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Indigenous Knowledge, Culture and the Environment: A Case Study on the Kayapo Indians of Brazil

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Abstract

Indigenous knowledge (IK) is a concept that attracts the researchers in the field of anthropology and development in order to critically study and critique our perception of it (Pramukh & Palkumar, 2006). IK influences how the communities interact with the natural ecosystems and hence shapes the outcomes of the activities of the individuals living in such regions. Societies usually apply the accumulated knowledge they gained over the years in order to use it in traditional health practices and most importantly to manage, modify and to protect their ecosystems from any external invasion or danger (Olufemi & Olubunmi, 2018). This paper discusses the Kayapo Indians’ management of the tropical rainforest ecosystem through their indigenous knowledge. They are described in this paper as effective managers of the tropical rain forest as they use their IK to ensure the continuation of the plant species through transplantation as a means of propagation, as well as using their IK to resist the construction of the dams and other developmental initiatives by the Brazilian government and other private companies. Their resistance to such projects as the dams is based on the possession of the knowledge regarding the negative impacts of the expected floods of the forest ecosystem. The Kayapo of Brazil are a Ge-speaking tribe of about 6000 individuals that lives along the Xingu River on both sides of the border of the Pará and Mato Grosso states (Plotkin, 2017, p. 956). By 1970s, The Kayapo found themselves surrounded by the Brazilian government, the wildlife traders and the gold miners. Thus they felt that their environment was endangered, and as a result they started protesting using what we could call very recognizable cultural resources and IK to claim land rights and recognition (Plotkin, 2017). Keywords: Kayapo Indians, indigenous knowledge, environment, ecosystems.
Indigenous Knowledge, Culture and the Environment: A Case Study on the Kayapo
Indians of Brazil
By
Yousuf Daas
KU Leuven CADES
Course: Culture, Ecology and Development
Abstract
Indigenous knowledge (IK) is a concept that attracts the researchers in the field of
anthropology and development in order to critically study and critique our perception of it
(Pramukh & Palkumar, 2006). IK influences how the communities interact with the natural
ecosystems and hence shapes the outcomes of the activities of the individuals living in such
regions. Societies usually apply the accumulated knowledge they gained over the years in order to
use it in traditional health practices and most importantly to manage, modify and to protect their
ecosystems from any external invasion or danger (Olufemi & Olubunmi, 2018).
This paper discusses the Kayapo Indians’ management of the tropical rainforest ecosystem
through their indigenous knowledge. They are described in this paper as effective managers of the
tropical rain forest as they use their IK to ensure the continuation of the plant species through
transplantation as a means of propagation, as well as using their IK to resist the construction of the
dams and other developmental initiatives by the Brazilian government and other private
companies. Their resistance to such projects as the dams is based on the possession of the
knowledge regarding the negative impacts of the expected floods of the forest ecosystem.
The Kayapo of Brazil are a Ge-speaking tribe of about 6000 individuals that lives along
the Xingu River on both sides of the border of the Pará and Mato Grosso states (Plotkin, 2017, p.
956). By 1970s, The Kayapo found themselves surrounded by the Brazilian government, the
wildlife traders and the gold miners. Thus they felt that their environment was endangered, and as
a result they started protesting using what we could call very recognizable cultural resources and
IK to claim land rights and recognition (Plotkin, 2017).
Keywords: Kayapo Indians, indigenous knowledge, environment, ecosystems.
Introduction
Indigenous Knowledge
Indigenous knowledge (IK) refers to the distinct cumulative skills possessed by people
living in particular geographic locations (Magni, 2016). Such knowledge is useful in enabling
individuals to meet their basic needs from the natural environment. IK is passed down from
generation to generation and is essential for the existence of the communities in their localities
(Agrawal, 1995). Some of the differences between scientific and indigenous knowledge include
the fact that the former is generated from research institutes, private businesses, and universities
as well as through schooling systems (Agrawal, 2014). The latter, however, is deeply rooted in the
traditions of communities and is therefore passed orally and is preserved primarily through the
actions of the practitioners. It not only is a consolidated frame of expertise and practices but also
of beliefs Agrawal (1995). IK effectiveness stems from the long-term observations and inspection
on specific domestic and regional ecosystems (Wilson, 2018).
