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1
Introduction
This paper will consider groups of people who
populated the central Mediterranean over
thousands of years and who proved to be expert
mariners. The landscapes in which they made their
homes were rugged and liered with thousands
of reefs, rocks and islands from the very small and
barely habitable to the large, resource-rich isles
like Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete and Sicily where whole
new sociees could seed and grow to maturity.
Travel by sea between these widely separated col-
onies was of the utmost necessity, and where sea
travel was so perilous, the nest skills of technolo-
gy and experse were honed. Diverse at rst, these
small centres of wisdom and progressive ideas
grew into a unied whole that we now idenfy
as Greek, and that had a profound impact on the
western civilizaon that many of us enjoy today.
Objectives
The objecves of this paper are:
1. To describe the pracces of sea travel in
the dierent periods of ancient Greece.
2. To idenfy the methods by which Greek
mariners navigated the seas.
3. To determine sites where arcial aids to
navigaon were constructed.
Periods of Ancient Greece
Our understanding of the stages and develop-
ment of what is generally called the Greek
civilizaon is as good as any other in history and
therefore it makes a good place to start looking at
early aids to navigaon. Fig. 3-1 summarizes the
periods under review, and readers should note that
despite the apparent dividing lines of the dierent
me periods, there is always a ‘fuzziness’ at mes
of change, especially in earlier mes. Fig. 3-1: The Periods of Ancient Greece.
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
BCE
Minoan
2700 to
1450
Helladic
2800 to
1600
Mycaenean
1600 to
1100
Dark Ages
1100 to
750
Archaic
750 to
500
Classical
500 to 323
The Periods of Ancient Greece
Cycladic
3200 to
2000
Hellenic
323 to 31
280
Pharos of
Alexandria
Late
Bronze Age
Civilisation
Early
Bronze Age
Civilisation
Neolithic
Period
Ancient Lighthouses - Part 3: Early Greek Aids To
Navigaon
by Ken Trethewey
Gravesend Coage, Torpoint, Cornwall, PL11 2LX, UK
Abstract: This paper oers an analysis of the methods of navigaon used by the earliest Greek naviga-
tors and their contribuons to the building of lighthouses.
2
The broadest periods of human history have
been most commonly marked by the materials of
the tools we used. For Greece, the Stone (Greek:
lithos) Age is generally considered to be divided
into 3 periods; Bronze and Iron ages followed ap-
proximately thus:
The Stone Age:
Palaeolithic (Early): from ca. 2500 kya to
10 kya
Mesolithic (Middle): from ca. 11 to 9 kya
Neolithic (Late): from 10 kya to around 5.3
kya - 8000 to 3300 BCE.
The Bronze Age: from 3300 to 1200 BCE
The Iron Age: from 1200 BCE
It is important to note that dates corresponding
to these Ages can only ever be approximate, for
they vary depending on the geographical region
because civilizaons developed at dierent mes
in dierent regions. Neolithic mes were charac-
terised by early farming acvies - the domesca-
on of plants and animals - and there is evidence
of human agricultural acvity on mainland Greece
at Thessaly (Aeolia) in central mainland Greece,
and on Crete at Knossos (or Cnossos) around
the early 7th millennium BCE, though we should
remember that earlier sites may yet be discovered
on mainland Greece. The selement of the Cy-
clades islands of the Aegean occurred in the late
6th and early 5th millennia BCE, but the period
known as the Cycladic Period was essenally more
advanced than Neolithic and took place in the
early Bronze Age.1 The term ‘Helladic’ is used to
denote an equivalent stage of development on the
Greek mainland. To have reached Crete and the
islands of the Cyclades, humans were clearly using
the seas for travel from an early me. For exam-
ple, the exploitaon of obsidian from the island of
Melos (or Milos) took place before it was seled.2
Archaeological invesgaons of the search for ob-
sidian in the Mediterranean have shown that travel
to Melos was dicult for early travellers, but long,
open-sea journeys were movated by the need to
nd new sources of this stone that could be made
into sharp edges for cung tools. (See Part 2 and
Fig. 2-4.)
The earliest civilizaon of signicance in the
Mediterranean as a whole emerged on the island
of Crete around 3000 BCE at Knossos and is known
as Minoan. Although the great palace of Knossos
was built around 1900 BCE, it was constructed
on top of earlier layers of selement. (A separate
culture developed independently in Egypt, where
the Nile Valley was seled by homo sapiens around
7000 BCE, and upper and lower Nile kingdoms
came together as one civilizaon around 3000
BCE.) It was here that two very early forms of
wring were discovered, known as Linear A and
B. Because they were generally concerned with
nancial records, Linear A and B scripts contain no
contemporary statements of history of the Minoan
(or Mycenaean) cultures, and a clear idea of the
roles of these scripts remains elusive. Our under-
standing of these earliest civilizaons relies heavily
on archaeological evidence and interpretaons of
the earliest Greek myths and Homeric epics, which
were wrien many years later.
Before 3300 BCE, tradional archaeology re-
gards the enre region as being in the Stone Age,
a period of very modest technology without the
benets achievable from the possession of metal
tools. There is evidence for the building of monu-
mental buildings and forcaons in the so-called
pre-palaal period on Crete of 3300 – 1000 BCE,
but these are always aributable to buildings of
high signicance.
In numerous publicaons Heyerdahl has pro-
posed the export of a Mediterranean culture
across the Atlanc Ocean, based upon the con-
strucon of ras made from papyrus reeds in the
period before 3000 BCE.3 There is no reason to
disagree with this hypothesis, except to say that
such cra, though paddled, relied on being carried
along by wind and des and were only crudely
navigable. They were not praccal for regular jour-
neys for the purposes of trading across the enre
Mediterranean. Addionally, it is hardly likely that
the amount of sea travel involved in the use of
papyrus ras merited any kind of navigaonal aid
worthy of descripon as a lightstructure.
Seagoing vessels in the Aegean rst used sail
around 2000 BCE. Trading by sea between the
Minoan and Egypan peoples between 2000 BCE
and 1750 BCE is supported by nds of lapis lazuli
from Mesopotamia, gold, ivory and alabaster from
Egypt, ostrich eggs from Egypt and Libya, and am-
ber from the north.4
The geography of Greece played a big part in
determining its early history because the south-
3
ern mainland is essenally an island, joined to the
northern mainland only by a small stretch of land
6.4 km in length, centred on Corinth, a locaon
that will be considered in more detail later. This
peninsula is called the Peloponnese.
The Minoan culture ourished unchallenged for
about 1250 years from 2700 BCE unl 1450 BCE.
Over four centuries, a new power arose at Myce-
nae in the Peloponnese around 2000 BCE and was
in signicant compeon with the Minoan people
by 1600 BCE. A struggle for power between them
was inevitable and by 1450 BCE the Minoan civili-
zaon was in serious decline, replaced by the more
powerful people of Mycenae.
There was signicant interacon between Knos-
sos and Mycenae, separated by over 200 km of
sea, and it is clear that travel across such distances
was common. Whilst much of the distance could
have been covered by navigaon along the coast
from one point of known land to the next, there
was also a poron of voyage across open sea. Such
distances could not have been covered in one
period of daylight and the ships must have used
celesal navigaon or some other kind of night
navigaon. In all of the history of these mes,
there is no known wrien or archaeological record
of any structure resembling a lighthouse as we
might know it today.
By 1450 BCE, the Mycenaean sphere of in-
uence extended across southern and eastern
Greece, the Aegean islands, the western shores of
Asia Minor and Cyprus. Regular embassies were
exchanged with Egypt, Mesopotamia, Anatolia and
the city-states of present-day Syria and Palesne.
Trading was commonplace throughout the eastern
Mediterranean. By 1300 BCE Mycenae was by far
the richest place in the north Mediterranean lands
and the king was overlord to much of Greece.
The origins of the Hellenic people - oen re-
ferred to as Dorians - are thought to have been
migraons or invasions from the lands to the north
of Greece to occupy the enre mainland of Greece
around 2000 BCE. Some scholars believe that the
nal invasion by the Dorians around 1200 BCE
brought about the destrucon of the Mycenaean
civilizaon and the mass migraons of people ex-
pelled from regions surrounding the Aegean - the
Invasions of the Sea People. Others maintain that
the Dorian invasion did not actually take place and
that the Sea Peoples were in fact mercenaries from
Sardinia. These conclusions remain the subject of
debate today.5 Whatever, the cause, the eect was
destrucon across a wide area of dozens of major
cies, including Mycenae, in a narrow me-win-
dow someme around 1100 BCE. This event is
oen referred to as ‘The Bronze Age Collapse’.6 The
culture that is today referred to as the ‘Western
Culture’ is a direct derivave of the blending of the
Hellenic culture with the remnants of the Eastern
Roman Empire that took place around 300 AD, and
about which more will be wrien later. However,
we need to briey consider what is known about
‘the Sea Peoples.’
The Invasion of the Sea Peo-
ples
There is a well known period of history during
which a series of great - some might say, cat-
aclysmic - events brought about major changes
to the human social order in much of Europe and
western Asia.5 The details of those devastang
events are beyond the scope of this short descrip-
on, but two of them included the terminaon
of the Minoan and Mycenaean civilizaons and
major displacements of populaons out of geo-
graphical areas they had inhabited for centuries.
The sequence of events - the Bronze Age Collapse
- likened perhaps to the falling of lines of domi-
noes, started in the twelh century BCE and the
consequences lasted, in some cases for more than
two hundred years. In the history of the Greek
peoples, the invasions of aggressive, irresisble
but ‘unidened’ people from the north created a
‘Great Migraon’ out of mainland Greece and the
near islands, across the Aegean Sea to the coastal
strips of western Turkey - a region that for many
decades has been called Asia Minor. Some refu-
gees set sail for the southern shores of Italy and
what later became Sicily. A major dispersal of peo-
ple idened in history books as Ionians, Dorians
and Achaeans - all of whom today are idened as
ancestors of modern Greeks - took place, and led
to upheavals that took more than two centuries to
recover from. The period from around 1100 BCE
to 750 BCE is oen known as the Greek Dark Age.
But dominoes toppled much farther aeld too. The
Levant suered major incursions from aggressive
people who arrived in ships. These people have
sll not been idened, except to be aggregated
4
under the broad tle of ‘The Sea People’. They had
a profound impact in the Levant region, not least in
Phoenicia, that will be discussed in the next Paper.
