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Digital Representation in an Electoral Campaign Influenced by Mainland China: The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election
Abstract
Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive Election. This paper analyzes the limited power of social media under elections that are under the influence of Mainland China. It also examines the problem of legitimacy in such electoral settings and the way in which authorities in the Mainland have influenced electoral outcomes through defects in the institutional systems of Hong Kong. The 2017 Chief Executive Election affirmed the tightened control of Mainland authorities over the affairs of Hong Kong.
... It, therefore, is just a platform to maintain mutual relationships and enhance understandings. 2 Moreover, the conference did not include all oppositional members in the council. In the previous terms, the League of Social Democrats and the People Power did not participate in the conference, since most pro-democracy members considered that the radical stances applied by these two parties were not in line with them. ...
... The influence of the moderate democrats became weaker in recent years, leading to fewer rooms for making compromise with the administration on the paramount issues, especially for the political reforms. After the failure in 2015, the following Chief Executive election employed the original method to select the top leader [2]. While the Chinese authorities did not trust the pro-democracy camp, the radical groups aroused more supports from the Hong Kong people and eroded the vote bases from the DP and other moderate democrats. ...
... Interview summary.2 Interview summary.3 ...
This study is to analyze how the fragmentation of the pro-democracy camp affected their council voting and policy stances before 2019. The quantitative measurements including the rice and unity indices are adopted to evaluate the cohesions of the pro-Beijing and pro-democracy camps in bill voting, in which the strategies employed by the pro-democracy camp are further analyzed. Before the 2010s, the moderate democrats deliberately separated from the administration and some of them also kept distance from the radical groups. However, since the radical ideologies gained supports from time to time, the moderate democrats had been forced to follow more pro-active lines against the administration. Although the political sphere of Hong Kong has drastically changed after the 2019 Anti-extradition Protests, the cohesion of the pro-democracy parties in the previous terms of the Legislative Council still facilitates to understand the legislative process in the city. In this article, 18 then members of the Legislative Council from different parties were interviewed in 2018, providing various insights on the analysis of pro-democracy cohesion and fragmented politics in Hong Kong.
... Dentro del juego de intereses de los mercados y las estrategias financieras y comerciales, se puede llegar a presentar la situación en la que pesen más algunos intereses particulares o sectorizados, y como consecuencia de ello se emita un mensaje masivo de alto alcance y difusión que falte total o parcialmente a la verdad, en ese caso se estaría usando el poder del conocimiento mercadológico y comunicativo en contra de la verdad y favoreciendo intereses particulares, este hecho indeseable y antiético desde cualquier perspectiva, afectaría a toda la cadena en pleno, dependiendo de la difusión y aceptación del contenido por parte de los diferentes interlocutores (Chan, & Sun, 2019). ...
El constante flujo de datos en todos los escenarios de una realidad globalizada, obligan a que los especialistas estén en constante movimiento para mantener un adecuado nivel de conocimiento sobre los tópicos de su interés, este aspecto cobra vital importancia si se trata de aspectos de marketing o mercadotecnia. Aunado a ello, si se concreta más este escenario, con la inclusión de datos del sector primario y específicamente de los agronegocios, el reto es viable, obvio esta decir que en la búsqueda se establece que la información debe contener los principios básicos de oportunidad, suficiencia y pertinentes. Todo ello se agrupa en torno a un sistema de información, que se debe elaborar el diseño conceptual de dicho sistema sobre aspectos de marketing en los agronegocios, capaz de integrar información, imágenes, estudios, estadísticas, medio ambiente y con ello generar indicadores, estudios y proyecciones acerca del tema, su evolución, perspectivas y prospectiva para apoyar la toma de decisiones en la materia. La presente propuesta señala los pasos a seguir para lograr tal propósito, en una primera parte se analizan los conceptos teóricos, para posteriormente establecer las políticas de funcionamiento, los indicadores primarios y los límites para determinar el funcionamiento de las sesiones de trabajo de los actores involucrados, los productos que genera y las características de los servicios que prestaría.