In the discussion regarding the impact of Kayapo’s culture on the environment, it is
essential to point out the various kinds of Indigenous Knowledge possessed by this community.
Communities around the globe maintain unique views of interaction with the environment but
within these unique views Chilton & Bloodgood (2008) have identified two types of knowledge:
explicit and tacit. Explicit IK is the kind that can be more easily captured, recorded and
disseminated by outsiders without much need for a comprehensive understanding of all the factors
that shape the community that produces it. Examples of explicit knowledge may include the
interaction with and handling of wildlife (flora and fauna) such as plant propagation techniques
involved in biodiversity management (Dudgeon & Berkes, 2003). On the other hand, tacit IK
entails the action-oriented awareness that is gained through personal experience. Implicit skills are
mostly obtained through intuition and may involve emotion, experiences, perception, and insight.
Such forms of know-how may not be as easily recordable as they are subject to personal emotions
and attitudes of researchers (Chilton & Bloodgood, 2008). In the case of the Kayapo, they appear
to have mostly resorted to Tacit IK in order to protect their surroundings from an external danger
and anger emotions were prominent whenever they expressed their feelings to the outsiders
(Plotkin, 2017).
The economic activities of a specific society such as agriculture, agro-forestry, a gathering
of wild food, and water management are of course closely intertwined with particular kinds of
knowledge such as classification of soil and an understanding of flora and fauna. Various kinds of
IK suit the groups and organizations living in different settings: IK is embedded in the way of life
of the groups and in the way they ensure sustenance. Yet IK is also rooted in specific worldviews
emanating from societies relationship with their natural environment (Seeger, 1982). Culture and
indigenous knowledge are therefore interrelated as IK influences the cultural practices engaged in
by the particular communities.
According to Plotkin (2017), conventional knowledge structures are crucial in framing the
methods used in anthropology. Anthropologists can thus employ the understanding of the
utilization of IK by the communities as a way of collecting the needed information they are
seeking, while using IK to understand the impact of culture on the environment, it is necessary to
study how such groups influence their milieu through their cultural practices. The use of the
concept of Indigenous knowledge is thus crucial in exploring domestically informed perspectives
of the impact of culture on the environment.
Purpose Statement
Culture and indigenous knowledge have a significant influence on the environment as they
determine people’s actions that can be beneficial or detrimental to their surroundings. Specific
knowledge may be utilized to engage in activities that sustain biodiversity, like the planting of
diverse species of vegetation. Some cultural practices may, however, lead to the destruction of the
environment like the extensive hunting of endangered wild animals for food. Such attitudes are
founded on traditional belief systems that influence the understanding and interpretation of the
biophysical environment. According to United Nations Department of Economic Development,
an estimated 370 million indigenous people were representing about 5000 cultures as of 2009
(United Nations, 2009). Biodiversity often characterizes the areas inhabited by such communities.
The native individuals have always recognized the importance of the interaction with their lands
as a source of their livelihood. There is a social, spiritual, and economic connection between the
communities and the environment. Despite the richness of heritage, the indigenous cultures and
knowledge have been subject of debate especially regarding the impact on the environment. The
discourses particularly concern the perceived superiority of the scientific versus native expertise
in handling the environmental matters.
The encroachment of the lands of the Kayapo by the Brazilian government and private
companies for agricultural, mining, and infrastructural development is pointed as the source of
conflicts. The natives are keen to conserve their heritage and beliefs systems regarding their
habitats while the Brazilian government is committed to the construction of dams for the
generation of electricity (Oliver-Smith, 2014).
The Kayapo People
Kayapo Indians are one of the several native communities living in the Amazonian forest
in Brazil. The Kayapo has been a subject of various studies with scholars showing interest not only
on their culture but how the group utilizes specific types of knowledge such as the management
and interaction with wildlife as well as the impact on biodiversity (Turner & FajansTurner, 2006).
On the political level, the Kayapo Indians became internationally famous because of their struggle
against the encroachment of allegedly developmental interventions that they perceived could lead
to the loss of their homeland and natural resources (Plotkin, 2017).