They aacked Egypt too, but were nally repelled
there by superior Egypan forces and strategy.
It is surprising that such a turbulent period
of human history remains shrouded in mystery.
Historians have had to content themselves with
descripons of the eects instead of the causes,
which were clearly spread over vast areas of land.
With climate change so much on our minds today,
there is, possibly, a so-far unexplored explanaon.
Inspecon of data relevant to the Earth’s average
temperature during the period 1600 BCE to 1200
BCE shows us that there was a gradual increase
in temperature of Greenland Ice Cores showing
a rise of almost 2o C during the period from 1600
BCE to 1200 BCE, followed by a similar fall over
the next two hundred years. This considerable
rise in temperature was the greatest in the past
8000 years.7 Bond has called it the ‘Minoan Warm
Period.’8Today we are well aware of the eects
on our climate by a change of temperature of this
size. Drasc changes to the climate under which
established civilizaons had thrived for years could
well have caused drought, famine and peslence,
with pursuant mass migraons and the toppling of
the rst dominoes. Furthermore, if this occurred in
those civilizaons having access to iron tools and
weaponry, they could easily have overcome those
peoples who lagged behind in technology. Brood-
bank has reported that iron objects were readily
available in the Caucasus, Anatolia and North
Mesopotamia, well ahead of other civilizaons,
and therefore these peoples would have been at
considerable advantage over any competors.9
The cause of the temperature rise is not known
but may have been the result of giganc release of
greenhouse gases caused by the volcanic erupon
on Santorini around 1600 BCE.
Early Communities: The
‘Greek’ City-State
We are inclined to forget that 2500 years ago,
the unit we now call a country was enrely
dierent. Mostly, the largest societal groupings
were what we now call city-states, i.e. an iden-
able community living in organized groups of
peoples about the size of a small town of several
thousand inhabitants today. Greeks called them
polis (singular) or poleis (plural) and the features
Fig. 3-2: Topic Taxonomy for the ‘Greek’ City-State, known as a polis.
5
that made them ‘Greek’ are shown in Fig. 3-2. In
the Archaic period of 750 to 500 BCE, Mediterra-
nean Society was a scaering of poleis and empo-
ria (commercial enes such as markets). Natural-
ly, those in coastal locaons had strong marime
cultures and the long-distance export of products
from their place of manufacture was mostly by sea
in the rst instance.
Aer the lands had inially become populated
by the earliest hominins from the rst dispersal out
of Africa, the earliest peoples to arrive in mainland
Greece at the start of the Bronze Age called them-
selves Ionian or Aeolian. Later, a third group, the
Dorians arrived; some called it an “Invasion”. This
was, in part, to account for the populaon dis-
placements we have aributed to the Sea Peoples,
but there is no agreement that the Dorians were
responsible. They were a more competent, more
powerful people who inuenced the other ethnic
groups in many ways. Their precise origins remain
unknown, but they rst seled throughout the
southern Peloponnese and western Greece, as
well as on Crete. Corinth, located at the focus of
important overland routes of communicaon was
a Dorian city. On the other hand, Athenians claim
Ionian ethnicity.
The great shis of populaon involved emi-
graons of people from the city-states they had
created over centuries to new ones across the sea.
A whole new array of ‘Greek’ City-States appeared
along the shores of Asia Minor - present-day
Turkey. Some regions were largely Dorian, others
Ionian or Aeolian. Each polis had a founder and
a constuon that varied depending upon the
culture that had already been developed in the
mother-city. There was always a principal deity
that acted as a physical focus for all the day-to-day
acvies in the colony.
In this way, during the period from 750 BCE
onwards, what later became the ‘Greek’ civilizaon
grew out of a widely separated diaspora of large
and small colonies with local variaons in customs,
but an overarching reverence to their centre of the
world at Delphi, the mother of all mother-cies.
A map showing the general distribuon of some
Greek poleis is given in Fig. 3-3. We note that there
was no ‘Hellas’ (Greece) in geographical terms
– the name served to describe wherever people
Fig. 3-3: The distribuon of ‘Greek’ (and other) poleis in the mid-1st millennium BCE.60 Ionia is represented
by blue balloons; Greek colonies in Sicily by green pins; purple balloons are in Aeolia; white balloons are
Dorian city-states; white and yellow pins are general locaons; pink balloons are notable sacred sites.
6
who idened themselves as ‘Greek’ happened to
be living.10 The diaspora was spread much farther
than indicated in Fig. 3-3, not just across what we
call Greece, but also parts of Turkey, Italy, France,
Spain, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Russia and Africa. It is
a remarkable distribuon of similar peoples and
took place thanks to a mastery of sea travel.
Readers might expect such widely separated,
scaered communies would go their own ways,
later to form countries of their own, but this is
not what happened. Greek selements consisted
of both urban and less densely populated rural
hinterlands. There was a general spirit of co-oper-
aon at rst, and mixing of clusters occurred freely
and at random - Greek, Etruscan, Phoenician items
were all carried together on trading ships. Some-
mes Greeks lived and worked alongside other
Greeks, but quite oen not - except on mainland
Greece. In some centres such as Rhodes and Sicily,
clusters developed regional idenes, and general-
ly retained their Dorian, Ionian or Aeolian features.
Somemes, adjacent poleis merged.
Rhodes, for example, became a single polical
enty only at the end of the h century BCE but
its identy was forming much earlier. The rst
emigrant Dorians from the mainland built three
important cies: Lindos, Ialyssos and Kameiros.
(Together with Kos, Cnidus and Halicarnassus they
made up the so-called ‘Dorian Hexapolis’ - white
balloons in Fig. 3-3.) Though independent at rst,
they agreed to build a new capital named Rhodes
at the island’s best port locaon, and thereupon
embarked upon a period of even greater success
marked by the building of the Colossus already
described in Part 1.
The merging of dierent Hellenic cultures was,
in a sense, catalyzed by the gi to the Greeks of an
area of Egypan land by Pharaoh Amasis in the 6th
century. Egypans found the merchandise being
traded by Greek ships from all over the Mediterra-
nean highly desirable, and it was decided to allow
these ‘foreigners’ to build their own enclave. A
new selement in Egypt called Naukras emerged
in 530 BCE as an emporium for Greeks, but which
was highly prized by Egypans too. The site was
formalized in 570 BCE around a sacred site called
the Hellenion - a great temple that was available
to all. Even for a small minority of Greeks living
among non-Greeks, temples were essenal.11 Tem-
ple-building is a subject to be considered shortly,
but for now we should note that the period of the
ancient Greek temple (naos) did not begin unl
the Archaic Period around 700 BCE; the Temple
of Isthmia, built in 690 - 650 BCE was perhaps the
rst true Archaic period temple. So, at Naukras,
the Hellenion was a great catalyst in the coalescing
of sub-ethnic cultures into a broad-based Hellenic
identy.
Naxos (Sicily)
During the Great Migraon, proto-Greek people
le their tradional homelands and travelled
by sea to nd new selements.12 In 734 BCE Naxos
was the rst place of landing on Sicily for a party of
Ionian emigrants, oen referred to as Chalkidians,
originang from Chalcis in Euboea. Ships making
use of the common northeasterly winds and sailing
west past Italy from southern Greece would easily
have come across the eastern Sicilian coast, and
Naxos became the point of intercepon. Surpris-
ingly, the new selement was not named Chalcis
but Naxos aer the island in the Aegean from
which some of the party had come. And because
the principal deity of the mother-city was Apollo,
under their founder (Oikist), Theocles of Athens,
they immediately dedicated an altar at the new
Naxos to Apollo Archegetes.13 As the rst stepping
stone for Greek selement in a new island, Naxos
became a very important focus for much of the hu-
man trac to and from Sicily, and, in parcular, the
Sanctuary of Apollo Archegetes remained intact
for around 700 years even though the city-state of
Naxos had been largely destroyed for the previous
four centuries because of bales over its strategic
locaon. For example, the Roman general Octavian
took his eet to Naxos around 30 BCE, prior to his
assault on Cleopatra in Egypt, so that he could visit
the sanctuary.14 We can say with condence that,
over all those centuries, seamen would have relied
upon light coming from the temenos at Naxos as
an aid to navigaon. Whilst extensive archaeologi-
cal invesgaons have not been performed here, it
is not thought that a major temple was built here,
perhaps because of the ghng over the land. By
comparison, ruins of the Temple of Apollo at the
mother city in the southern Aegean remain today,
proud and upstanding to receive the many visitors
who come to see them.
7
Athens and its Ports
Athens is located at the northwest corner of
the great peninsula of Aca that stretches
south-eastward into the Aegean Sea. Today, the
large city covers an area of 15 square miles (39
square kilometres), the metropolitan area, 167
square miles (433 square kilometres). The core
of the ancient city consists of a at-topped mass
of rock known as the Acropolis, where a citadel
was built. Northeast of the Acropolis, the pointed
summit of Mount Lycabeus (Likavius) rises to a
height of more than 1100 feet (330 meters).
The locaon of Athens was favourable for its
early growth. The Plain of Aca provided good
condions for farming, while the surrounding
mountains gave protecon against enemies. There
were good natural harbours, yet it was distant
enough from the coast to prevent surprise aack
from the sea. The site has been inhabited since
before 3000 BCE. The earliest buildings date from
the late Bronze Age, about 1200 BCE, when part
of the town spread to the south of the citadel on
the Acropolis. The 6th century BCE was a period of
great growth. The old, primive shrines began to
be replaced with large stone temples, thus chang-
ing the Acropolis from a citadel to a sanctuary. In
480 BCE the city was captured and destroyed by
an army of Persians. The Acropolis buildings were
burned and the houses in the lower town mostly
destroyed. When the Athenians returned the next
year they immediately began to rebuild their city,
and over the next 30 years they built only for-
caons and some secular buildings. The Acropolis
and its destroyed temples were le as a reminder
of Persian atrocies unl a peace with Persia was
reached in 449 BCE.
There is a strong tradion in Greek culture for
the marking of tombs with a stone-built memorial.