... Dentro del juego de intereses de los mercados y las estrategias financieras y comerciales, se puede llegar a presentar la situación en la que pesen más algunos intereses particulares o sectorizados, y como consecuencia de ello se emita un mensaje masivo de alto alcance y difusión que falte total o parcialmente a la verdad, en ese caso se estaría usando el poder del conocimiento mercadológico y comunicativo en contra de la verdad y favoreciendo intereses particulares, este hecho indeseable y antiético desde cualquier perspectiva, afectaría a toda la cadena en pleno, dependiendo de la difusión y aceptación del contenido por parte de los diferentes interlocutores (Chan, & Sun, 2019). ...
la mercadotecnia
política en las redes
sociales de jóvenes
adolescentes
... Dentro del juego de intereses de los mercados y las estrategias financieras y comerciales, se puede llegar a presentar la situación en la que pesen más algunos intereses particulares o sectorizados, y como consecuencia de ello se emita un mensaje masivo de alto alcance y difusión que falte total o parcialmente a la verdad, en ese caso se estaría usando el poder del conocimiento mercadológico y comunicativo en contra de la verdad y favoreciendo intereses particulares, este hecho indeseable y antiético desde cualquier perspectiva, afectaría a toda la cadena en pleno, dependiendo de la difusión y aceptación del contenido por parte de los diferentes interlocutores (Chan, & Sun, 2019). ...
El propósito de este capítulo es analizar la conciencia ecológica y determinar las estrategias de marketing digital-comunicación en tiempo de crisis; cuyo planteamiento surge de los resultados obtenidos en investigaciones realizadas en torno al tema de comportamiento del consumidor y Responsabilidad Social Empresarial (RSE). El capítulo se encuentra estructurado en tres partes; la primera centrada en clarificar teóricamente el consumo y conciencia ecológica; la segunda analiza la ética empresarial, economía circular y la RSE de los stakeholders, para finalmente desarrollar la tercera parte de estrategias de marketing online, direccionada a la comunicación a través de las redes sociales y el rol activo de los youtubers y los influencers. Se espera que esta contribución sea útil tanto para las organizaciones interesadas en satisfacer las necesidades de sus usuarios y/o clientes a través de estrategias empresariales -marketing online- como para la academia.
... Dentro del juego de intereses de los mercados y las estrategias financieras y comerciales, se puede llegar a presentar la situación en la que pesen más algunos intereses particulares o sectorizados, y como consecuencia de ello se emita un mensaje masivo de alto alcance y difusión que falte total o parcialmente a la verdad, en ese caso se estaría usando el poder del conocimiento mercadológico y comunicativo en contra de la verdad y favoreciendo intereses particulares, este hecho indeseable y antiético desde cualquier perspectiva, afectaría a toda la cadena en pleno, dependiendo de la difusión y aceptación del contenido por parte de los diferentes interlocutores (Chan, & Sun, 2019). ...
In the past decade, Hong Kong has undergone various large-scale protests, such as the 2014 Occupy Central and the 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests. One of the reasons for such popular grievance was that the government could not grasp the change in public sentiment and opinion. Before the handover, although the governor held the centralized power, the colonial authorities still had ways to collect public opinions to avoid departing from the citizens’ views. The model was called the ‘administrative absorption of politics’. The Chinese authorities attempted to preserve the original advisory system to depoliticize the policy-making process after the handover. This article contributes to the understanding of the development of the cooptation system in Hong Kong and its failure in the 2010s based on the insights of legislators. It also highlights the importance of participation and salient control in the cooptation system to balance public views in a semi-authoritarian society.