The Kayapo are one of the main indigenous communities in the rain forest, they live along
the Xingu River in scattered villages in the regions which they inhabit (Plotkin, 2017; Turner &
FajansTurner, 2006). The Kayapo land is positioned in the Central Brazilian plateau, a territory
that is connected to several river valleys at approximately 300 and 400 meters above sea level
(Heckenberger & Neves, 2009). The Kayapo’s main economic activities consist of a combination
of hunting and gathering and forest horticulture, although they are also extensively involved in
fishing activities to supplement other sources of food, as do most of the native communities living
in the Amazon basin (Taylor, 1988). Their socialization is based on relatively complex systems
that apply to the whole group. Boys are required to leave their maternal homes and live in the
houses of the women they marry while girls stay in the homes in which they are born until they
die (Turner, 1995). The extended family is the basic social unit in the Kayapo community.
Indigenous Knowledge for Tropical Forest Management
Vast swaths of the Amazon rainforest have long been exposed to the action of indigenous
human communities and undergone periods of use and isolation, and thus the Amazonian
ecosystems are far from being entirely pristine or unaltered (Plotkin, 2017; Posey, 1985). For
instance, the existence of old agricultural plots proves there is a long history of IK-based genetic
engineering of plants. IK including traditions and beliefs play a vital role in these communities
daily lives, from managing resources to security (Wilson, 2018). Resource management systems
are vital for biodiversity as the communities engage in activities that influence the manipulation
and modification of species. The case of Kayapo is utilized in this article to demonstrate how
indigenous communities living in tropical forests apply traditional knowledge systems to exploit
natural resources to meet their needs while supporting their lifestyle.
Kayapo Indigenous Knowledge in Tropical Forest Ecosystems Management
Posey (2003) describes the Kayapo as an effective managers of the tropical forest who use
their IK to ensure the continuation of plant species. The Kayapo achieve the propagation of plant
species by transplanting different vegetation species in their lands. The understanding of the
Kayapo’s management of forest resources is further asserted in the works of Taylor (1988) who
notes that they utilize their comprehension of floral and faunal heritage to enhance their interaction
with the environment. For instance, they select, transplant and concentrate semi-domesticated
indigenous plants by growing them in forest islands, forest openings, agricultural plots and tuber
gardens and by creating forest patches (apetes) from open cerrando areas; through the application
of crumbled termite and ant nests (Posey, 1985; Taylor, 1988). In describing the nature of skills of
Kayapo, Posey opines:
The knowledge of the Kayapo Indians is an integrated system of beliefs and practices. In addition
to the information shared generally, there is specialized expertise held by a few. Each village has
its specialists in soils, plants, animals, crops, medicines, and rituals (2003, p. 5).
As such the use of IK by the Kayapo not only allows them to live a healthy life with
adequate nutrition, but can also play a beneficial role in the management, manipulation, and
modification of biodiversity in their lands. Their knowledge and activities are thus essential in the
establishment of ecosystems that are more diverse, young and vigorous. The Kayapos knowledge
of forest ecosystem management is not only relevant to the successful creation of forests from
open areas but it is also a perfect example of the management and utilization of infertile lands
(Plotkin, 2017).
The forest islands indicate the extent to which the Kayapo can utilize their knowledge to
modify and alter the ecosystem to influence biodiversity. The effect of the Kayapos practices and
knowledge on the environment is therefore noted in the habitats with increased diversity of plants
and animals. The creation of apetes, one of such practices. begins with small mounds of vegetation
on ant nests in the fields cleared by the Kayapo. Taylor (1988) describes this process as involving
the selection of the slightly depressed surfaces that are likely to retain more moisture as compared
to the other locations in the same ecosystem. Forest islands are essential elements in the existence
of the Kayapo community as they constitute a source of medicine and food and they also act as
places of rest during the hot times of the day. Furthermore, the specific plants making up the forest
islands are also considered to be of high value to the community (Posey, 2003). For instance, the
palm trees that are vital in the culture of the Kayapo due to the variety of their uses are prominent
components of the forest islands. Moreover, the vines from which the drinkable water is produced
are also planted in the apetes (Posey, 2003). The architecture of an apete entails a zone that varies
in light, shade, and humidity. Even though it can be observed that the forest islands appear natural,
they are artificial and hence reflect the complex skills possessed by the Kayapo in the creation of
such systems (Plotkin, 2017).
