sauromannus (Par vvs
catechismvs pro pveris in Schola, 1530/1531), which was reprinted a number of times in the
sixteenth centur y and hence circulated widely.
17 Brauer, Die Entdeckung, pp.39, 235-64.
18 For the debate, see A nttonen, ‘Litera ry Representat ion’, pp.196-200, notes 26-8.
19 See Haavio, Karjalan jumalat; Tarkiainen and Tarkiainen, Mikael Agricola, pp.235-7.
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
Thomas Hiärne: The Early Modern Stratum
In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, Agricola’s list found its
way over the Gulf of Finland to Estonia, where Thomas Hiärne copied it
into his chronicle Esth-, Liv- und Lettländische Geschichte (‘The History of
Estonia, Livonia, and Latvia’), adding a concise translation into German.
The manuscript was completed in the 1670s,20 but because of the author’s
death in 1678, it did not appear in print; in fact, it had to wait for publication
for more than a hund red years.21 The depictions of the Estonian and Latvian
superstition and old divinities found in Hiärne’s chronicle belong to the
same seventeenth-century discourse as the works of Johannes Gutslaf
(d.1657)22 and, in particular, Paul Einhorn (d.1655)23 – whose work Hiärne
also used as a source – as well as the tract by Johann Wolfgang Boecler
(d.1717).24 The historical context of Hiärne’s chronicle was the Kingdom of
Sweden, a nascent European great power in need of a dignied image and
histor y to be created in the seventeenth century, making use of the Icelandic
sagas, their supposed Gothic ancestors, and the antique world transplanted
to Scandinavia, all along with Hercules and Homer. At the same time, at-
tempts were made to describe the country’s dominions and peoples, among
whom Estonians too were to be counted from 1561.25 Andreas Bureus (Bure)
was assigned the task of compiling a map of Sweden, which was printed in
1626 along wit h a voluminous description of the Nordic countries, including
Sweden’s Baltic provinces.26 In 1667, the Swedish College of Antiquities was
founded, and the task of presiding over it fell to Georg Stiernhielm, a man
who for many years had served as an assessor in the Tartu Court of Appeal.
Stiernhielm applied himself to several disciplines, and believed Estonians
and Finns to be descendants of an ancient mixed people who had lived
on the coast of the Black Sea. Moreover, he was one of the rst to suggest
linguistic anity between Finnish and Hungarian.27 Johannes Scheferus,
20 Three original manuscripts have been preserved and at least sixteen transcripts of the
chronicle. See Laidla, ‘Thomas Hiärn’, pp.84-7.
21 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp.37-9.
22 Gutslaf, Kurtzer Bericht ; cf. Kõiv, ‘Johannes Gut slafs’.
23 Einhorn, Wiederlegunge; Einhorn, Historia L ettica.
24 Boecler [1685], Der Einfältigen Ehsten. Previously, the Estonian histories of literature and
folklore studies have erraneously attributed Boecler’s work to Johannes Forselius; cf. Põldvee,
‘“Lihtsate eestlaste”’, pp.141-5 , 183-6, 205-6.
25 See Lindroth, Svensk lärdomshistoria, pp.235-305 , 481-92.
26 Bure, Pohjoismaiden kuva us.
27 Setälä, Lisiä suomalais-ugrilaisen, pp.41, 46 -7; Ohlsson, ‘ Stiernh ielms språk vetenskapli ga’,
pp.200-2.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
an Uppsala University professor of German descent, was a member of the
College of Antiquities and worked on Lapponia, an account on Lapland and
the Lapps, comm issioned by the Lord High Chancellor Magnus Gabriel De
la Gardie, printed in Latin in 1673 and soon translated into German (1674),
English (1674), French (1678), and Dutch (1682)28. Lapponia was an inspiration
for Hiärne, who was himself keen on antiquities and corresponded with
Scheferus.
Hiärne was born in 1638 in Skworitz (Fin. Skuoritsa; Russ. Skvoritsy)
in Ingria, where his father was a pastor. Hiärne’s brother Urban became
a doctor, polymath, and writer, a signicant man in the cultural history
of Sweden.29 Thomas Hiärne’s career culminated in his post as secretary
to Estland’s governor Bengt Horn; by the time he started working on his
chronicle, he was inspector of the Virtsu (Ger. Werder) manor in western
Estonia, owned by the Swedish cu stoms chief (generaltullmästare) Wilhelm
Böös Drakenhielm. Owing to his origins and various duties, Hiärne knew
the lang uages spoken in Ingria a nd Estonia, and had travelled not just in the
Baltic provinces, but also around the Gulf of Bothnia (1667). This enabled
him to notice the kinship between the languages of Finno-Ugrian peoples
and the Lapps.30 In his letter to Johannes Scheferus from 1673, he argued
that ‘the diference between Finnish and Estonian’ was ‘smaller than the
diference between Upper and Lower German’.31 In his Chronicle, he gave a
more detailed description of the Baltic-Finnic peoples:
The Finns are one large people, who [inhabit the area] from the Norwe-
gian mountains through Lapland and around the Gulf of Bothnia up to
the White Sea, and thence, in a half-circle of more than three hundred
[Swedish] miles, through Karelia to the land of Ingrians, Estonians,
and Livs. They all speak the same language, with only slightly diferent
dialects, and the diference between those is seldom as great as it is in
the Germ ans’ own lang uage. They are divided i nto the forest Finns, West,
North, and East Bothnians, Lapps, Tavastians, Savonians, Karelians,
Ingrians, Votes, Estonians, and Livs.32
28 [Scheferus], Joanni s Scheferi , p. 66.
29 Ohlsson and Tomingas-Joandi, D en otidsenlige.
30 Lotman and Lotman, ‘Fennougristika eellugu’; Laidla, ‘Thomas Hiärn’; Lotman, ‘Thomas
Hiär ne’; Leppik, ‘ Thomas Hiärne’.