Hong Kong, a special autonomous region within the PRC's constitutional hierarchy, has a long history behind its privileges. It started with the defeat of the Qing Dynasty in a series of Opium Wars which ended with the 156-year rule of Hong Kong by the British which ended in 1997. However, the handover did not come easily. Based on The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984, an international agreement made by Britain and China regarding the re-acceptance of Hong Kong, it promised Hong Kong to be an autonomous region for 50 years post-1997 except in the field of defence and cooperation with foreign powers. This article seeks to examine the implementation of The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 with a literature review method based on the rights it gives to the people of Hong Kong and the reality in daily life. Keywords: Implementation; The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984; Hong Kong; Autonomy; International Agreement.AbstrakHong Kong yang merupakan sebuah wilayah otonomi khusus dalam hierarki ketatanegaraan RRT memiliki sejarah yang panjang yang melatarbelakangi keistimewaannya. Dimulai dari kekalahan Dinasti Qing dalam rentetan Perang Candu yang berakhir dengan penguasaan Hong Kong oleh Inggris selama 156 tahun yang berakhir pada 1997. Akan tetapi, penyerahan tersebut tidak terjadi dengan mudah. Berdasarkan The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984, sebuah perjanjian internasional yang dibuat oleh Inggris dan RRT mengenai penerimaan kembali Hong Kong, ia memperjanjikan Hong Kong menjadi wilayah otonom selama 50 tahun pasca-1997 kecuali pada bidang pertahanan dan kerja sama dengan kekuatan asing. Artikel ini berusaha mengkaji penerapan The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 dengan metode kajian kepustakaan berdasarkan hak-hak yang diberikannya kepada rakyat Hong Kong dan kenyataannya dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.Kata Kunci: Pelaksanaan; The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984; Hong Kong; Otonomi; Perjanjian Internasional.
The study addresses the question of what type of political content can trigger reactions from electoral candidates’ followers on Facebook. Citizens’ reactivity is increasingly important in contemporary political communication. The politicians’ posts can reach the wider public through the citizens’ public reactions. While we have extended knowledge about mass media reactivity, citizens’ political reactivity on social media is highly underexplored. This study is intended to fill this gap by examining what type of political content can trigger reaction from followers on politicians’ Facebook pages. The data contain 7048 Facebook posts by 183 single-member district candidates posted during the Hungarian general election campaign in 2014. The unit of analysis is the individual Facebook post, and the dependent variables are the numbers of likes, comments, and shares. The independent variables are the structural (text, picture, video, etc.) and substantial (content, emotional tone, etc.) characteristics of each post, after controlling for, inter alia, a general follower-activity score on politicians’ Facebook pages. Results showed that citizens are highly reactive to negative emotion-filled, text-using, personal, and activity-demanding posts. Virality is especially facilitated by memes, videos, negative contents and mobilizing posts, and posts containing a call for sharing.
This paper examines the diffusion of activism in post-colonial Hong Kong through the lens of the political regime and eventful analysis. It first reveals the institutional foundations of the hybrid regime that allowed the creation of a nascent movement society. It then explains how the historic 1 July rally in 2003 and a series of critical events since 2006 have led to a shift in scale and the public staging of street politics. A time-series analysis and onsite survey further capture the dynamics that spawned the collective recognition of grievances and reduced participation costs, leading to the Umbrella Movement. While the spontaneous, voluntary and decentralized organizational structure sustained protest momentum, the regime has adopted hybrid strategies to counter-mobilize bottom-up activism. The result is widening contention between the state and civil society and within civil society, or the coexistence of regime instability and regime longevity, a trend that is increasingly common in hybrid regimes encountering mass protests.
Although there is increasing research about the influence of political use of social networking sites on audience members, few studies have examined the content in candidates’ pages in these sites. To fully comprehend the impact of these online political messages, an analysis of the messages themselves is fundamental. The present study uses theoretical concepts from functional theory, political advertising, emotional appeals, and social endorsement to conduct a content analysis of the official Facebook posts of U.S. Presidential candidates in 2008 and 2012 elections. Results demonstrate that John McCain and Mitt Romney attacked more, while Barack Obama acclaimed more. The Republican candidates used higher percentage of fear appeals, while Barack Obama used humor and enthusiasm in his posts. Implications are discussed.