Such arfacts when located close to the coast were
inevitably useful to navigators and may oen have
been marked with ‘eternal’ ames, making them
secondary lightstructures.15
Athens was at the zenith of its power and in-
Fig. 3-4: Replica of the Greek trireme Olympias on display at the site of the ancient port of Phalerum,
shown in Figs. 3-5 and 3-6. These ships formed the basis for Themistocles’ powerful navy.61
8
Fig. 3-5: An old map of Athens and its ports, Piraeus and Phalerum. Piraeus began on the island of Akte,
now joined to the land (boom le). Readers should note the posion of the Acropolis, and the long pro-
tecve walls between the city and the port. Comparison with the layout shown in Fig. 3-6 is instrucve.
uence by 500 to 400 BCE. Greek travellers could
cross the enre Mediterranean and Black Seas in
ships of up to 500 tons. Whilst the largest ships,
like the trireme shown in Fig. 3-4, were generally
used for military purposes, ships of 100 tons were
common and merchant cargoes of the same weight
were the norm. The wealthiest Greek city-states
were all ports: Athens, Corinth, Syracuse and Mi-
letos, for example, compared to inland cies that
were generally poorer. The reason was simple: sea
trade.
“A Greek oil dealer who, every summer,
transported two or three hundred 5-gallon
(23 litres) jars weighing some 100 pounds
(45 kg) each to a market hundreds of miles
away, was able to load them all into a single
ship of only moderate size, but he would
have needed an endless le of donkeys
or ox-carts to carry them overland.”16
And it would have taken far longer, too. Casson’s
detailed work describing travel in the ancient world
discusses the dangers of travel too, most notable
of all being the threat from piracy. However, the
dangers posed by the lack of navigaonal aids are
not discussed.17
Athens’ great modern seaport, Piraeus, is 5
miles (8 kilometres) away on the coastal plain and
has serviced Athens for 2500 years. In history, sev-
eral sites have been used as ports - Figs. 3-5 and
3-6 compare an old map and the latest satellite
imagery. The rst site chosen as a port for Athens
was a shallow harbour at Phaleron (Phalerum). In
view of our etymological studies in Part 1 regard-
ing names beginning with ‘Pha’ we might speculate
about the signicance of the name of this port
and that it might have indicated a light at the port
entrance. Sadly, there is no evidence in support. To
the west of Phaleron lay the rocky island of Akte
on which the city of Piraeus began. The marshy
land between this island and the mainland soon
dried to form an isthmus that itself became en-
larged; three useful harbours were created from
9
Fig. 3-6: Locaons of the old sites from Fig. 3-5 on a modern map. The long walls can be seen preserved
in the modern Greek streets layout; also the locaon of the proposed Tomb of Themistocles and the Ee-
toneia Gate, both of which could have been lit as aids to navigaon.62
these geographical changes. Two harbours, Zea
and Munichia, lay to the southeast; the third and
larger harbour, Cantharus, became the main port.
The three ports together formed a composite
Piraeus.18
The most striking features from the study of
ancient maps of Athens are the Long Walls that
were built to provide protected access between
Athens and its ports. The Phaleric Wall was con-
structed between the city and the rst port, while
two others ran to the fored area that surround-
ed Piraeus. All were part of a series of great mil-
itary structures protecng the people of Athens
and their access to the sea. These great harbour
developments took place around the start of the
5th century under the leadership of a great Greek
called Themistocles (524-459 BCE). He was a
populist polician and general who rose through
the ranks to command the armies of Athens and
her allies through dicult mes of war with both
Persia and Sparta. His reputaon was built upon a
strong emphasis on the navy, which he made pow-
erful by building hundreds of ghng ships like the
one shown in Fig. 3-4. To provide suitable facilies
for his navy he directed a great expansion of the
docks, and was largely responsible for the layout
we see today. His career met with mixed success,
with a great victory at Salamis in 480 BCE, but
also defeat to Sparta that brought destrucon to
Athens and ended in his own disgrace and death in
exile. He was reportedly buried in his death place,
Magnesia on the Maeander in Ionia. However,
there were reports that his remains were returned
to Athens:
“His bones are said by his kindred to
have been brought home by his own
appointment and buried in Aca unknown
to the Athenians, for it was not lawful to
bury one there that had ed for treason.”19
The truth of this has not yet been established.
Burial sites are suggested and marked in ancient
10
texts and maps, two of which are shown in Figs.
3-5 and 3-6. Fig. 3-5 shows a site close to the
narrow entrance of the inner harbour, but it would
have been logical to site the grave overlooking the
Straits of Salamis where Themistocles celebrated
his greatest victory. This would place it in the land
recently used for a ferlizer factory, where remains
have now been found, Fig. 3-6. Here an eternal
ame would have acted as a lighthouse marking
the entrance to the main port of Piraeus. Levi has
suggested that Munichia exhibited at least one
harbour light from the end of a mole at the port
entrance. It is unfortunate that Levi’s suggeson is
not referenced.20 De Graauw’s carefully researched
document suggests that there was a ‘lighthouse’
on each mole.21 There are no suggesons of lights
shown at Zea or Phaleron, but there were, without
doubt, ancient sanctuaries at numerous posions
around this much used ancient port that we can be
condent would have shown lights.
Malkin’s Small Greek World
In 2011, one of the foremost experts in the his-
tory of the Greek civilizaon proposed a novel
theory for its emergence throughout the Archaic
Period, 750 to 500 BCE.22 During these centuries
there was a strange dichotomy that mixed diver-
gence with convergence. The divergence was when
communies of people of ‘Greek’ (Doric, Aeolian
and Ionian) ethnicies were separang geograph-
ically and forming new selements across the
wider Mediterranean area. Convergence, however,
was also occurring as the proto-Greek civilizaon
evolved from those three ethnicies into a unique
identy. Historians have tradionally concluded
that the Greek civilizaon developed “in spite of”
its physical divergence. Malkin’s thesis is that it
occurred “because of” it. His explanaon is that it
was due to the eects of network theory. Malkin
describes the ‘Small World’ concept whereby a
network produces eects that appear to make
Fig. 3-7: Part of the ancient Eeoneia Gate in the Long Wall of Piraeus, Greece (2008). The structure looks
very like a similar one at Thasos, shown in Fig. 3-8 and in illustrated form, Fig. 2-18. It is not intended to
imply that this structure was used as a lighted aid to navigaon, although it might have been in a sec-
ondary role.63
11
large geographical distances seem smaller. It is an
idea that is familiar to us in other contexts. For
example, much airline travel today is based upon
the idea of routes, nodes and hubs. Nodes are
airports, but some airports are used as focal points
for many routes. These ‘hubs’ link travel between
nodes more eciently. The airline industry has
idened this business model as the most ecient
and economical way of transporng people. In the
digital world, we are familiar with the World Wide
Web, a communicaons network that began with
nodes and links scaered at random. Aer a peri-
od of growth and consolidaon it has now changed
so that much acvity is channeled through a few
highly connected nodes. For example, Google,
Facebook, and Twier, act as hubs of informaon.
When hubs are formed they need to nd new plac-
es to link to and the linkage process prefers points
with more links. In real social networks there are
other human reasons why new links may or may
not be formed.
In our study, a network is an inter-connected
collecon of ports and harbours – nodes - for the
use of mariner-traders. Ships connect the nodes
by daily journeys from one port to the next, carry-
ing out their business along the way. Locaons of
ports and harbours are determined by favourable
condions for those living in them, and their distri-
buon along coastlines can be viewed as regular,
determined by the distance comfortably covered
by a day at sea. These marine networks were
created by the need for trade and travel by sea.
Thus, from the sixth millennium BCE a network of
locaons was gradually established that traded
in commodies such as n and amber. A network
did not necessarily have a centre or a capital. It is
enough to join only a few of the network’s poten-
al links to connect to every node in the network.
The addion of just a few random links drascally
reduces the longest direct path between any two
nodes. The result is a ‘small world’ – i.e. easier to
cross than it would otherwise have been. Network
Fig. 3-8: A small cylindrical structure at Thasos that is thought to have been a simple lightstructure mark-
ing the entrance to the port. Its similarity to the Athenian tower shown in Figure 3-7 is notable. Some
believe this to be an ancient lighthouse in its primary funcon, whereas the tower in Athens could only
have been so in a secondary funcon, if at all.64
12
dynamics shape the network. What goes on seem-
ingly independently in one node spreads around
the network quickly. For example, think of a net-
work where one ant nds food: soon all ants are
heading towards it, forming fewer busier routes.23
Malkin describes the network set up in the Medi-
terranean and Black Seas as a “Greek Wide Web”
- a network with no focal point (unlike the Romans
who established a similar network, but with a very
strong focus at Rome.)
The rst Greek selements of the Dark Ages
before 750 BCE were in the Aegean Sea and Asia
Minor. Because of the great emphasis placed on
travel by sea, in the Archaic period in the Med-
iterranean and Black seas there existed a ‘ship-
to-shore’ world-view.24 It encouraged selement
along coasts not hinterlands. Whilst the process in
750 BCE may have started out as a free-for-all with
many-to-many linkages, by 500 BCE it had become
preferenal - through elements of compeon in
trade. Increased compeon and the growth of
ethnic identy led to the wars that took place in
the middle of the millennium.
The growth of a colony involved the congrega-
on of second level selers around the nucleus
of rst arrivals. Thus the addion of non-Greeks
to Greeks in a colony created a larger Greek col-
ony.25 Carthage grew out of Carthaginians; Mas-
salia (Marseilles) grew out of Phokaians who had
abandoned Asia Minor for their version of the New
World. There was much individual human mobil-
ity around the Mediterranean during the Archaic
period.26 Marime connecvity obviously depend-
ed upon the technology of ship building and ship
related maers.27 Ships oered great opportunies
of expansion for they could avoid controlling hubs,
which they could not on land.
From earliest mes, the Mediterranean Soci-
ety began as a sea of connecvity among unsta-
ble nodes such as temporary Emporia to a sea of
colonizaon - whether Greek or Phoenician. This
was an emergent process. Commonalies became
consolidated into identy.28
Malkin summarizes his small world phenome-
non thus:
“What we see here is the self-organizaon of
a complex system through the formaon and
rapid dynamics of decentralized, accessible,
non-hierarchical, mul-direconal,
expansive and interacve networks. Network
connecvity became faster and more ecient
because … it was enough for several random
links to appear among distant nodes for
the overall system to be connected. This
connecvity had lile to do with geographical
distance, but rather with the decreasing
degree of separaon between the nodes.