31 T. Hiärne to J. Scheferus, 21October 1673 (Library of the University of Uppsala (Uppsala
universitetsbibliotek), G 260 c).
32 ‘Die Fin nen aber sind ein gr oßes Volck, welches von den Norwe gischen Gebür gen umb den
Botni schen Ha f durch Laplan d bis an die Weiß-Se e, und von da, durch C arelen, Inger manland ,
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
On the basis of those linguistic observations, Hiärne drew some even more
far-reaching conclusions: ‘As they [Estonians] were the same as Finns, a
people with the sa me language and the sa me traditions, I assume that their
forms of worship must also have been one and the same, as I can prove by
means of severa l surviv ing remnants of paganism’.33 St ill , Hi ärne di d admi t
that the customs of worship were not the same for all the Finns, but like all
other Sarmatians, they had a special god ‘for each and every thing’, as we
can see ‘from the ancient Finnish rhymes of Sigfridus Aronus, in the rst
Psalms of King David that were published in the Finnish language’.34 The
Sigfrid Aronus named here was Sigfrid Aronus Forsius (d.1624),35 a clergy-
man and scholar well known in the cultural history of Finland, who had
probabl y made a L ati n tr ans cript of A gricol a’s li st.36 Nevertheless, the verses
presented by Hiärne are not Forsius’s ‘rhymes’, or a translation, but must
originate from some revised version of Agricola’s list, as a lso indicated by the
reference to King David’s Psalms. Hiärne’s direct source remains unk nown.
The possibility of there having existed, in the seventeenth century, a Finn-
ish transcript of Agricola’s list made by Forsius, which may have reached
Hiärne, cannot de nitely be ruled out.37 (Figure14.1.)
Of Ag ricola’s 6 4 ver ses,38 Hiärne presented 52 – the last twelve, where no
deities a re mentioned, were om itted. Compared to Agr icola’s or igin al text,
there are a few inaccuracies and transcriptional diferences in Hiärne’s
Ehsten- und Lyven-Land, gleichsam einen halben Circel von mehr denn dreyhundert Meilen
machet. Sie haben alle eine Sprache, welche nur im Dialecto einigermaßen unterschieden:
solcher Unters cheid aber ist bey i hnen selten so groß , als bey den Teutschen i n ihrer Sprache. Sie
sind ver theilet in Mar ch-Finnen, West- Nord- und O st-Botinier, Lappen, Tawa sten, Sawolaxen,
Carelen, Ingren, Watien, Ehsten und Ly ven’, [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, p.16.
33 ‘Sonsten, weil sie ein Volk mit den Finnen gewesen, eine Sprache und gleiche Sitten mit
ihnen gehabt, halte ich davor, sie müssen auch einerley Gottesdienst gehabt haben, wie man
aus vielen, so noch von dem Heydenthum bey ihnen im Gebrauch geblieben, beweisen kan’,
[Hiärne] 1794, p.36.
34 ‘Des Sigfridi A ronis alten  nnischen Reimen, so er den ersten in diesen Sprache ausgega n-
genen Psalmen Davids vorgeset zt’, [Hiär ne], Thomas Hiärns, pp.36- 7.
35 Pursiainen, Sigf ridus Aronus Forsiu s.
36 The text that is considered to have been the transcript of Agricola’s list by Sigfrid Aronus
Forsius was published for the  rst time i n the newspaper Ti dningar utgi fne af et Sällskap i Åbo
on 16August 1778; Sarajas, Suomen kansanrunouden, p.13.
37 Eston ian folklor ists have not s tudied Hiä rne’s transc ript in more deta il, nor has the f act that
these ver ses origin ate from Agr icola been more widel y acknowledged. I n the so far most ex ten-
si ve h ist or ica l re vi ew of Est oni an fol klo ri sti cs , se ven l in es of th is v ers e ha ve b een publ is hed , but
the tex t does not mention Ag ricola as the or igina l author. See Laugas te, Eesti rahvaluuleteadu se,
pp.71-5 , 304.
38 The original version of Agricola’s verses , along with their tra nslation into moder n Finnish
and English are published in Ant tonen, ‘Literar y Representation’, pp.186 -7.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
Figure14.1 Transcript of Agricola’s list from Thomas Hiärne’s chronicle
Library of the Universit y of Tartu (Tartu Üliko oli Raamatukogu), Mscr 140, p.64v
Photo Aivar Põldve e
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
transcript, which have occurred in the course of repeated transcribing of
the text. The German summary of the verses’ content was probably drawn
up by Hiärne himself. The translation is not rhymed, but speaks of the
translator’s mastery of Finnish; each deity’s domain has been speci ed,
and if necessary, a brief explanation has been added. Below may be seen
Hiärne’s transcript juxtaposed with his translation as they appeared in
the 1794 publication of the Chronicle,39. It was in this version that Agricola’s
list became more widely known in the Baltic countries and in the German
cultural space; an English translation of the German follows:
39 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp.28-30.
Epe jumalat mennt tesse
muinen palwetin caucan ja
lesse
Neite cumarsit Henne laiset
seke Miehet ette Naiset
Tapio Metzest Pydhyxit soi
ja Achti wedhest Calvia toj
Ainemoinen wirdet ta coj
Rachkoj Cuun mustaxi jacoj
Lieckio Rohet, Juret ja Pund
Hallitzi ja sen Kalteiset muud
Illmarinen Rauhan ja Illmaen
tej
ja Mat ca miehet edes wej
Turisas annoj woiton Sodast
Cratti murhen piti Tawarost
Tontu Honen menen Hallitzi
quin Piru monda willitzi
Capeet mös heilde Cuun söit
Calewan pojat Uytut ja muut
löit
Der Tawasten Götter, die sie
angebetet haben, waren:
Tapio, ein Gott der Jagt,
Achti, der Fischerey,
Ainemoinen, der Lieder und
Poesie,
Rachkoj, vertheilte des
Mondes Licht in alt und neu,
Licki, hätte zu gebieten über
das Gras und die Bäume.