This study investigates how individuals participate in different modes of political participation via social networking sites (SNS) in China, where channels for participation are restricted and the online information flow is censored. A survey conducted at two large universities in southern China revealed that information exchange uses of SNS and SNS-based political activities were positively associated with the canonical mode of political participation-that is, contacting media and joining petitions and demonstrations. SNS-based political activities also positively predicted political engagement via private contacts, such as lobbying acquaintances of governmental officials, and facilitated political actions initiated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Affiliation with the CCP was found to be a significant predictor of the contacting-lobbying mode of participation and CCP-initiated political activities.
The importance of social media for election campaigning has received a lot of attention recently. Using data from the 2011 New Zealand General Election and the size of candidates’ social media networks on Facebook and Twitter, we investigate whether social media is associated with election votes and probability of election success. Overall, our results suggest that there is a statistically significant relationship between the size of online social networks and election voting and election results. However, the size of the effect is small and it appears that social media presence is therefore only predictive in closely contested elections.
Social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and many other services, have established themselves as part of the networked and increasingly hybrid public sphere, extending and transforming it to allow for and facilitate access to all kinds of content and participants. By their sheer ubiquity, these media contribute to changing media ecologies and open new ways and forms of communications between citizens and their representatives. During election campaigns, political parties and their candidates have a number of ways of seeking to mobilise voters by attracting attention to the parties' issues and top candidates. Many of these involve processes of mediatisation, that is, parties and politicians adapt their practices and messages to formats, deadlines and genres that are journalistically attractive. This study seeks to map and understand intermedial agenda setting between social media and traditional news media by analysing data from both local journalism and the social media activity of local politicians during the 2011 Norwegian local election campaigns. Our findings show that local politicians were active on social media as part of their campaigning, yet there was surprisingly little evidence that social media content travelled to local newspapers and contributed to agenda setting, thereby contradicting findings from other settings stating that social media have become established journalistic sources. We suggest that one explanation may reflect the nature of Norwegian politics and culture in which the distance between journalists, citizens and politicians is proximate.
Social media have an increasingly important place in the lives of citizens, and their potential to expand the reach of communication messages beyond individual networks is attractive to those looking to maximise message efficiency. The influence of Facebook in Obama’s 2008 campaign success galvanised many politicians into taking it seriously as a campaign tool. Our study explored the Facebook wall posts (1148 in total) of New Zealand Members of Parliament (MPs) leading up to the 2011 general election to determine posting behaviours and differences. Among other things, we found that women posted more frequently than men and that Labour MPs posted more than their National counterparts. Additionally, most politicians do not invite dialogue with readers of their posts, rarely get involved in comment threads and mostly take a monologic approach, using Facebook as a way of broadcasting information rather than as a medium enabling two-way flow. In other words, same old, same old.
Recently, scholars tested how digital media use for informational purposes similarly contributes to foster democratic processes and the creation of social capital. Nevertheless, in the context of today's socially-networked-society and the rise of social media applications (i.e., Facebook) new perspectives need to be considered. Based on U.S. national data, results show that after controlling for demographic variables, traditional media use offline and online, political constructs (knowledge and efficacy), and frequency and size of political discussion networks, seeking information via social network sites is a positive and significant predictor of people's social capital and civic and political participatory behaviors, online and offline.
Some recent studies have illustrated a positive relationship between social media use and political participation among young people. Researchers, however, have operationalized social media usage differently. This article adopts a multidimensional approach to the study of the impact of social media. Focusing on Facebook (FB), the most widely utilized social networking site in Hong Kong, this study examines how time spent on FB, exposure to shared political information, network size, network structural heterogeneity, and direct connection with public political actors relate to young people's online and offline political participation. Analysis of a survey of university students (N = 774) shows that participation is explained most prominently by direct connection with public political actors, followed by exposure to shared political information. These two variables also mediate the impact of other dimensions of FB use on political participation.