The result … is the creaon of a ‘small world’
or, in our case, of a Greek civilizaon.”29
Malkin discusses in detail the mechanisms by
which this occurred. He uses the term ‘nomime’
to describe the set of characteriscs that dened
each new selement – for example, their laws,
customs, calendars, fesvals and religious frame-
works (Figure 3-2). He describes how some of
these were brought from the mother selement
to the new one and whether new nomime were
adopted to introduce novel features that charac-
terised the new selement. Of these, it is most
notable how, from the moment of landing in their
New World, the rst selers would set up religious
sites that linked with the homeland they had le.
There was always at least one god to whom they
had dedicated their journey and who was expect-
ed to provide guidance to reach their desnaon.
Once they had arrived, a home was created for
that god and sacrices made accordingly. As we
shall see, this has a great bearing on our search for
the earliest lighthouses.
Just one of many examples used by Malkin is of
the associaon of new selements in the western
Mediterranean, viz. Massalia, Rhodes, Hemerosko-
peion and Emporion, with the goddess Artemis
Ephesia. He writes:
“Both Massalia and Hemeroskopeion built
their Artemis temple on the promontory
that marked the entrance to the port. A
promontory temple ‘speaks’ to those seeing it
from the sea. It is a widespread phenomenon
and the temple serves as a dayme
lighthouse (Hemeroskopeion, for example,
means ‘day watch’) since it is conspicuous
from the sea. The deity responsible for the
sanctuary suggests familiarity and hoped-for
benevolence for those arriving from afar.”30
Yet we are clear from other scholars that the
frequent religious pracces of sacrice in the many
temene, sanctuaries and temples were accompa-
nied by use of re. I would suggest that Malkin’s
restricon of the temple of Hemeroskopeion to
13
the role of a dayme lighthouse is too severe.
There is lile doubt in my mind that most or all of
these sites played acve roles in navigaon by day
and night. They oered guidance to inbound ships
and therefore played a signicant role in Malkin’s
mechanism for networks to shrink the world. An
excellent example is the one discussed above at
Naxos in Sicily.
Greek Sanctuaries and Wor-
ship.
In its simplest form a sanctuary is a plot of land
having a fence around it (temenos; pl. temene) and
an altar. In its fully developed form it is a temple
that is home to a monumental statue of the deity.
The temenos was always open to the public, and
oered a safe haven from danger to anyone seek-
ing refuge within it.31 For all Greeks, Poseidon was
the master of the sea, but other gods could be
called upon to provide protecon and guidance for
seamen and sea travellers.
By 450 BCE the Athenians had such a fully
developed sanctuary of Poseidon at Sounion (or
Sunium), shown in Fig. 3-9, although there was
undoubtedly something of a more primive na-
ture for centuries before that. Sites for sanctuaries
were selected on the basis of the availability of
land and the role of the god in the aairs of so-
ciety adjacent to it. It is clear that, for mariners,
the most important sites would be promontories
and other obviously visible sites close to harbour
entrances. These sites would be dedicated to those
deies considered most appropriate for the mar-
iners who relied upon them. It was not necessary
for a site to be already sacred; a site was made
sacred by the establishment of a sanctuary.
The balance between peaceme and war-
me scenarios could also have determined the
evoluon of the site. For example, in peaceme,
Sounion was strategically placed for much sea traf-
c, not just for mariners entering and leaving the
Piraeus ports, but also for passing ships. In mes
of heightened tension, an imposing structure could
indicate the might of the people who owned it to
potenal aggressors. In mes of war, it could be
Fig. 3-9: The Greek temple at Sounion, built ca. 450 BCE on the site of an earlier sanctuary and dedicated
to Poseidon, God of the Sea.65
14
used as a lookout for the approach of enemy ships,
or even to act as a garrison for defending troops,
and in the case where the defenders lost the bat-
tle, the structure could be struck down.
All sanctuaries had altars, and in cases where
the deity was thought to dwell in the ground these
might range from a simple hole in the ground or
low-lying structures with openings to the bare
earth. Many deies were to be found in the heav-
ens so oerings were directed at the sky on raised
altars. Large boulders were suitable if they had at
tops, but man-made altars could be of any shape.
Altars were outdoors where the gods could see the
sacrices, and generally oriented to the east. Oer-
ings were oen made at dawn so that the priest
could look towards the rising sun. The name of the
deity was inscribed on the stone of the altar so
that it belonged to no other god. Metal plates or
bowls were used on the upper surface so that the
stone was not damaged by the re.
All sanctuaries had a dedicated priest or priest-
ess who held the job for life unl it was passed on
to another member of the family. The priest was
enrely responsible for the management of all
the sacrices (hiera), the sanctuary itself and any
property it might contain. It was a crime to take
anything out of the temenos. The priest was not
obliged to be there constantly, or to wear special
clothes, but he had a special role in society.
Sacrices usually involved the killing of an an-
imal as part of a longer ceremony in which many
people might take part and might last for hours.
There was a signicant dependence upon re.
A procession might precede the ceremony, with
communal games aerwards. Whilst some of the
animal was given up to the god, much of it was
used for a feast aended by many people. The
sanctuaries held special feast days that might last
all day, or there might be variaons in the style of
worship but there would be regular sacrices at
dawn. Special ‘vove’ oerings might be made by
dedicaon of tablets or objets d’art to the deity,
aer which they would be the property of the
sanctuary. Somemes more buildings would be
constructed to house the increasing amount of
property.
It was believed that Greek gods wanted honour
and respect from those in their care. Love was not
involved, neither was the god playing the role of
father or mother. Fundamental Greek concepons
of the relaonship between god and man were
conservavely maintained during the enre period
from 2200 to 1100 BCE (Mycenaean Age) and from
1100 – 750 BCE (Dark Age) right through to the
current era.
Deies were expected to contribute
towards:
1) Ferlity of crops, animals and humans
2) Economic prosperity
3) Good health
4) Safety from the dangers of war and
seafaring.
For safety in war, Greeks looked to Athena,
whilst on water it was Poseidon who was respect-
ed most. In any case, life was carried on in the
daily oversight and inuence of a number of gods,
each of whom was associated with certain aspects
of life. In the Greek culture, Zeus was in the senior
posion of a hierarchy of other gods, and Hera-
cles (Hercules) was his son. Poseidon (Neptune)
was the god associated with the sea. (It is thought
that the statue adorning the top of the Pharos at
Alexandria was of Zeus himself, thus emphasizing
the importance of the structure; see Part 5.) When
cizens were about to embark upon a sea journey
(or when they returned safely from one) sacrices
were made to Poseidon (or Apollo who had domin-
ion over colonists). Ritualisc oerings were made
to the gods on altars situated close to (but not in)
the points of arrival and departure.
We can imagine how an altar, usually situated
in an open-air locaon at the end of promontories
enclosing harbours, or on adjacent hilltops, could
have acted as a lighted aid to navigaon, even on
a temporary basis. Thus, the idea of the funcon
of a lighthouse is at once derived from the culture
of religious worship associated with travel by sea.
This was probably the case for the ve centuries
leading up to the building of the Pharos, and may
have been so for centuries before that during the
Ages of the Mycenaeans and the Minoans from
whom the tradions and pracces were obtained.
Similar tradions were carried out by the Phoeni-
cians, as far as we can tell, throughout the enre
period of their acvies, as described in Part 4.
The Roman poet, Silius Italicus, described the
visit of Hannibal to the Temple of Melqart-Herakles
in Gades (Cadiz), and gave more details than any
15
other author about the rituals carried out:
“Thereaer he worshipped at the altars
of the god who bears the club, and loaded
them with oerings lately snatched by the
conqueror from the re and smoke of the
citadel of Saguntum. Men said — and it was
no idle tale — that the mber, of which the
temple was built at rst, never decayed,
and for ages never felt the handiwork of any
others than the rst builders. Hence men take
pleasure in the belief that the god has taken
up his abode there and defends his temple
from decay. Further, those who are permied
and privileged to have access to the inner
shrine forbid the approach of women, and are
careful to keep bristly swine away from the
threshold. The dress worn before the altars
is the same for all: linen covers their limbs,
and their foreheads are adorned with a head-
band of Pelusian ax. It is their custom to
oer incense with robes ungirt; and, following
their fathers’ rule, they adorn the garment of
sacrice with a broad stripe. Their feet are
bare and their heads shaven, and their bed
admits no partner; the res on the hearth-
stones keep the altars alight perpetually. But
no statues or familiar images of the gods lled
the place with solemnity and sacred awe.”32
We note the clear statement that the altars
were constantly lit and would have therefore pro-
vided a lighted aid to navigaon for mariners.
The great height of the Pharos (Part 5) was
deliberately chosen because of the knowledge that
it would be seen from a great distance, a property
that was not normally possible in Egypt because
of the absence of high ground along the Egypan
coast near the mouth of the Nile. The value of
having a light at high elevaon had already been
demonstrated by the Temple at Sounion (Figure
3-9), where its grand posion, high up with the sea
on three sides, made it a welcome navigaonal
landmark for seamen arriving at or leaving Athens.
The temple was built there in 444-440 BCE, but
over the site of an earlier one for which there is no
date at present. Here is clear, solid evidence of the
existence of a structure that must surely have been
easily idenable at night and of great benet to
navigators, but a structure in the form of a tem-
ple and not of a lighthouse. The navigaonal use
would always be secondary to acts of worship.
Buildings were not necessarily grand or large.
The period of temple building did not commence
unl the Archaic Period. Before then, many smaller
shrines were constructed in posions where, with
a light burning at night, they were useful to mari-
ners. Those at low level would have been parcu-
larly useful for providing a guide into port at night,
for example.
Fig. 3-10: The Chrisan churches of Agios Ioannis (le) on the island of Skopelos and Panagia Thalassini
(right) on the island of Andros: examples of religious sites in posions of advantage to mariners.66
16
We note a signicant praccal dierence in
the way lighthouses were used. It had been the
long-established pracce of the Phoenicians to
build their ports in sheltered locaons where the
lights of night-me acvies were not necessarily
visible to approaching ships. The idea of a har-
bour lighthouse at a height of about 10 metres
led to a situaon in which a mariner needed to be
quite close in order to see it, especially if it were
obscured by a tall headland nearby. On the other
hand, a light exhibited from the top of that high
headland could be seen from a great distance and
was therefore a navigaonal aid to passing ships,
as well as to those heading for the port. These
two aspects of geography idenfy two condions
in which lighthouses funcon - as ‘harbour’ light-
houses and as ‘landfall’ or ‘waypoint’ lighthouses.