Ilmarinen, war ein Gott des
Friedens, gab gut Wetter und
begleitete die
reisende Leute.
Turisas, ein Gott des Krieges,
und
Cratte, der Gütter und
Reichtum,
Tontu, der Haushaltung,
Die Capeen, fraſsen ihnen
den Mond, da eine Finsterniſs
vorhanden war.
Des Cavela Söhne, haben ihnen
geholfen die Wiesen zu mehen.
The gods of the Tavastians,
whom they worshipped, were
as follows:
Tapio, a god of hunting,
Achti, of shing,
Ainemoinen, of songs and
poetry,
Rachkoj, who split the light of
the moon into old and new,
And Licki, who ruled over the
grass and the trees.
Ilmarinen, who was a god of
peace, who gave good weather
and accompanied travellers.
Turisas, a god of war, and
Cratte, a god of goods and
wealth,
Tontu, of housekeeping,
The Capees, who ate the
moon for them when a time of
darkness was imminent.
The sons of Cavela, who helped
them mow the meadows.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
Wan Carjalaisten nämat olit
Epa jumalat quin he rucolit
Rongoteus Ruist annoj
Pellopecko Ohran caſwon soj
Wiran cannos Cauran caitzi
mutoin oltin Cauraſs paitzj
Egres, Hernet, Paw ut Naurit loj
Calit Linnat ja Hamput edes toj
Köndös huchtat ja Pellot tekj
Der Carelen Götter waren diese:
Rongotheus, bescherete
Roggen,
Pellonpecko, Gersten,
Wierankannos, Haber,
Egres, Erbsen, Bohnen, Rüben,
Kohl und Hanf
Köndus, gab Glück zu den
Rödungen.
The gods of Karelia were the
following:
Rongotheus, who provided rye,
Pellonpecko, barley
Wierankannos, oats,
Egres, peas, beans, turnips,
cabbage and hemp.
Köndus, who blessed the
farmlands.
Quin heiden Epe ujkans näkj
Ja quin Kelwe Kylwo Kylwätin
sillon Uckon Mallia jotin
Siehen Hantin Uckon wacka
nin jopuj Pica ette acka
Syte palio Häpie siele techtin
quin seke cuultin ette nechtin
quin Raunj Uckon Neini härsky
jalosti Ukoj pohiasti pärsky
Se sis annoj Ilman ja udhen
Tuu len
Käkrj se liseis Carian casſwon
Hysi Metzelniss soi woiton
Weden Ema wei Calat Werion
Nyrckeo Orawat annoj Metzaſs
Hittawania toi Jenexet persaſs
Eickö se kan sa wimatu ole
joca neite usko ja rucole
Sichen Piru ja Syndi weti heita
Etta he cumarsit ja uskoit neita
Ucko, und sein Weib Rauni
hatten über das Wetter zu
gebieten, und als
die Frühlings-Saat sollte
geseet werden, haben sie uhm
zu Ehren getrunken, da sich
dann Weiber und Mägde mit
voll gesofen und unterdessen
viel schändliche Dinge
verübet.
Käkri, mehrete den Zuwachs
des Viehes.
Hysi, gab Gedeyen die wilden
Thiere zu fangen.
Weden Ema (das ist Mutter des
Wassers) bescherete Fische,
Nyrko, Eichhörnen und
Hittawanen, Hasen.
Ucko, and his wife Rauni, held
sway over the weather, and
when it was time to sow the
spring seed, they drank to his
honour, and in the process
were joined by their drunken
wives and maidens and they
committed many shameful
things.
Käkri, who increased the
growth of cattle.
Hysi, who ensured success in
the capture of wild beasts.
Weden Ema (that is to say, the
mother of water) provided sh,
Nyrko, squirrels and
Hittawanen, rabbits.
Cooluden Hautyn Rooka wietin
joissa walitin, parghutin ja
idketin
Meeningejset mös heiden
ufrins sait
Coscka Lesckit hoolit ja nait
Palweltin mös palio muta
Kiwet Kannot, Tähdet ja Cuta,
etc.
Zu der Todten Gräbern, haben
sie Speise gebracht, und
daselbst geweinet
und geschrien. Was sie alda
opferten das genossen die
Männingen.
Im übrigen haben sie auch
Steine, Bäume, den Mond und
Sterne etc.
angebetet.
They brought food to the
graves of the dead, and also
shed tears and cried out loud.
That which they brought in
sacrice was eaten by the
Männingese.
They also worshipped stones,
trees, the moon, and stars, etc.
Amsterdam University Press

AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
Hiärne was suciently familiar with the superstitious practices of the
local peasants to refrain from attempting an exact correlation with Es-
tonian deities, but repeated that some features indicate both Estonians
and Latvians had a speci c god for every area of activities. He supposed
that Käkre on Agricola’s list had an Estonian counterpart in Metziko (in
modern Estonian Metsik (‘Fierce’), whose cult was widespread in Western
Estonia,40 while the Finnish Tontus was allegedly no other than Estonian
Pert mes or Kouken, 41 who kept the granary well stocked by stealing grain
from the neighbours. The Karelian Ucko, according to Hiärne, was the ‘Old
Father’ (Ger. ‘Alt Vater’), whose counterparts were the Tavastian Turisas
and the Swedish Auku, Thor. Hiärne believed that Estonians omitted the
rst letter of the name Ucko, and said ‘Kou’, as the Finnish expression
‘Uck o jüris ep’ c orr esponded t o the E ston ians ’ ‘Kou mü risep’ (Ger. ‘Al t Vater
donnert ’, ‘Old Father thunders’).42 Moreover, Hiärne adds an explanation to
the account of Saaremaa (Ger. Ösel): men calling out ‘Thorapita!’ to their
gods in old Livonian chronicles (i.e. the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia)
from the early thirteenth century.43 Hiärne believed this was a call for
Thor’s help, which in Estonian or Finnish would sound ‘Thor avita’ or
‘auta’ (‘Thor, help!’).44
All nineteenth-century speculations about Estonian celestial deities,
such as Vanaisa (‘Old Father’), or Taara and Uku, proceed from t his comment
made by Hiärne on Agricola’s list.