Posey (2003) reports that of 120 plant species obtained from ten forest islands, almost 70%
of the sampled vegetation could have been grown by the indigenous communities. Such ecological
modification entails the application of detailed knowledge of aspects like the interrelationship
between species, soil fertility, microclimatic conditions variations, and the special niches of the
kinds of the flora that are introduced into a forest island.
The importance of the indigenous knowledge in the management of the forests by the
Kayapo identified by Posey (1985) is further confirmed by recent studies by Plotkin (2017) and
Schwartzman & Zimmerman (2005) among others. Hecht (2003) reports that the methods and
skills used by the indigenous community in the management of soil towards the preservation of
the plants are vital for the maintenance of the natural biodiversity. Native knowledge in the
management of soil is essential particularly in the activities aimed at the concentration and
maintenance of biodiversity in the forests. Further techniques are associated with the growth of
secondary forests that emerge when the Kayapo gardens start to experience reduced productivity.
Through such skills, it can be noted that the Kayapo never entirely abandon their gardens; instead,
these become highly concentrated well-managed secondary forest with edible, medicinal, and
other useful plant species (Posey, 2003). Furthermore, the Kayapo also grow plants that attract the
game species that are essential sources of food and other materials like fur and skin for clothing.
Such practices reveal the existence of a complex system of indigenous knowledge.
The mastery of the ecological system around rivers is another essential piece of indigenous
knowledge possessed by the Kayapo. According to Posey (2003), the river ecology is influenced
by various aspects such as the presence of some species of fish as well as well the quality of the
water. As part of the tropical forest management, the Kayapo possess skills that allow them to
maintain the natural ecology of the river; for instance, they plant fruit-bearing trees and shrubs
along the river banks to attract the fish when the leaves, fruits, and other parts of the vegetation
fall in the water. The importance of plants is indicated by Posey (2003), “the tucum palm
(Astrocaryum tucuma) is even planted in the flood basins during dry seasons in anticipation of
high waters: small fish thrive among the thorny palm shoot when the river rises” (p. 56).
Further knowledge of the Kayapo is demonstrated in the identification of particular types
of animals and plants living in specific ecological zones. The group has mastered animal behavior
and possesses a well-developed know-how of the animals that are associated with particular
sustenance benefits. A further association is made between the plants and the various types of soil.
For example, the Kayapo are aware of the fact that some plant species in their region grow faster
when grown together (Wilson, 2018), like the medicinal plants that develop rapidly when grown
together with bananas, or the species that are concentrated around papaya to produce unique micro
zones with improved soil fertility (Hecht, 2003).
Invasion of the Forest and the Reaction of the Kayapo
Even though they had no contact with the external world for many years, the 1980s saw
the Brazilian government increasing the number of activities in the places inhabited by the Kayapo.
Due to the onslaught of both public and private infrastructure development initiatives, the Kayapo
Indians had to adjust their worldview regarding their identity as an ethnic and indigenous group
while interacting with the larger Brazilian society.
The potential of the Amazon forest regarding natural resources such as timber and minerals
attracts loggers and miners while ranchers and farmers clear vast portions of the forest and
introduce livestock, all with well-known devastating effects for biodiversity (Brown, 2014).
Destruction of biodiversity is experienced when a large number of logging companies start
cutting and processing of wood to produce timber. Studies by Oliver-Smith (2014) and Brown
(2014) among others point out to the existence of the vast mineral resources like gold in the Kayapo
territories and hence the manifestation of a large number of the miners that have attempted to
extract the deposits.
Given the fact that the Kayapo land is crisscrossed by rivers with the potential to feed
electricity generation projects, the government has engaged in the development of such projects
leading to conflict between the two parties. The Kararao weir project, a series of six dams within
the territory of the Kayapo, is an example of such conflict. The significant impact of the proposed
project could have been seen the destruction of the way of life of the group through the destruction
of their habitat. Other effects of the expected infrastructure also entailed the flooding of up to 8,300
square miles of land containing entire Kayapo settlements as well as their migratory routes and
hunting trails. Furthermore, the project would have done away with vast areas of untouched forest.