On the Greek island of Thasos two structures
of similar design cast their shadow over the last
rocky outcrops at sea. One of them dates from
the 5th century BCE, and is a cylindrical tower 3.5
m in diameter and about 2.54 m high (Fig. 3-8).
It was topped with sandstone slabs on which a
re was maintained. Built of stone, the structure
seems to have been destroyed by an earthquake.
It has a dedicaon indicang that it was erected
for the safety of those at sea. Was this a wealthy
family’s monument in loving memory of a member
deceased at sea, oered for the safety of many
others? It was most likely a lighthouse indicang
the presence of a safe harbour.33 We do not yet
know how many of these towers once existed and
are now destroyed. They would have made excel-
lent beacons for ships engaged in coast-hopping,
especially amongst the hundreds of small harbours
of the Aegean Sea.
It seems that such minor construcons were
too insignicant to aract the aenon of con-
temporary writers so that such building works
went unmenoned in the surviving texts. However,
there is an uncanny similarity between the low
level cylindrical tower at the port entrance and the
equivalent secon at the top of the Pharos.
Some readers will immediately associate the
Fig. 3-11: Satellite image showing the waterway connecons between the Black Sea and the Aegean.67
Yellow pins mark possible ancient lighthouse sites; Purple pins mark modern lighthouse sites; White pins
mark locaons of general interest; Green balloons mark geographical features; Pink balloons mark sa-
cred sites that were probably secondary aids to navigaon.
17
early lights of the medieval period with places of
Chrisan worship. Indeed, this tradion connues
to this day throughout Greece where thousands of
small sanctuaries and Chrisan religious arfacts
have been set up either on hill tops or other places
close by the sea, as if to perpetuate the desire to
provide the seaman with recognizable navigaonal
aids (Fig. 3-10). The possibility that we have stum-
bled upon the answer to the queson of missing
ancient lighthouses before the Pharos is beguiling,
for although we have by no means excluded the
possibility of using bespoke stone towers to bear
lights at night, the single step from simple religious
sacrice to magnicent Pharos sll seems unac-
ceptably great. Nevertheless, we are le with a
conclusion that ts the observaons. Perhaps we
should look for more supporng evidence.
In my opinion, it is a strong possibility that at
least throughout the Greek Archaic (750 to 500
BCE) and Classical (500 to 31 BCE) Periods, prob-
ably earlier, the funcon of lighted aids to naviga-
on was provided in this way. Across the coasts
of the inhabited lands of the Mediterranean and
Black Seas, the locaons of selements were
marked by temene – religious sites for sea travel-
lers to make oerings to appropriate gods. These
ceremonies took place at frequent intervals and
were places where the exhibion of lights at night
was necessary for each ritual. Temene contain-
ing anything from a hole in the ground to a large
stone altar or a grand temple were recognizable by
navigators and fullled the role of lighthouses. The
idea of these sites acng as lighted aids to naviga-
on became embedded in the culture and there
was no need to invent a new word to describe
these features.
Lightstructures in the Darda-
nelles and the Bosphorus
The early history of the Greek, or Hellenic, cul-
ture is dominated by the history of two cen-
tres of populaon based in Mycenae and Troy – a
history that was frequently described by violent
conict. We must always bear in mind that the na-
onal boundaries of today bear no relaon to the
lands that were occupied by the cultures of 3000
years ago. Much of what will be discussed in this
secon took place in present day Turkey, and more
specically in that part of Turkey that was known
as Anatolia.
The geography of the Dardanelles and the
Bosphorus (or Bosporus) is of great interest to
this study because of its vital importance as a link
between northern and southern Europe via routes
from the Black Sea to the Aegean Sea, Fig. 3-11. A
satellite image of the Bosphorus is shown in Fig.
3-12. Its narrow width and its twists and turns
have posed a danger to safe navigaon since the
earliest mes.
A strategic waterway known as the Hellespont
runs from the northeastern corner of the Aegean
Sea, through the Dardanelles into the Sea of Mar-
mara, then north through the Bosphorus and into
Fig. 3-12: Satellite image of Greater Istanbul show-
ing the locaons of important sites on the Bospho-
rus. Two modern lighthouses funcon at Türke-
lifeneri (Fig. 3-13) and Anadolufeneri.68 Markers as
for Fig. 3-11.
18
Fig. 3-13 The modern lighthouse in the Black Sea, on the west side of the mouth of the Bosphorus known
as Rumelifeneri or Türkelifeneri (E4956). The lighthouse at Anadolufeneri (E4958) is in the far distance at
the le of the photograph.69
the Black Sea, Fig. 3-11. It is of obvious importance
in providing access by sea to vast areas of land in
Europe, Asia and Africa. Through this narrow door-
way lay the route to the Black Sea and the great
landmasses to the north, themselves accessed by
means of many large rivers such as the Danube,
Dnieper, Rioni, Southern Bug, and Dniester. Cross-
ings to other rivers in Europe (the Rhine) and Asia
(the Volga) were possible. The southern entrance
from the Sea of Marmara (known in ancient mes
as the Propons) was marked on eastern (Asian)
side by selements at Chalcedon and Chrysopolis
(Fig. 3-15).
All these areas were subject to early sele-
ment as people - many of them belonging to the
proto-Greek culture - migrated north and east
from the Mediterranean. The Anatolian (Asian)
side of the Bosphorus is known to have been an
important site for human selement since the
earliest Neolithic mes from 10,000 to 5000 BCE.
Not only was it a place where it was possible to
cross the relavely narrow gap between the two
connents but there were deposits of copper in
the ground - a metal that bridged the gap between
the age of stone and the age of bronze. Gold was
also found in this region, a fact that perhaps led
to the applicaon of the name Golden Horn to the
site that later became Byzanum. The rst sele-
ment that dates from this age of copper (known
as the chalcolithic period - 5000 to 3500 BCE, and
archaeologically agreed to be an early part of the
bronze age but disnct from the stone age) was on
a small peninsula at the southeast entrance to the
Bosphorus.
In 685 BCE Greek colonists from Megara set-
tled at Chalcedon (part of the present day Kadiköy
district of Istanbul), before Byzanum had been
founded. It seems that the locaon was consid-
ered to be inferior to that on the opposite (Eu-
ropean) bank of the seaway, a factor that caused
the Megaran Greek selers to work on a beer
city that in 667 BCE became known as Byzanon
(Lan: Byzanum), named aer their King Byzas.
Nevertheless, for some me it was Chalcedon that
ourished, presumably because of its beer trad-
ing facilies. Soon it was joined by another small
19
Fig 3-14 Both images on the le
show the Maiden’s Tower, other-
wise known as the Tower of Le-
ander or Kiz Kulezi. It is located in
the Bosphorus Strait just oshore
from Üsküdar in Istanbul. Tradion
states that a light has been shown
on the small island since very early
mes, and this connues today as
an ocial aid to navigaon - not
on the building but on the white
square conical structure on the
right of the lower photograph.
(E4903.8)70
community named Chrysopolis just to the north on
the eastern bank and at the closest point of cross-
ing, directly opposite Byzanum. Like Chalcedon,
Chrysopolis was used as a harbor and shipyard and
was an important staging post in the wars between
the Greeks and Persians. In 410 BCE Chrysopolis
was taken by the Athenian general Alcibiades, and
the Athenians used it thenceforth to charge a toll
on ships coming from and going to the Black Sea.
In the 12th century, the name was changed to
Scutari (Skoutarion) and later to its modern form,
Üsküdar. As a focus of marime acvity over many
centuries, there is a strong tradion of a lighthouse
being present, probably from a point on the shore.
However, there is a well-known island (Chrysopolis
Insula) close to the shore of Üsküdar called Kiz Ku-
lezi where a lighthouse has been in existence since
at least 1110. Today, the Maiden’s Tower (or Lean-
der’s Tower, to give it but two more aliases) pro-
vides a popular model for an ancient lighthouse. It
is unlit itself, although the small island sll carries a
navigaonal light, Fig. 3-14.
Perhaps a beer, but lesser known structure
is the old lighthouse at the northern entrance to
the Bosphorus, on the European side, known as
Rumelifeneri (alias Türkelifeneri), Fig. 3-13, an oc-
tagonal stone tower in two discrete secons with
echoes of the ancient pharos shape, Fig. 3-13.
20
Fig. 3-15 An old map of the Bosphorus of Thrace by M. Barbie du Bocage (1784) showing the import-
ant sites of Byzanum, Chalcedon, Chrysopolis and Hieron. The Propons is the old name for the Sea of
Marmara; the Pontus is the name for the entry to the Black Sea. A cluster of temples dedicated to Jupiter,
Minerva and Neptune on the northeast point of Byzanum indicates a strong possibility that at least one
aid to navigaon was present here.71
Troy
One of the earliest ideas of a lighthouse was
discussed and dismissed by Stevenson34 and
focuses on a tower called the Sigeum Pillar. It
concerns the death of the Greek hero Achilles who
was supposedly killed on the baleelds of Troy.
Troy (ancient name: Ilium) is one of the most
famous ancient cies. It is situated in a region of
western Turkey known as Anatolia, at the southern
entrance to the sea channel known as the Darda-
nelles. Troy was the focus of a larger area known
as the Troad in which many ancient selements
have been discovered.35 On the northwestern side
of the Hellespont channel lies the sparsely popu-
lated Gelibolu (Gallipolis) peninsula. The modern
name for the channel is Çanakkale Bogazi named
aer Çanakkale, the main town in the region, and
which lies northeast of the site of Troy where the
waterway is narrow. Çimenlik Castle was construct-
ed on the Anatolian side by Sultan Mehmet the
Second, Conqueror of Istanbul, in 1462 and occu-
pies an important strategic posion, in conjuncon
with Kilitbahir Castle opposite. Together with Nara
Castle on Nara Point, they have watched over the
Dardanelles right up to the present day. Kumkale
Castle on the Anatolian shore at the mouth of the
Çanakkale Bogazi was built to protect the Straits.
Today, two lighthouses mark the entrance at
Kumkale Burnu (E4848) on the southern side and
Mehmetcik Burnu (E4850) on the northern side.
Today, the priceless World Heritage Site of Troy
is called Hisarlik where archaeologists have worked
since the 1870s and idened up to nine sele-
ments called Troy I - IX, mostly built on top of one
another. The earliest of these is thought to date
from around 3000 BCE, whilst the city that is so
well-known from the story of the wooden horse
that brought about the end of the war between
Trojans and Greeks is equated to Troy VII and is
thought to have existed from around 1250 BCE.