45
Kristian Jaak Peterson was helpful
in shaping them into suitable raw material for pseudo-mythology. In his
translation of Christfrid Ganander’s Mythologia Fennica from Swedish into
40 Västrik, ‘Kombest valmistada’.
41 The meani ng of ‘Pertmes ’ remains u nclear; Kouke n derives from t he word kõuk, i.e. dis tant
forefather, which is probably a Baltic loanword (Lithuanian kaukas, Latvian kauks, Estonian
majavaim). Eston ian folklor e also know s another stea ler of neighbours we alth, kratt (al so kn ow n
as, for example, puuk, pisuhänd, tulihänd, vedaja).
42 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp.39-40. He inrich Gös eken (1612-1681), a pas tor and early mo dern
scholar of Estonian language and folk customs, suggested using isa (Issa) and taat (Taat, Ger.
Vater, Lat in pater, ‘fathe r’) as the equiv alents of kõu (Kouw, the ‘Thu nder’); and isaisa (Issa-Issa,
Ger. Gros-Vatter [Grossvater], ‘grandfather’) as the equivalent of vana kõu (wanna kouw, the ‘old
thunder ’). See Göseken, Manuductio ad Linguam, p.420 ; cf. Kingi sepp et al., Heinrich Göseken i,
p.449.
43 In the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, this god of the Saaremaa men (Tharapita, Tarapi tha,
Tharaphita) is mentioned on  ve occasions. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p.175 (XXIV.5), p.218
(XX X.4), p.220 (X XX.5), p.221 (X XX.5), p.222 (X XX.6).
44 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp.40-1. H iärne’s inter pretation was i n turn adopte d by Christ ian
Kelch, thank s to whose chronicle the idea gained a wider circu lation. See Kelch, Lie ländische
Historia, p.26.
45 Viires, ‘Taara avit a!’; Masing, Ee sti usund, pp.42-9; Kulmar, ‘Taevasest üliolendist ’.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
Germa n, he did virtually t he same thing as Hi ärne had accomplished almost
one and a half centuries earlier: he transferred the list of Finnish gods
into an Estonian context, considering the possibility of analogy. Peterson
added local information to the article on the god Ukko in Ganander’s
lexicon. He makes no reference to Hiärne, but reiterates the recognizable
fact that Kouk or Kouke means thunder, and is the name for the Estonians’
ancient thunder god. Peterson added that, when hearing the thunder roll,
Estonians say ‘Wanna issa wäljas, wanna issa hüab’ (‘Old Father out there,
Old Father calling’).
46
Via Hiärne and Peterson, the theonym Vanaisa (Ger.
‘Altvater, der Alte’) as well as Taraphita and Thor, transformed to Tara or
Taara, found their way into Faehlmann’s treatises and literar y folktales, the
latter he claimed to have heard directly from the people in Virumaa and
Järvamaa (Ger. Wierland and Jerwen).
47
Here, it is important to stress the
link between Agricola’s list and Peterson by way of Hiärne’s comments, as
the nineteenth-century authors took Peterson’s insertions, sprung from
the same source, as authentic records.
Garlieb Helwig Merkel: A Romantic Compilation
One of the rst to make use of Thomas Hiärne’s chronicle, published
in 1794, was the Livonian literary scholar Garlieb Helwig Merkel (1769-
1850), known for his Enlightenment ideas and radical social criticism.
48
Merkel’s best-known work is Die Letten (‘The Lat v ians’) (1796),
49
which
denounces slavery and the injustice of the social Estates. He can also be
seen as an innovator in the discourse of historical writing in the Baltic
countries, since, inuenced by the ideas of Romanticism and above
all by Herder, he spoke of the cyclical course of history. The idea of the
inevitable alternation of prosperity and decline did not merely reverse
the respective pasts of the indigenous Baltic peoples and the German
colonizers, but gave Latvians and Estonians hope that their golden age
might recur some time in the future.
50
The inuence of Herder’s ideas is
undeniable in Merkel’s general understanding about peoples and folklore,
46 [Peterson], Christf rid Ganander, pp.16-17.
47 For an edition w ith commentary on Faehlman n’s literary fol ktales, as well as his treatises
on Estonian language and ancient relig ion, see Faehlmann, Teosed 1.
48 Heeg, Garlieb Merkel; Drews, ‘Ich werde’.
49 Merkel, Die Letten.
50 For Merkel’s inter pretation of hi story, see: Undus k, ‘“Wechse l und Wiederkeh r”’; von Wilper t,
Deutschbaltische Literaturgeschichte, pp.120-3.
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
further inspired by James Macpherson’s poems of Ossian, a work greatly
admired all over Europe, which later turned out to be a falsi cation.
51
Merkel’s work Die Vorzeit Lie lands (‘The prehistory of Livonia’, published
in 1798-1799 in Jelgava (Ger. Mitau) was far from a peda ntic or factual account
of historical events. His descr iptions of ancient religion, characteristic tra its,
and customs, all standard components in eighteenth-century historical
writ ing, were also painted with t he broad strokes of an unrestrained hand.