The dam, therefore, according to Plotkin, (2017), presented a serious danger on the environment
and devastation to the Kayapo tribe which completely relies on the forest natural ecosystem for
their survival.
Due to the encroachment of their territories by the Brazilian government and other private
companies, the Kayapos have remained steadfast in their attempt to maintain their identity by
resisting invasion that could lead to the downgrading of the environment:
In their confrontation with both public and private economic development initiatives, the Kayapo
have come to define their survival in terms of successful resistance to the destruction of their natural
environment” (Oliver-Smith, 2014, p. 118).
Some other examples of resistance include the fight against aggressive development
activities in their territory such as the opening of the illegal gold mines and the dumping of the
radioactive wastes in their borders. Oliver-Smith (2014) describes that resistance from the Kayapo
led to their recapture of the gold mines while Turner (1995) asserts that the Kayapo have gained
global fame for their astute and aggressive defense against the destruction of their traditional
homelands by the invading miners, loggers, land speculators, government, developers, and settlers.
The native community has therefore made a perfect case of an indigenous Amazonian tribe that
has demonstrated a successful ability to defend itself against the invasion through the utilization
of various strategies (Turner, 1995). One of such approaches includes a sit-in at the presidential
palace by the Kayapo with their full regalia that enabled the stopping of the dumping of the
radioactive wastes in their border.
According to Oliver-Smith (2014) what may be considered as one of the greatest triumphs
of the group is observed in the leading role played by the Kayapo of Gorotire by protesting against
the construction of the five large dams along the Xingu River. Similarly, Brown (2014) describes
the protests that are known as the Altamira Gathering in which the elderly of the community held
a tribal rally in 1989 to oppose the efforts by the government to construct various dams. It was so
successful that the World Bank cancelled the release of the convened funds. Consequently, through
the collaboration with international allies and celebrities like Sting, the tribe gained a large
demarcated reserve spanning over 100 million hectares (Brown, 2014).
The resistance by the Kayapo against land grab and displacement for the benefit of the
Brazilian state has made their way of life a political issue. The Altamira rally, for example, was a
thoroughly designed display of culture combined with explicitly political statements assuring their
identity (Zanotti, 2015). Furthermore, this indigenous group has recognized the significance of
their culture not only to themselves but to others as well. The Kayapo took the reins of culture
representation and purposely used it to advance their fight. The international media coverage this
attracted proved crucial in creating the alliances that championed their cause.
Despite the victory at the Altamira rally that was essential in stopping the construction of
the Kararao Dam Project, another prospect of building another dam emerged in 2008, with the
proposed Belo Monte project to replace the 1989-plan. The infrastructure was officially approved
by President Dilma Rousseff despite the protests of the international human right groups and the
resistance mounted by the Kayapo (Riethof, 2017). The dam that is currently under construction
is expected to cause a very similar range of environmental and livelihood problems to the
communities living there as its predecessor; amongst them, displacement, reduced water supply
for the local population and decreased fish stocks (Riethof, 2017).
Since the inception of the Belo Monte project, the Kayapo have resisted its construction at
every stage of its development. However, the government revived the plans to build the dam in the
2000s. Even though not successful, the second wave of resistance by the Kayapo left a lasting
impact in the form of social relationships as manifested in the unification of all the tribes under
the Kayapo community (Xing, 2013). The government of Brazil has been accused of shunning the
commitment to environmental and human rights protection while emphasizing primarily on the
generation of power at the expense of the communities living in the banks of the rivers. While the
proponents of the dams have argued that electricity is a useful green source of energy, the
environmental impact of such projects may outweigh the benefits in the long run (Riethof, 2017).