The cies Troy I to V occupied the years from
21
Fig. 3-16: The locaons of Sigeum and Troy. The area enclosed by the black line is clearly darker than the
surrounding land and illustrates the area of low-lying land that was once under water.72
3000 BCE to 1700 BCE. Troy VI lasted from 1700 to
1250 BCE, a very long period of 550 years. It rep-
resented a signicant cultural development from
Troy V, being much more military and fored. The
city was contemporary with the Hite culture. The
city walls are almost completely intact perming
entry into the city through a number of gates. They
represent advanced engineering skills for the me
in which they were built. Several towers, once 30
metres high, can also be seen. It was laid waste in
1250 BCE by a devastang earthquake and rebuilt
soon aer so as to connue the cultural develop-
ment that had been established to that point.
Troy was built on Hisarlik Hill, a site of only
modest elevaon, but which could be defended
from aackers and provide a good view over sur-
rounding countryside. As we saw earlier, coastlines
have changed over the many years of our study.
During the me of Troy I, the sea came south from
the Hellespont and much closer to the city, making
Cape Sigeum a disnct promontory that projected
into the southern entrance of the Hellespont and
made a perfect strategic locaon, Fig. 3-16. Obser-
vaons of the materials from which many of the
buildings of Troy are constructed quickly reveal
that they contain many seashells. This is because
they were made from mud bricks composed of soil
from the alluvial plains below Hisarlik Hill aer the
sea had retreated.
The land surrounding Hisarlik Hill made a ferle
plain, watered by two rivers, the Scamander and
the Simois, that ran into the nearby Beşik Bay, the
waters of which extended much farther inland
than they do today. For example, around 2,000
BCE, the sea level was about 1 m higher than it
is today. Ships passing north through the Darda-
nelles struggled to overcome the fast currents
that owed against them. This was made worse
by the prevailing wind that was frequently from
the northeast. It was thus important for ships to
have safe harbour before commencing the transit
through the Hellespont and there were ports on
either side of the entrance. On the eastern side,
Abydos was the port of Troy, whilst on the Europe-
an side was Sestos.
Following the original Anatolian selements,
and the destrucon of Troy, the Greeks began
colonizing the province from about the 9th century
BCE. The Persians took control in the 7th century
but in 334 BCE Alexander the Great crossed the
22
Straits and onto Asian soil for the rst me. He
joined with the Persians in a erce bale at Gran-
ikos on the banks of the river Kocabaş. The area
changed hands several mes, coming under Lydian
rule in the 2nd century BCE before the Romans
took over in 191 BCE.
Fabulously rich in treasure of all kinds, the
remains of the city have been ravaged over many
years by indiscriminate and ill-disciplined excava-
on, making a full understanding of the history
impossible. Today, the Turkish government careful-
ly controls archaeological excavaon and we must
hope that there is sll plenty to learn from as yet
undiscovered arfacts.
A Lighthouse at Sigeum?
There is a strong possibility that the rst light-
structure - perhaps even a lighthouse - was at a
place known by its Roman name as Sigeum (Greek:
Sigeon or Sigieon).36 Historians have referred to it
as the Sigeum Pillar, but its existence has aroused
much debate. Since there was no wrien record of
these mes, we have only the stories passed down
by word of mouth and solidied in the words of
later scribes, as in Homer’s Iliad. The source of the
idea arose out of the death of Achilles and histo-
rians have argued about the truth of the story for
centuries. It is known that Alexander the Great,
an admirer of Achilles, made a pilgrimage to the
tomb of his hero, which he thought to be on Cape
Sigeum. So let us explore the idea more fully.
A small selement of Greek origins arose here
as the adjacent bay was used by the Greek ship-
ping entering the Hellespont. It is situated about
34 km from Çanakkale and is in the region of Ye-
niköy. At the me, the sea was covering the low-ly-
ing land next to this point some 6 km northwest of
Troy and on the southern side of the Hellespont.
Sigeum would have been a promontory and a
natural place for a daymark or lightstructure. This
is the supposed locaon for the tomb of Achilles.
Aer his death, a mound was created over his
burial place, a site that has been (unsuccessfully)
searched for by archaeologists. In accordance with
typical Greek tradion, an eternal ame was likely
to have marked the grave of one of the greatest
Greek heroes. Whether there was actually a built
tower there or not is irrelevant because we have
now discovered that navigaonal assistance was
provided by the lights displayed by temene.
Our problem lies with the existence of Achilles.
Contrary to the fashion of late 19th and early 20th
century historians to instantly dismiss everything
that was not forensically provable, there is no rea-
son to disbelieve his existence in a me before the
wring of history books. Many scholars believe his
death corresponded with Troy VII around 1250 BCE
and marked by the end of the Trojan Wars.37 Even
were Achilles to be mythical, the religious rites
of sacrice at the start and end of voyages to this
strategic focus of sea routes would surely have tak-
en place at a prominent locaon somewhere along
the coast adjacent to Troy. In consequence, this
could constute the earliest example of a Stage 3
lighted aid to navigaon that we have found so far,
and indicate a triumph for the Greek team in our
compeon for who built the rst lighthouse.
It should be appreciated that the inhabitants of
Troy were not Greek and did not speak that lan-
guage; it is inaccurate to refer to Trojans as Greek.
“Hector, I urge you above all to do as I say.
In his great city, Priam has many allies.
But these foreigners all talk dierent
languages. Let their own captains in each
case take charge of them, draw up their
countrymen, and lead them into bale.”38
“...Such was the babel that went up from the
great Trojan army, which hailed from many
parts, and being without a common language
used many dierent cries and calls.”39
Current opinion is that the Trojans should be
considered to be a people nave to Anatolia, i.e.
those people who had lived in the surrounding
lands for as far back as archaeology is presently
able to discern.
The tantalising suggeson that there was an
early lit navigaonal aid at Sigeum seems to derive
from the interpretaon of an ancient stone tablet
concerning Virgil’s wrings on the Trojan War, but
evidence is very rare.
It is said that the Greek poet, Lesches, wrote in
660 BCE that there was a guiding light for mariners
at Sigeum in the Troad. (It appears that Lesches’
wrings are now lost.) Beaver wrote:
“Lesches, a minor poet who ourished around
660 BCE, tells of a lighthouse on the promontory
of Sigaeum in the Troad and this seems to be the
rst lighthouse that was regularly operated.”40
23
A highly respected lighthouse engineer, Kenneth
Suon-Jones wrote:
“To assist their [seamen] arrival, xed
points ashore were made conspicuous by
day and night. The rst of those was almost
certainly on the promontory of Sigeum,
on the Hellespont, and thus slightly pre-
dated the more famous tower [Pharos]...”41
However, despite his vast experience, Sut-
ton-Jones was not privy to any new data or
sources of certainty. Suon-Jones does not ref-
erence his source for this last statement, which
we must queson, of necessity. Both Beaver and
Suon-Jones seem to have been using the book
by McCormick who wrote these ‘facts’ in similar
terms.42 Talbot too is condent that there was a
lighthouse at Sigeum, and describes it as “the rst
authenc lighthouse”.43
Other writers merely report a lighthouse at Hel-
lespont, but this is a vague descripon.
David Alan Stevenson, is adamant that this is
not true. He wrote:
“The Sigeum story is based on an account by
Monaucon in 1721 of a tablet dang from
about 50 B.C. which was discovered in Rome
in the 17th century. It depicted a pillar, with
a squat conical top, which he illustrated.
An inscripon on the tablet explained that
the outline accorded with a descripon by
Lesches, a poet of about 1200 B.C. whose
wrings have long been lost. Monaucon,
who wrote in French, called the pillar a phare
but as he used the word phare to indicate not
only a lighthouse or beacon carrying re but
also the unlighted stone-and-mber beacon
shown in his representaon of an early port,
it is clear that he did not intend to give the
impression that the Sigeum tower carried a
Fig. 3-17 A late 18th c. map showing the Plain of Troy (Troad) by M. Chevalier. The locaon of Troy rela-
ve to the Sigeum promontory is indicated. The tumulus of Achilles is assumed to be located at the laer
posion, but is not indicated. However, just above it, the tumulus of Patroclus is indicated.73
24
light: he concluded from its proximity to the
coast that it served as a navigaon beacon.
More recently the pillar has been explained as
a symbol for the tomb of Achilles, certainly not
as supporng the idea of an early lighthouse
having been established at Sigeum.”44
Perhaps siding with Stevenson, Hague wrote
nothing about this locaon. Stevenson’s argument
appears supercially valid, but is based on the idea
of a misinterpretaon by Monaucon. However,
there is other evidence that Monaucon’s inter-
pretaon is the correct one, even if the illustraon
he used is a poor representaon of the lightstruc-
ture that was actually built here. Indeed, if this
were the site of the tomb of Achilles, it is very
likely that the spot would have been marked with
a connuously burning ame, which would have
constuted a lightstructure. Thus, the last sen-
tence of Stevenson’s argument seems illogical.
The author believes there is a strong argument
for the presence of a lightstructure or lighthouse
at this strategic posion, even if it were only for a
secondary funcon.
In pharology, the considered opinions of David
Alan Stevenson, published in his inuenal work
of 1959, should not be quesoned without due
consideraon. As a descendant of the Stevenson
family of lighthouse engineers he is unqueson-
ably qualied to pass judgment on maers rele-
vant to his family’s works. However, as a historian
he does not possess beer tools for analysis of
pre-historical events than any serious researcher
today. Therefore conclusions about the history of
early lighthouses in the millennia before the birth
of Christ will always be open to argument.
Stevenson discusses the works of Homer who,
in book XIX of the Iliad, apparently referred to the
light from Achilles polished shield acng as a light-
house for seamen. We have dealt in detail with this
quotaon in Part 1. Of course, the interpretaon
is from an ancient Greek text that need not be di-
rectly translated as a reference to a lighthouse and
it is on this basis that Stevenson denies claims that
homer referred to lighthouses. Nevertheless, there
can be no doubt that Homer is referring to the idea
that on dark nights, sailors could extract naviga-
onal assistance from seeing a light on the shore.
Such a capacity does not imply the existence per se
of an edice built specically to behave like a light-
house today, but is an unquesonable expression
of the idea of lights to aid navigaon.