Merkel did not just borrow the names of deities from Hiärne’s chronicle, but
used a similar method of analogy when describing the ancient religion of
the Estonians: ‘The Estonians, whose ancient history is the actual subject
of these pages, difer so little from other peoples of the same [Finnish]
descent in their customs and religion that the description of the latter
in most respects is also a description of the former. It should thus not be
considered an overst atement if I continue referr ing to the Finns in general’.52
Merkel’s understanding of Estonians was also shaped by the eighteenth
century’s augmented knowledge about the Nordic and Finno-Ugrian
peoples, especially the respective works of Schlözer and Herder. August
Ludwig von Schlözer (1735-1809), professor at Göttingen University, de-
scribed the Finns as a large interrelated people, including the Lapps, the
Finns (in a narrower sense), the Estonians, the Livs, the Zyrians (Komis),
the Permians, the Voguls (Mansis), the Votyaks (Udmurts), the Cheremis
(Mari), the Mordvins, the Konda Ostyaks (Khanty), and the Hunga rians. To
elucidate the history of the Nordic peoples, Schlözer introduced the term
‘indigenous people’ (Stammvolk), which he illustrated with t he case of the
Estonians: the most ancient people known to have lived in the Estonian
territory. Germans and Russians are not the indigenous inhabitants of
Estonia, nor are Germanic peoples indigenous to Scandinavia, which was
earlier populated by Finns all the way down to Småland.53 Proceeding f rom
Schlözer, Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) wrote about the Finnish
peoples: ‘They were not warriors like the Germans, as even today, after
long centuries of oppression, all t he Lapp, Finnish, and Estonian folktales
51 For the R omanticist t reatment of folk lore, see: Feldm an and Rich ardson, The Ri se; Greineder,
From the Pa st; Gaskill, The Reception.
52 ‘Die Esthen, deren Vorzeit diese Blätter eigentlich gewidet sind, unterscheiden sich so
wenig in Sit ten und Relig ion von den übrigen Völcker schaften i hres Stam mes, daß ein G emälde
derselben, den Hauptzügen nach, auch das ihrige ist. Man wird es also nicht für über üßig
halten, wenn ich fortfahre, von den Finnen im Allgemein zu sprechen’, Merkel, Die Vorzeit
Lielands, pp.216-7.
53 Schlözer, Allgemeine Nordische, pp.263-4, 301-6. See also Stipa, Finnisch-ugrische Sprach-
forschung, pp.197-8.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
and songs show them to be a “gentle” (sanftes) people’. This is why the
Lapps have been forced up to the vicinity of the North Pole, while the
Finns, the Ingrians, the Estonians, etc. have been enslaved, and the Livs
are almost extinct. The fate of those peoples on the coasts of the Baltic
Sea, Herder wrote, ‘is a sad (trauriges) page in the history of mankind’.54
Merkel had closer contacts with Herder in 1797 in Germany, where he
continued his st udies and prepared the work Die Vorzeit Lie lands. Following
Herder’s example, he presented Estonians and Livs as a great, ancient,
peace-loving Finnish nat ion that once ruled the region stretching from the
Norwegian mountains to the Urals, and from the North Sea to the Caspian
Sea, but which was then driven apart by foreign conquests and turns of
history.55 Merkel was not familia r with Ganander ’s Mythologia Fennica, and
as he failed to obta in any other direct records about the Finns, he compiled
the mythology of that ancient nation mainly on the basis of chronicles,
Scandinavian sagas, Nordic authors (Olaus Magnus, Olaus Rudbeck, and
others) and literature published about the Lapps.
Combining the Lapp mythology with Estonian, i.e. the general Finnish
mythology, Merkel principally used the same method as Ganander when
the latter integrated accounts of the Lapp gods into his lexicon of Finnish
mythology. Probably owing to the use of the same original sources, the hier-
archical structure56 of Me rke l’s p ant heo n had s imil ar it ies t o t he cl as si  cat ion
Ganander introduced in the preface to h is own work.57 Merkel’s treatment of
the subject is certainly fanciful, but rather super cial and eclectic, and his
theography therefore rather removed from actual mythology. Nevertheless,
in his attempts to apply the methods of contemporary scholarship and to
proceed from linguistic anity, Merkel made the rst attempt to provide a
more comprehensive picture of Estonian my thology. As one of the pioneers,
he has earned a place in the prehistory of Estonian folkloristics.58
In his compilation, Merkel also included the Tavastian and Karelian
gods he discovered in Hiärne’s chronicle, i.e. deities from Agricola’s
list. According to Merkel, Jummala or Thor, the chief god of the Finnish
54 Herder, Ideen zur Geschi chte, pp.20-4.
55 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lie lands, pp.209-16.
56 Merkel’s main source for the Lapp mythology was [Leem et al.], Knud Leems Beskrivelse.
The hiera rchy of Lapp gods and t he names of their most import ant deities are ba sed on Jessen-
Schardeböll’s dissert ation that is included in Leem’s work, pp.8-14 .
57 Ganander, Mythologia fennica, p. [XIV]. Ganander’s main source for the Lapp mythology
was a manuscript by the Da nish missionary Lenna rt Sidenius (1702-1763).
58 Merkel’s stir ring impac t on the romantic izing of the a ncient Estonia ns is brie y mentioned
in Annist, ‘Muinsusromant ika’, pp.84-6.
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
peoples, had four kinds of subjects. Among them, he included Rahkis,
Rachku or Kuu, living on the Moon, whose counterpart in Agricola’s list
is Rachkoi. Among minor guardian spirits in the retinue of the Lappish
Maderatja and Maderakka, deit ies in charge of the g rowth and prospering
of all living matter, he included Tapio, the god of hunting from Agricola’s
list, and the shing god Achti; Licki, the guardian of plants and trees, as
well as Käkre, the tutelary spirit of borders, who among Estonians bore
the name of Metziko. To the guardian spirits, Merkel added the hostile
ones, or Capeen (Agricola’s Capeet), who devoured the moon and brought
darkness, and also ‘Söhne Cavela’s’ (the German for Cavela’s [sic] sons,
Agricola’s Caleuanpoiat), who kindly helped people to make hay in the
elds.59 Although Merkel never refers to Hiärne, there remains little doubt
that he had discovered all the above deities in Hiärne’s chronicle. Merkel
did not know Finnish, and therefore has obviously used Hiärne’s German
summa ry of Agricola’s list, duplicating also the mista ke in Hiärne’s transla-
tion: ‘des Cavela Söhne’. In Hiärne’s Finnish transcr ipt, the giants who later
lent thei r na me to t he Est oni an n atio nal epic are lis ted as ‘Ca lewan pojat ’.60
The most intriguing god in Merkel’s compilation is Wainamöinen, ‘the
Finnish Orpheus’. Merkel treated Wainamöinen separately from other
gods, associating him with the Estonians’ great love of song, for which he
found proof in the account of Estonian warr iors spellbound by music dur-
ing the siege of Beverin, provided by the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia.