Social networking sites (SNS) currently boast more than half a billion active users worldwide, the majority of which are young people. With notable exceptions, few studies have ventured into the growing political realm that exists on these sites. This study expands research on SNS by examining both what encourages people to express themselves politically in this realm, and what effects such expression may have on classic questions of political participation. We test the proposition that political use of SNS among teens offers a new pathway to their political participation using hierarchical linear regression and panel data analysis. Results demonstrate that political SNS use strongly impacted both levels of and growth in traditional political participation during the 2008 election.
Social media like Facebook and Twitter place the focus on the individual politician rather than the political party, thereby expanding the political arena for increased for personalized campaigning. The need to use social media to communicate a personal image as a politician and to post personalized messages online seems less obvious in a party-centred system such as the Norwegian. Within this framework, the personalized and dialogical aspects of social media may be contradicted by the political parties' structural communication strategies. The article uses data from interviews and status updates from two Norwegian election campaigns and asks for what purposes Norwegian politicians use social media as a tool for political communication. The findings show that politicians' report both marketing and dialogue with voters as motives for their social media use and their practices varied, too. Politicians' reported motive to use social media for marketing purposes was reflected in their actual use. The preferred social media platform for marketing purposes was Facebook. Twitter was more used for continuous dialogue compared to Facebook. Social media marketing was personalized and involved private exposure and individual initiatives. The article concludes by indicating hypotheses and need for further research.
Have the core discussion networks of Americans changed in the past two decades? In 1985, the General Social Survey (GSS) collected the first nationally representative data on the confidants with whom Americans discuss important matters. In the 2004 GSS the authors replicated those questions to assess social change in core network structures. Discussion networks are smaller in 2004 than in 1985. The number of people saying there is no one with whom they discuss important matters nearly tripled. The mean network size decreases by about a third (one confidant), from 2.94 in 1985 to 2.08 in 2004. The modal respondent now reports having no confidant; the modal respondent in 1985 had three confidants. Both kin and non-kin confidants were lost in the past two decades, but the greater decrease of non-kin ties leads to more confidant networks centered on spouses and parents, with fewer contacts through voluntary associations and neighborhoods. Most people have densely interconnected confidants similar to them. Some changes reflect the changing demographics of the U.S. population. Educational heterogeneity of social ties has decreased, racial heterogeneity has increased. The data may overestimate the number of social isolates, but these shrinking networks reflect an important social change in America.
In the 2008 U.S. presidential election, social network sites such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. But do political activities on Facebook affect political participation among young voters, a group traditionally perceived as apathetic in regard to civic engagement? Or do these activities represent another example of feel-good participation that has little real-world impact, a concept often referred to as "slacktivism"? Results from a survey of undergraduate students (N = 683) at a large public university in the Midwestern United States conducted in the month prior to the election found that students tend to engage in lightweight political participation both on Facebook and in other venues. Furthermore, two OLS regressions found that political activity on Facebook (e.g., posting a politically oriented status update, becoming a "fan" of a candidate) is a significant predictor of other forms of political participation (e.g., volunteering for an organizing, signing a paper or online petition), and that a number of factors--including intensity of Facebook use and the political activity users see their friends performing on the site--predict political activity on Facebook. Students' perceptions regarding the appropriateness of political activity on Facebook, as well as the specific kinds of political activities they engaged in and witnessed within the site, were also explored.
Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media-understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms-in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.
Extant Hong Kong studies have under-stated the corporatist nature of the Hong Kong state. From the 1980s, as part of its political strategy, the Chinese government had helped to build a corporatist state in Hong Kong that incorporated various sectoral elites, leading to a change in the role of the state after 1997. Through an empirical study of the behaviour of functional constituency legislators and policy outputs after 1997, this article shows that the functional constituencies as a corporatist structure introduced many sector-oriented demands. These sectoral representatives lobbied for favourable polices, increased representation for their sectors, and more state resources. This drove the post-1997 Hong Kong state to sectoral intervention, as resources were diverted to selected sectors, creating new legitimacy problems for the regime.