Most experts agree that Achilles was a real
Greek warrior who died in a Trojan War and was
buried somewhere in the land that is called the
Troad. The reports of his death describe a large
mound of soil or tumulus being created over the
burial place and the precise of Achilles’ body has
become as The Tumulus of Achilles. Unfortunately,
there is no agreement on where this site is precise-
ly located.45
Troy is, I believe, of great signicance in the
history of ancient lighthouses because of its ex-
tremely ancient age and its strategic locaon. All
sea trac passing through this sea route had to
pass Troy. Furthermore, Troy was close to one of
the main land crossing points between Asia and
Europe at Sestos and Abydos in the narrows of the
Dardanelles.
As Figs. 3-16 and 3-17 show, Troy was located
inland from the main channel so, for navigators, it
was the point of the Sigeum promontory that was
the key to navigang the entrance to the Darda-
nelles. I believe that Cape Sigeum was so import-
ant for mariners that from a very early me - in the
second or even the third millennium - there was
a lighted aid to navigaon here. As the amount of
human acvity grew, so a selement was formed
with an unconrmed name. Eventually it was
founded as Sigeum around 750 BCE. The geogra-
phy has now changed substanally since the me
of the Trojan war because the area inside the black
line was once below sea level.
Supplied by at least ve major rivers, the Black
Sea has a posive water balance that creates a net
oulow of 300 km3 per year through the narrow
straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, via
the Sea of Marmara, into the Aegean Sea and
thence to the Mediterranean. However, the forma-
on of the link between the Mediterranean and
the Black Seas remains controversial.
Whilst the Dardanelles Strait is a maximum of
55 m in depth, the Bosphorus is just 36 m deep,
and at the height of the last Ice Age, with so much
water in the form of solid ice across the northern
hemisphere, the water levels were as much as
100 m lower than today. Clearly, there were many
thousands of years when the freshwater Black Sea
was isolated from the rest of the world’s seas.
Then, as the great northern ice sheets melted,
there was a general rise in sea level in the Med-
25
iterranean Sea that over-topped the level of the
land at the northern entrance to the Bosphorus,
an event currently esmated to have occurred
ca. 5600 BCE.46 The event caused great volumes
of water to pass through to the Black Sea. The
rise in sea level caused ooding inside the black
line of Fig. 3-16 and created a long promontory of
higher ground on the western edge of the land.
Meanwhile contours of the land released from the
great pressure of the ice sheets changed its height
in relaon to sea level. Although deposion of
sediment from the River Scamander (the modern
Karamenderes River) visible in the centre of the
zone may also have contributed, it was the eects
of these changes in the levels of land and sea that
ulmately produced the present shape of the land
in the image. (The rise in level of the Black Sea
ooded much of the surrounding land and is cited
as the reason why there are so few Neolithic sites
in northern Turkey.47)
Thus, we have seen how the combinaon of
geology, geography, archaeology and history have
brought about a scenario in which Greek culture
may have led to the earliest known instance of a
lighted aid to navigaon in the sense of a landfall
or waypoint light. It is sll possible that archaeo-
logical evidence could add further support. Troy
has aracted immense archaeological invesga-
ons since the nineteenth century, at the expense
of the peninsula area. There is almost no data
available for the Sigeum peninsula, and it is to be
hoped that in coming decades this site will receive
a long overdue, careful invesgaon.
Sestos and Abydos
Of the period prior to 750 BCE – the year gen-
erally associated with the works of Homer who
wrote the rst ‘histories’ of the Trojan Wars in The
Iliad and The Odyssey - far less is known. However,
many of the features relevant to our discussion of
Greek culture can be found in those pages, as well
as useful indicators disguised as mythology but
that, like the Old Testament of the Bible, contain
signicant elements of truth. The story involving a
youth called Leander swimming across the Helles-
pont to be with his lover, Hero, involves ‘lighthous-
es’ at Sestos and Abydos and may be more than
just aids to story-telling.
In 480 BCE, the Persian King Xerxes moved to
aack Greece with one of the greatest armies
that had so far been assembled. He ordered the
construcon of a bridge across the Hellespont
between Abydos and Sestos where the crossing
distance was least. He must have had a large navy
too, for he was able to spare enough of it to form
two parallel rows of ships called penteconters and
triremes - 360 in one and 314 in the other. These
were lashed together and anchored across the
Channel. A roadway was then constructed on top,
made from planking covered with soil, and with
side panels added so that the animals would not
take fright as they crossed.
The story of Hero and Leander is an essenal
part of our study. In the style of Romeo and Ju-
liet, the waters of the Hellespont separated these
two famous lovers. At the narrowest point of the
Hellespont, Leander lived on the European side
(Sestos) and had to swim to his lover each night,
on the Asiac side at Abydos. Leander was guided
in his swim by a light Hero held out in her hand
(Fig. 3-18). Tragically, one night the light was exn-
guished by a gust of wind, Leander lost his way and
was drowned. Stricken with grief, Hero commied
suicide.
The earliest appearances of the story that we
know of were by Virgil and Ovid, although the
story seems to have been clearly established in the
folklore of the me. In Virgil:
“What of the youth, when love’s relentless might
Srs the erce re within his veins? Behold!
In blindest midnight how he swims the gulf
Convulsed with bursng storm-clouds! Over him
Heaven’s huge gate thunders; the rock-shaered
main
Uers a warning cry; nor parents’ tears
Can backward call him, nor the maid he loves,
Too soon to die on his unmely pyre.”48
The use of a tower for the purpose of displaying
a light is more plainly described by Ovid with his
imagined words from the two lovers:
Hero:
“So when day’s done, and night’s more friendly
hour
shows its bright stars, driving away the daylight,
straight away I set out the unsleeping lights in the
tower’s top”
Leander:
26
“Seeing a distant light, I said: ‘My re is in that re:
that is the shore that holds my light.’”49
This story has been inspiraonal in Western
culture for over two thousand years, appearing,
for example, in the 6th century work of Musaeus,
another by the famous classical author Christo-
pher Marlowe, and reported in the standard text
known as Bullnch’s Mythology. Numerous works
of art depict the event, most notably in painngs
by the Brish master J M W Turner, as well as
earlier works by Regnier and Fe. A parcularly
ne example of earthenware is the plate in the
Gey Museum of California. The famous romanc
poet, Lord Byron, was so taken with the story that
he successfully repeated the swim on a visit to the
region in 1810, albeit during daylight and without
the aid of a light for guidance.
Abydos is located close to Nara Point and is
about 2 km away from Çanakkale and more than
30 km away from Cape Sigeum. The site of Abydos
was excavated in 1675, but was performed badly
and much valuable informaon was lost. We are
le with a clear indicaon that lightstructures were
built on either side of the narrowest part of the
Hellespont. The probability is that the structure at
Abydos on the southern shore, being more closely
associated with the focus of acvity in Troy, was
constructed rst.
If we accept the presence of lightstructures at
the entrance to the Hellespont in the south, there
is every reason to suppose the existence of similar
structures on the Bosphorus at the entrance from
by the Romans, but there is very lile evidence
for lightstructures here to compete with those at
the southern entrance. There is no evidence yet
discovered to suggest that the peoples of Troy built
lightstructures in other locaons.
Hieron
In ancient mes, there was just one site that
served as a haven and place of worship for any
mariner entering or leaving the Black Sea. It was
well-known as a way-point that separated the
Aegean Sea from the Black Sea, and in parcular
the region of the southern Black Sea known as the
Pontus. Navigators used it as the start and end of
all their calculaons concerning routes in the Black
Sea, as well as being the place of safety from the
treacherous currents and storms in the twisng
course of the Bosphorus. Its name was Hieron, Fig.
3-19.
The site has been much neglected by historians
and archaeologists unl recently, yet it has been
described quite frequently in the classical litera-
ture, albeit oen obliquely. 50 Dionysius wrote:
“Aer the Breakwater is the place called
Hieron (meaning Shrine), which was built
by Phrixus, son of Nephele and Athamas,
when he sailed to Colchis, and which at
any rate is controlled by the Byzannes,
but is a common haven to all who sail.”51
This ancient temple site was considered to be at
the mouth of the Bosphorus, even though it looks
to be more inland on today’s maps.52
Herodotus describes how Darius:
“... seated in the temple, which stands by
the Black Sea in the north. An-
cient texts do report more recent
lightstructures on the European
side of the narrows at Byzanum,
and on the Asian side at Chrys-
opolis. Early towers may have
existed during the period from
1250 to 1100 BCE, say. However,
as centres of populaon, they
did not compete with Troy unl
centuries later, so we conclude
that the southern entrance was
almost certainly lit rst. The tow-
ers built on the Bosphorus were
probably later restored or rebuilt
Fig. 3-18: The painng by JMW Turner entled,
“The Parng of Hero and Leander” (before 1837).74
27
Fig. 3-19: Yoros Castle and the ancient site of Hieron in the Bosphorus. The modern locaon is Anadolu
Kavağı, Beykoz-İstanbul.75
the straits ... looked out over the Black
Sea - a sight indeed worth seeing.”53
This led to the impression that the temple was
located at the very widest part of the Bosphorus
mouth with Rumelifeneri on the western ank and
Anadolufeneri on the east. Today, there are beau-
ful modern lighthouses at each site, but in the
mes of Herodotus these treacherous locaons
were called by at least four dierent names: kya-
neai (dark blue), planktai ( treacherous crags with
white froth from crashing waves)54, symplegades
(clashing rocks)by Euripides, and synormades (by
Simonides).55 The poet Pindar described them as
“moving rocks” to amplify the point that there is
extreme danger for sailors passing too close. Not
surprisingly, it was not unl a ship’s arrival in the
calmer waters at Hieron that they felt safe enough
to land and give thanks for their safe journey. Pin-
dar says that the Argonauts prayed:
“...that they might escape the irresisble
movements of the rocks that run together. For
both were alive and used to roll more swily
than the ranks of the load-roaring winds.”56
Later, as the Argo set sail through the pass
between the rocks and into the Black Sea, Apollo-
nius describes how Athena intervenes to assist the
Argo. He wrote:
“With her le hand she supposedly pushed
back one of the rocks, and with her right
hand she guided the ship through the pass.”57
The scienc method demanded that authors
shun any desire to aach truth to such stories, and
in the tweneth century, truths disguised with-
in these stories were frequently ignored. Many
modern writers are inclined to look deeper for
improved understanding buried within these myth-
ological tales. There can be no doubt that, within
the tale of Jason and the Argonauts, when they set
out in a quest for the Golden Fleece, and in a me
well before the Trojan War, implicit details were
told of the common travails of seamen: the prox-
imity to death from shipwreck in angry waters and
around razor-sharp rocks, and the need for safe
haven to rest, recuperate, and to plan the next leg
of the journey. Such statements were as valid then
as they are today. Overlaid are the senments and
28
habits of those contemporary cizens of ancient
cultures, embellished, perhaps, with stories of
the supernatural. We know today that prayers of
thanks for safe journeys just made, or prayers for
safe assistance during journeys to come, were
fundamental to sea travel, and so shrines and tem-
ples were to be found at all sites where mariners
commonly landed. If there was none already in
existence, it was necessary to build one.