61
Merkel also utilized a note by Saxo Grammaticus on the Scandinavian
hero Störkoder (Starkader), a great singer who himself versi ed his heroic
deeds for the benet of future generations, having been born in Estonia.
62
Väinämöinen, the central character of Finnish mythology, was rst men-
tioned in Agricola’s list, but in a slightly diferent form: ‘Äinemöinen’.
63
In Hiärne’s transcript and translation, we can see the name set down as
‘Ainemoinen’. Therefore Merkel had access to some additional source
that allowed him to write about Wainamöinen’s zither having such a
59 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Li eland s, pp.240-2.
60 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, p.59. The mistake occurs in the original manuscripts of the
chronicle.
61 C f. the represent ation of the besieg ing of the fort of Be verin in Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae,
pp.63-4 (XII.6). Kreutzwald has used the same motif, probably borrowed from Merkel, in his
ballad, where he compares the zither player with both a god of peace and Orpheus. K. Fried-
hold [F.R. Kreutzwald], ‘Die Belager ung’, column 529 . For the signi cance of this motif for the
interpretation s of Latvian popular c ulture, see the chapter by Māra Grudule.
62 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Li eland s, I, pp.226-7.
63 For more details, see Haavio, Väinämöinen.
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 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
captivating sound that even bears came out of the forest and listened
to it, leaning on a nearby fence.
64
The exact source of this information is
unknown. Bears enjoying the sound of Väinämöinen’s zither were rst
mentioned in 1766 by Gabriel Haberfelt, a student in Turku, also t he  rst to
compare the Finnish god of song to Orpheus. The folk song whose content
Haberfelt renders in Latin was published by Christian Erici Lencqvist in
1782 in a thesis, De Superstitione veterum Fennorum theoretica et practica.
In a runo poem about Väinämöinen playing the zither there is a verse:
‘Karhukin aidalle kawahti’ (‘even the bear leant on a fence’).
65
Thus Merkel borrowed a total of eight deities – of these, Väinämöinen
was probably not a direct loan – from Agricola’s list via Hiärne’s chronicle
for his description of Estonian-Finnish mythology. Merkel’s compilation felt
so alien and arti cial that later authors usually discarded it in its entirety.
And yet the image of Väinämöinen published in Merkel’s book (Figure14.2)
was to have great fur ther signi cance. Merkel wished to use his i llustration
also for the purpose of demonstrating Estonian folk dress, and therefore
apologized to the reader for the anachronism, probably referring to the an-
cient god of song being clad in modern peasa nt attire. The image was etched
in Weimar by the artist Conrad Westermayr, who proceeded from two
ethnographical drawings: t he Estonian farm house f rom the work of August
Wilhelm Hupel (1777), and the image of three Estonian peasants from Pärnu
(Ger. Pernau) County in a book by Johann Ludwig Börger (1778).66 Those
borrowed motives have been placed on the background of a romantically
rocky Finnish landscape lit by the glow of the rising sun, and the bears are
indeed listening to Väinämöinen’s zither as in the Finnish runo. The rst
visual image of Väinämöinen was born – depicting him as an Estonian
peasant.67 It is probable that the image had an impact also on Kristian
Jaak Peterson, who complemented Ganander’s examples of the runo and
description of Väinämöinen with a remark: ‘This god was probably also
known among Estonians. As some Estonian songs are conceivably similar
to the Finnish songs in the text above. Still the god who is the substance of
the songs has almost completely disappeared from those [Estonian songs],
or we may nd a singing peasant in his place’.68 And Merkel’s book was
64 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lie lands, pp.227-8.
65 Haavio, Väinämöinen, pp.16-22.
66 Hupel, Topographische Nachrichten, ill. no. 1 (Carl Magnus von Lilienfeld, Ehstnische
Kleidung); Börger, Versuch übe r die Alterth ümer, ill. no. [2] (G.C. Sch midt, Die Tracht der E hsten
so wie sie im Pernau ischen Kreise gebräuch lich ist).
67 Põldvee, ‘Vanemuise sünd’, pp.17-18; cf. Vä isänen, ‘Väinämöisen kantele’, pp.210 -11.
68 [Peterson], Christfrid Ganander, p.26.
Amsterdam University Press

AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
probably one of the sources that inspired Friedrich Robert Faehlmann  fty
years later to write folk ta les about Vanemuine (Faehlmann’s Wannemunne,
Wannemuine, Wainemoinen), the Estonian god of song, although no such
deity was known to authentic Estonian folk tradition.