The "newness" in Russia's current protest movement has more to do with the creation of new ties and relationships among existing protest groups, which increases the mobilizational power of their argument, than in the recruitment of new activists and participants.
It has been generally expected that the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has to be someone trusted by the Chinese leadership and accepted by the local business community. The latter was initially based on the Chinese authorities' Hong Kong policy during the Sino-British negotiations on the territory's future and in the transition period before 1997 when they had to retain investors' confidence in order to maintain Hong Kong's stability and prosperity.
In what ways do online groups help to foster political engagement among citizens? We employ a multi-method design incorporating content analysis of online political group pages and original survey research of university undergraduates (n = 455) to assess the relationship between online political group membership and political engagement—measured through political knowledge and political participation surrounding the 2008 election. We find that participation in online political groups is strongly correlated with offline political participation, as a potential function of engaging members online. However, we fail to confirm that there is a corresponding positive relationship between participation in online political groups and political knowledge, likely due to low quality online group discussion.
Tung Chee-hwa expressed
- Dongjianhua Chuanhua Chengjunhua Tangdangxuan Buhuo
- Renming
Dongjianhua chuanhua chengjunhua tangdangxuan buhuo renming [
:
, Tung Chee-hwa expressed that John Tsang would not be appointed after
winning the election] (2017, February 22). Hong Kong Economic Journal, p. A12.
Ming Pao Daily News, p. A1. Linzheng 777piao dangxuan [ 777 , Carrie Lam wins the election with 777 votes
- Cizhi Liangsizhang Huozhun
Liangsizhang huozhun cizhi [
, Two top secretaries approved for resignation]
(2017, January 17). Ming Pao Daily News, p. A1.
Linzheng 777piao dangxuan [
777
, Carrie Lam wins the election with 777 votes]
(2017, March 27). Hong Kong Economic Journal, p. A1.
Linzheng shoukai FB jingxiniao [
FB
, Facebook Lam opened attracts
"angry"] (2017, February 7). Sing Pao, p. A4.
Regina Ip "squeezed out" of Hong Kong chief executive race. South China Morning Post
- K.-C Ng
- J Lam
Ng, K.-C., & Lam, J. (2017, March 1). Regina Ip "squeezed out" of Hong Kong chief executive
race. South China Morning Post. Retrieved from https://www.scmp.com/news/hongkong/politics/article/2075125/regina-ip-drops-out-hong-kong-chief-executive-race
- K Ross
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Ross, K., Fountaine, S., & Comrie, M. (2015). Facing up to Facebook: Politicians, publics and
the social media (ted) turn in New Zealand. Media, Culture & Society, 37(2), 251-269.
Woo Kwok-hing becomes second person to officially stand for Hong Kong chief executive. South China Morning Post
- R Yeung
Yeung, R. (2017, February 27). Woo Kwok-hing becomes second person to officially stand for
Hong Kong chief executive. South China Morning Post. Retrieved from http://www.
scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2074429/woo-kwok-hing-becomes-secondperson-officially-stand-hong
Zengren zaoquantui [
, Tsang admits being persuaded to withdraw] (2017, January
Two top secretaries approved for resignation
- Cizhi Liangsizhang Huozhun
Liangsizhang huozhun cizhi [
, Two top secretaries approved for resignation]
(2017, January 17). Ming Pao Daily News, p. A1.
Linzheng 777piao dangxuan [ 777 , Carrie Lam wins the election with 777 votes
Linzheng 777piao dangxuan [
777
, Carrie Lam wins the election with 777 votes]
(2017, March 27). Hong Kong Economic Journal, p. A1.