The most strategic points on journeys were
obvious to all who made them and were marked
with larger temples with permanent ames in rev-
erence to the god to whom the site was dedicated.
These temples and shrines could be seen from afar
and guided the sailors towards them in the same
way as a lighthouse.
We note that at this stage, it was not common
pracce to show lights at specic sites where there
were dangerous rocks; the showing of lights was
an invitaon to a place of safety and not a warning
to keep away.
This is a rare occasion in classical literature
when we have a direct reference to a temple act-
ing as a lighthouse, and it was at Hieron. A writer
called Philostratus wrote:
“... unl we come to Hieron. You see the
temple yonder, I am sure, the columns that
surround it, and the beacon light at the
entrance that is hung up to warn from danger
the ships that sail out from the Pontus.”58
Athenian ships entering the Black Sea would
have done so usually in early spring at the start
of the sailing season, stopping at Hieron before
doing so. On their return, they would equally have
stopped there, but in late autumn and laden with
goods for their countrymen at home. Payment of
tolls on the merchandise was due in each direc-
on, more on the return journey because of the
extra goods being carried, generally grain.
Ashore in Hieron, the crews carried out their
religious dues. A temple high up on the prom-
ontory was dedicated at rst to the Twelve Gods,
plus Poseidon and Artemis. There, in the loy
posion described by Herodotus, a great temple
had been built since the simple altar erected by
the rst Greek pilgrims. There is reason to believe
that it could have been as early as 1,400 BCE (i.e.
during the height of Troy’s power and inuence),
but scholars can only be condent of its existence
since the Dark Age period of the seventh or eighth
c. BCE. Much later, during Hellenisc mes from
323 to 31 BCE Hieron is known to have thrived. A
smaller temple of Artemis had been built in the
harbour, and the high temple now dedicated solely
to Zeus.
The voyages were fraught with danger, not just
from the natural elements of wind and waves, land
and sea, but also from those intent on stealing
their cargoes. The peoples of Byzanum and Chal-
cedon were frequently known to indulge in piracy,
and it was therefore necessary for ships to call into
Hieron where they await an escort of Athenian
ships that would see them safely through the nar-
rows to the home seas of the Aegean.
Even so, safety of the shrine was not always
guaranteed. It was normal for any one who
stopped in a sanctuary to be awarded inviolabili-
ty59, but records show that Philip II of Macedonia
aacked ships for their cargoes of grain even whilst
sheltering in Hieron. The aack carried out in late
summer 340 BCE, resulted in war between Philip
and Athens.
For perhaps as much as ve centuries, the name
of Hieron disappeared from the literature, but
by the sixth century it is well established as a toll
and customs point. Aer that, there were a series
of conicts that resulted in its Byzanne owners
establishing Hieron as a point of militarize con-
trol. A connuing series of defensive installaons
modied the site right through to the 18th c. so
that the visitor today sees nothing but the remains
of a “castle” called Yoros. Details of many of those
changes are carefully described by Moreno.47
However, a skilled eye can sll perceive occasional
remnants from its ancient past incorporated into
the stonework.
Conclusions
29
1. Before 3000 BCE we can disregard the
possibility of a culture creang lightstructures
because there was insucient human
acvity on the open sea.
2. Between 3000 BCE and 300 BCE (before
the construcon of the Pharos at Alexandria)
there is no rm evidence in proto-Greek
culture of any built edice specically
intended to act as a Stage 3 lighthouse or
lightstructure.
3. The extensive and well-connected
network of proto-Greek colonies involved
the establishment of sanctuaries at the
points of arrival and departure by sea.
4. Religious pracces carried out in proto-
Greek culture resulted in smoke and re, by
day and night, that would have been visible
to ship navigators.
5. Navigaonal advantage was obtained by
informed ship-to-shore observaon of sites
of religious pracce.
6. Of the many simple structures that were
used as Stage 2 and Stage 3 aids to navigaon,
many have been destroyed during the
centuries of warfare between developing
civilizaons.
Notes
1 Wikipedia, History of the Cyclades 20171010.
2 Wikipedia, Milos, 20170828.
3 Heyerdahl (1972).
4 Morkot (1996).
5 Morkot (1996), pp30-33.
6 Wikipedia: Bronze Age Collapse, 20171010.
7 Alley (2004).
8 Bond (1997).
9 Broodbank (2015), p14.
10 Malkin (2011), p51.
11 Malkin (2011), p90; Also: Wikipedia: Naukras
20171011.
12 Morkot (1996), pp46-51.
13 Archegetes was an epithet of the Greek god Apollo,
under which he was worshiped in several places, as at
Naxos in Sicily, where Archegetes was the most popu-
lar cult of Apollo; also at Megara. The name refers to
Apollo as the leader and protector of colonies or the
founder of towns.
14 Thucydides: History of the Peloponnesian War, Book
6; Cited in Malkin (2011), p101.
hps://www.loebclassics.com/view/thucydides-histo-
ry_peloponnesian_war/1919/pb_LCL110.187.xm-
l?rskey=VSNQqf&result=1&mainRsKey=Qqps5E
15 Morton (2001), p185.
16 Casson (1994), p65.
17 Casson (1994), p72.
18 Some older documents mistakenly place Phaleron at
the site of Munichia and idenfy Zea as Munichia.
19 Thucydides; Thomas Hobbes (trans): The History of
the Peloponnesian War 1, 138, www.perseus.tus.edu
20 Pausanias: Guide to Greece 1, 11 note 15:
“Tourkolimani. You can see the Parthenon from
the east mole, which has a lot of classical stones
in it and the ruins of a lighthouse. There are
some last remains of some ancient slipways.”
Sadly, there is no source for this statement. A third site
has been proposed by Wallace (1972), but I have not
been able to locate its posion.
21 de Graauw (2016), p163, entry 976.
22 Malkin (2011).
30
23 Malkin (2011), p32.
24 Malkin (2011), pp48-50.
25 Malkin (2011), p55.
26 Malkin (2011), p56.
27 Malkin (2011), p49.
28 Malkin (2011), p38.
29 Malkin (2011), p205-6.
30 Malkin (2011), p198.
31 Mikelson (2004).
32 Silius Italicus; Du (1959), 3, 15-38.
33 Jonatan Chrisansen, private communicaon; also
Giardina (2010), p264-5.
34 Stevenson (1959), p6.
35 Cook (1973.)
36 Allard (1895). Allard (1818-1892) was head of the
French Lighthouse Service.
37 Wood (2005).
38 Homer: lliad 2, 800-805.
39 Homer: Iliad 4, 437-439.
40 Beaver (1971), p10.
41 Suon-Jones (1985), p3.
42 McCormick (1936), p9.
43 Talbot (1913), p2.
44 Stevenson (1959) p6
45 Burgess (online).
46 Wikipedia, Black Sea 20171012.
47 Wilford (1996). Also, Wikipedia, Black Sea Deluge
Hypothesis 20171012.
48 Virgil: Georgics 2, 258 and Staus: The Thebaid (The-
baidos) 6, 535.
49 Ovid: Heroides xviii and xix.
50 Moreno (2008). The Fanum Asiacum light at the
entrance to the Bosphorus, facing the Fanum Europae-
um, Philostratos (Maior), de Imag. I. 12.1-5 (IInd-IIIrd
century A.D.) cited in, Moreno (2008), 655-709, 697.
Also translated as:
“…ll we come to a shrine. You see the temple
yonder, I am sure, the columns that surround
it, and the beacon light at the entrance
which is hung up to warn from danger the
ships that sail out from the Euxine Sea”.
51 Dionysius: Güngerich (1958). Given in Moreno
(2008).
52 Moreno (2008), pp661-2.
53 Herodotus: The Histories 4, 85 (The Bosphorus.)
54 Homer: Odyssey 12, 69-72.
55 Spence (2011).
56 Pindar: The Pythian Odes, 4, 207-11. Given in Spen-
ce (2011).
57 Apollonius: Argonauca 2, 317-340.
58 Philostratos The Elder: Images 1, 12, 1-5. (2nd-3rd
century A.D.) cited in, Moreno 2008, 655-709, 697. Also
translated as:
“…ll we come to a shrine. You see the temple
yonder, I am sure, the columns that surround
it, and the beacon light at the entrance
which is hung up to warn from danger the
ships that sail out from the Euxine Sea”.
59 Rigsby (1996).
60 Google Earth (2017).
61 Greek trireme. Reproduced under the CC License.
Credit: Templar52 (2006)
62 Google Earth (2017).
63 Athens tower photo.
64 Photo Thasos tower.
65 Sounion Photo by Χρήστης Templar52. Reproduced
under Wikimedia Commons licence.
66 Unaributed Images.
67 Google Earth (2017).
68 Google Earth (2017).
69 Photo reproduced under the CC license. Credit:
VikiPicture (2014).
70 Photo credits.
71 Old map: The Bosphorus of Thrace by M. Barbie du
Bocage (1784).
72 Google Earth (2017).
73 Old map: Plain of Troy (Troad) by M. Chevalier. (Late
18th century.)
74 Painng reproduced under the Creave Commons
License, Naonal Gallery, London, UK.
75 Photo: Moonik. Used under CC Licence.
31
Conventions used
1. References are given in the usual format: Smith
(2002), p123. Mulple citaons having the same author
and year are given the sux a, b, c etc.
2. A reference given as Smith (online) has no date if it is
connuously updated. Specic informaon download-
ed from the Internet is given a date of download.
3. Entries in the Bibliography are considered relevant to
the content of this book, but are not necessarily to be
found in the references.
4. Entries are in alphabecal order of the rst author’s
last name. Unnamed authors are assigned the usual
‘Anon’.
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