Figure14.2 Conrad Westermayr, Wainamöinen – Finnish Orpheus
From: Garlieb Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lie  ands. Ein Denkmah l des Pfa en- und Rit tergeistes, I
(Berlin: Voss, 1798)
Photo National Library of Es tonia
Amsterdam University Press

 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald: Early Notes by the Epic’s Creator
Agricola’s list was also echoed in one of the early articles on Estonian
mythology by Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald (1803-1882), published in the
Baltic German magazine Das Inland.69 Kreutzwald had been inspired by
the second edition of Hiärne’s chronicle, published in 1835,70 the reason he
too erroneously mentions ‘Sigfrid Aron’s Finnish rhy mes’ (i.e. Sigfr id Aronus
Forsius, see above) as the original source. In those rhymes, Kreutzwald
di sco vere d some mi nor deit ies, w hom he t hough t wer e al so f amil ia r to E sto -
nians by name: 1. Cratti, the god of wealth and riches; 2. The household god
Ton tu , E st on ia n tont; 3 . The weather god Ukko, whose worship in Es tonia was
con rmed by reports about the Uku-vakk (t he ‘ Uku bushel’) f rom Alutag use
(Ger. Allentacken), which Kreutzwald associated with oferings brought
to Uku. He also associated the Estonian customs of the Annunciation, a
‘popular celebration for women’, e.g. drinking of the so-called maarjapuna
(‘Mary’s red’, red drink s consumed by women on An nunciation day), with ac-
coun ts of t he spr ing Bacc han als hel d in hon our of Uk ko a nd h is w ife Rann i;
4. Nyrckeo, the god of squirrels, whose Estonian counterpart, according to
Kreutz wald, was the ‘weasel’, nirk in Estonian; in Wierla nd, it was forbidden
to kill weasels, who were important for the fertility of horses.71
Kreutz wald’s article was w ritten in wi nter 1838, about the same time as t he
Learned Estonian Society (Gelehrte Estnische Gesellschaft) was founded in
Tartu and Faehlmann read out his  rst mythologica l literary folktales at the
society’s meeting. Next year, Kreutzwald also joined the Learned Estonian
Society, and after the clarion call of Georg Julius von Schultz-Bertram, the
idea of an Estonian epic started to take root. Newly arrived from Finland,
Schultz-Bertram declared at the society’s meeting in October 1839,72 ‘Let us
give the people an epic and a history of their own, and we have won a major
victor y!’ It is signi cant that when Kreutz wald was writing the art icle, he ob-
viously failed to recogn ize ‘Calewan pojat’ and t he song maker ‘Ainemoinen’
(Hiärne’s spelling) from Agr icola’s list as  gures from folk t ales he had heard
from the people, and whose Estonian counterparts he was later to use as
characters in his epic Kalevipoeg – Kalevipoeg and Vanemuine. About the
latter, as mentioned above, no authentic folklore tradition was to be found,
69 Fr[iedrich Reinhold] K r[eutzwa ld], ‘Beitrag zur Mythologie’.
70 [Hiärne], Thomae Hiärn’s.
71 Fr[iedrich Reinhold] Kr[eutz wald], ‘Beitrag zur Mythologie’, columns 132-3.
72 Accordi ng to Schultz-B ertram’s v ision, the epic about the s on of Kalleva wa s born out of an
amalgamat ion of pan-Finnish myt hs. See Annist, Friedrich Reinhold, pp.421-33.
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AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
whereas folktales about Kalevipoeg were widespread all over Estonia,73 and
had already been described for the  rst time in the magazine Das Inland in
1836.74 It is possible, though, that Kreutzwald, just like Merkel, disregarded
Hiärne’s Finnish version of the list, proceeded from the German translation,
and was therefore misled by the inaccurate spelling (‘des Cavela Söhne’).
In his later work, Kreutzwald has not used Agricola’s list as a source.
Nevertheless, the war god Turisas75 on Ag ricol a’s list came via other sources
included among his mythological characters, and some time in the middle
of the nineteenth century Kreutzwald tried to turn him into Turris, one of
the four main gods worshipped by Estonians,76 to whom feasts around the
autumna l equinox had allegedly been dedicated.77 Vers es abo ut Tur ri s cou ld
stil l be found in the manuscr ipt of the so- called prelimi nary Kalevipoeg (18 53)
in the story of Kalevipoeg losing his sword (VII Song, 401), but the war god
imported from Finnish mythology was omit ted from the  nal version. Thus
Tur ris failed t o gain any more perma nent foothold in Eston ian myt holo gy.78
In the scholarly activities of the Learned Estonian Society and especially
in the determined litera ry myth-maki ng of Faehlmann and Kreut zwald, the
design of the Estonian pantheon reached a new stage. The Kalevala (1835)
served as the greatest source of inspiration, even if – at least i nitially – most ly
by the mere fact of its existence, as knowledge of the Finnish epic in Estonia
remained supercial.79 If e arl ier a tte mpts at des cribi ng E stoni an m yt holo gy
operated on the basis of analogies and, proceeding f rom the Finnish records,
tried to d iscover similar deities in Estonia n tradition, Faehlmann arg ued that
73 Annist, Friedrich Reinhold, pp.315-23.
74 [Schüdlöfel], ‘Káallew’s Sohn’.
75 Turris did not m ake its way to Es tonian pseudo -mytholog y direct ly from Agr icola’s list, but
throu gh Johannes Sche ferus’s Lapponia th at wa s med iate d by Jo han n Wolf gan g Boe cler i n the
late sevent eenth centur y. In the ninet eenth centur y, Turr is was again br ought into the sp otlight
by K.J. Pet erson and Ale xander Heinr ich Neus. From t heir works, th is prototy pe of the Eston ian
warrior god was taken up by Kreutzwald. For more on this, see Põldvee, ‘“Lihtsate eestlaste”’,
p.209; Põldvee, ‘Vanemuise sünd’, pp.22-6.
76 Kreutzwald constructed this polytheistic system in contrast to Faehlmann’s monotheist
treatment of Estonian mythology. According to the contempora ry scholarly understanding of
mythology, the people living in the Northern climate zones were supposed to celebrate four
main religious feasts – one in each season – which were dedicated to the honour of their four
main gods.
77 Kreutzwald, ‘Ueber den Character’.
78 For more det ails, see Põldvee, ‘ Vanemuise sünd’, pp.22-6.
79 At that time, the main source of knowledge about the Kalevala was Holmberg, ‘Kalevala’.
The Society obtained a copy of the Kalevala in 1839, but even in 1934, its pages were not cut.
Kreutzwald familiarized himself more closely with the Kalevala only in 1853 with the help of
the German translation.
Amsterdam University Press

 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
Estonians had, unlike the Finns, prior to the arrival of Christianity reached
the stage of monotheism (the cult of Taara). Therefore, ancient Estonian s must
have had ‘a di ferent religion’ than t he one described by Ga nander and in the
Kalevala.80 C ha ra cte rs in Fae hl ma nn ’s l ite ra ry fo lk ta le s, s uc h a s Wa nne mu in e,
Lämmeküne, Wibboane, etc, are presented as authentic; Faehlmann even
asked Gabriel Rein, professor of history at Helsinki University, for assistance
in comparing Estonian and Finnish theologies (Götterlehre).81 Eventually,
neither Faehlmann nor K reutzwald succeeded in f ully eliminating a ll Finnish
implications f rom the nascent Estonian pseudo-mythology, but after the epic
Kalevipoeg, the Estonian pantheon can still be treated as an independent
cultural phenomenon and source for the shaping of Estonian identity.
The merging of Finnish deities mentioned in Agr icola’s list with Estonian
pseudo-mythology is not limited to the examples brought out in the text.
Later examples consist of nineteenth-century or early-twentieth-century
loans from Gana nder or Peterson, t he Kalevala, or other indirect sources and
popularizing treat ments of the matter. These developments remain beyond
the scope of this art icle, but deserve furt her research a nd a fresh approach.
Conclusions
Agricola’s list (1551) is the cornerstone of Finnish mythology and folkloris-
tics, and has had an impact also on the development of Estonian pseudo-
mythology, whose earlier strata of evolution have so far not received the
attention they deser ve. To date, the evolution of Estonian mythology and the
pantheon has been depicted as a n ineteenth-century phenomenon starting
wit h Kr ist ian Jaa k Peterson’s G erm an ver sion of Ch rist fr id Ga nander’s My-
thologia Fennica, continuing with the literary folktales of Friedrich Robert
Faehlmann, a nd becoming fully  edged in Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald’s
epic Kalevipoeg. This development, usua lly presented in three stages, in fact
has a prehistory dating back to the late seventeenth century – to Thomas
Hiärne’s chronicle Esth-, Liv- und Lettländische Geschichte written in the
mi d-16 70s . Into his chr onic le, H iä rne copie d a m ajor pa rt of Ag ricola ’s ver ses ,
using a transcript he ascribed to Sigfrid Aronus [Forsius]. Hiärne believed
that transplanting Finnish deities into Estonian history was justi ed owing
to the a nity of the two languages, which also allowed for the suggestion
80 Fählma nn, ‘Wie war der heidnische’. Cf. Metste, ‘Von K.J. Peterson’.
81 F.R . Fa eh lm an n to Gab rie l R ein , 30 Nov em ber 184 6 (T he E st on ian Li ter ar y M us eum , E sto ni an
Cultural Histor y Archives [Eesti K irjandusmuuseum, Eesti Ku ltuurilooline Arh iiv]).
Amsterdam University Press

AGRICOL A’S LIST 1551 AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 
of si mila rities i n my tho log y. Hi ärne wa s su  ciently fam il iar wit h Es tonia n
circumstances to avoid indiscriminate transplantation of Finnish gods,
and con ned himself to comments which later served as a source for such
Estonian theonyms as Vanaisa, Taara, and Uku.
Hiärne’s chronicle remained in ma nuscript st age for a long time, and we
can but imag ine the inspiring impact Agricola would have had on the devis-
ing of Estonian mythology and the pantheon if Hiär ne’s work was published
in the seventeenth century instead of 1794. The Estonian pantheon might
have evolved into something quite di ferent and had a considerably greater
overlap with t he Finnish. At the end of Swedish rule in Estonia, the work of
Tartu University was interr upted (1710), and Estonian culture never saw t he
birth of phenomena represented in Finland by the early Fennophile Daniel
Juslenius (1676-1752) or Henrik Gabriel Porthan (1739-1804), the founder of
Finnish folkloristics – both professors at the Academy of Turku..
To some extent, t he gap was  lled by the Livonian literary scholar Garlieb
Helwig Merkel who, in his work Die Vorzeit Lielands (1798), made the rst
attempt to provide a more comprehensive picture of the Estonians’ ancient
re lig ion . In his rat her un disc ern in g com pil atio n, Me rke l mer ged the Tava sti an
and Karelian deities from Agricola’s list and copied into Hiärne’s chronicle,
with information from old chronicles and Scandinavians sagas, as well as
records of Lappish myt hology. In his descr iption of the pan-Fin nish pantheon,
Merkel used analog ies based on ling uistic a n ity sim ilar to Hiär ne’s, backing
them up with the description of Finno-Ugrian peoples provided by Johann
Gottfried Herder (1792). Merkel’s entire concept of nations and folklore, pro-
pelled by Romantic ideals of freedom, bore a strong avour of Herder. His
impressive port rayal of the ancient Finn ish golden age should hence be treated
not only as a source for t he shaping of Estonia n identity, but also a s a harbinger
of the Finno-Ugric movement. Merkel’s pantheon, structured according to
the hierarchies of the Lappish example (Ganander too had proceeded from
a similar hierarchy), was far from adequate for the purposes of Estonian folk
religion, and w as therefore discar ded as a cu riosity. Nevertheless, t he designers
of Estonian my thology were impressed by t he song god Wainamöinen, deemed
by Merkel ‘the Finnish Orpheus’, whose visual image – clad as an Estonian
peasant – was presented for the rst time in Merkel’s book.
Therefore, the existing outline of the evolution of Estonian (pseudo-)
mythology, focusing so far on the nineteenth century, should be comple-
mented with a prehistory, which via Merkel and Hiärne dates back almost
to the late Middle Ages and Agricola’s list. Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald,
the future author of the national epic the Kalevipoeg, also used Hiärne’s
chronicle in an attempt to nd connecting links between the Finnish
Amsterdam University Press

 AIVAR PÕLDVEE
deities mentioned in Agricola’s list and the Estonians’ beliefs. More remote
echoes of Agricola’s list, derived from Ganander or the Finnish Kalevala,
are abundant in Estonian pseudo-my thology and deserve f urther research.
This article was w ritten under the aus pices of the EuroCORECODE/CURE and
the ESF grant IUT31-6.
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