A host of non-governmental organizations such as the Rainforest Action Network, Nature
Conservancy, and Environmental Defense Funds among others have played critical roles in
supporting of the Kayapo in the fight against environmental degradation. Therefore, the resistance
against the eco-threatening dams did not only utilize the IK of the natives, but concerted and
combined efforts with the mentioned groups (Conklin & Graham, 1995). The organizations’ role
has been noted as raising awareness about the indigenous group’s culture as well as sensitizing the
natives about their rights. Apart from equipping the communities with the vital tools like boats and
communication gadgets for tackling the invaders, the non-governmental organizations also play a
vital role in the presenting the plight of the Kayapo Indians on the global arena (Chernela &
Zanotti, 2014). NGOs such as Environmental Defense Funds have actively engaged in the
international reporting impacts of the Amazonian conflicts over natural resources such as the
extinction of species, reduction of biodiversity, and global warming (Riethof, 2017).
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Kayapo case is, like similar dam resistance movements in rural areas of
the Global South, a nutshell containing all kinds of conflicts and contentious issues concerning the
question of what is development. The view of development as economic growth through the
creation of infrastructure is opposed by the view of development as community wellbeing; urban
development, ultimately the main beneficiary of dam construction, clashes with the livelihood of
rural populations; While hydroelectric power is relatively green, it is so at the expense of an
enormous loss of biodiversity and displacement. In the midst of it all, there is the confrontation
between very different ways of conceiving of and interacting with the natural environment, and at
the core of it the notion of culture, consciously performed by the Kayapo in front of the media and
the public sphere in Brazil as a strategy to demarcate their identity and assert their rights to the
land, to the preservation of their source of livelihood and way of life.
As for the subject of who possesses knowledge and what kind of knowledge is valid and
instrumental for development, it has been established that the Kayapos economic activities, far
from endangering their natural surroundings, contribute to its preservation and renewal since the
production or exploitation of resources is paired up with indigenous environmental management
skills. The Kayapo manage and protect their tropical forest ecosystem using culture and indigenous
knowledge. They have resisted the construction of the dams in their habitats, their resistance
manifests the application of indigenous knowledge and belief systems regarding the impact on the
tropical rainforest ecosystem through the building of the dams.
The major concern of the Kayapo Indians regarding the construction of dams along the
rivers in which they inhabit is the impact of such structures on their ecosystems and territories.
The development of the projects would have not only affected their lifestyle but would have
contributed to extensive alteration of the biodiversity. The flooding from the dams will cause
significant impacts on activities such as fishing. On the same note, the life of the community is
affected as the land may not be usable due to the floods (Plotkin, 2017).
The case of Kayapo is used to show how such communities living in tropical forest apply
traditional knowledge systems to work with nature against the human intervention to meet their
needs as well as supporting their lifestyle. Furthermore, it can be concluded that indigenous groups
can apply the system of beliefs and traditional knowledge to protect their habitats from the
encroachment of development activities such as those by the government or private companies
that are seeking to exploit the natural resources.
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Despite widespread recognition of the importance of community-conservation partnerships, problems continue to emerge. In this paper we examine one such interaction to propose that outside organisations have wrongly associated the delimitations of the habitational space with the extent of community allegiances and moral economies. Such oversights can lead to project withdrawal, as they did in one case of an ecotourism proposal among the indigenous Kayapσ of the southeastern Amazon. The case study points to the challenges in the processes of partnering with local villages where histories of fissioning and factioning contain within them their own processual relations and moral obligations. These models, by which people group themselves into communities of loyalty, affectivity, and belonging, may be elusive to outsiders and account for many challenges in local-international collaborations. Western planners are often unprepared for the long reach of relationships relevant to project planning and benefit sharing. We suggest that in order to move forward with effective multi-participant community-based projects, project planners should take into account supra-spatial, and dynamic, moral economies.
Book
Utilizing ethnographic and archaeological data and an updated paradigm derived from the best features of cultural ecology and ecological anthropology, this extensively illustrated book addresses over fifteen South American adaptive systems representing a broad cross section of band, village, chiefdom, and state societies throughout the continent over the past 13,000 years.Indigenous South Americans of the Past and Present presents data on both prehistoric and recent indigenous groups across the entire continent within an explicit theoretical framework. Introductory chapters provide a brief overview of the variability that has characterized these groups over the long period of indigenous adaptation to the continent and examine the historical background of the ecological and cultural evolutionary paradigm. The book then presents a detailed overview of the principal environmental contexts within which indigenous adaptive systems have survived and evolved over thousands of years. It discusses the relationship between environmental types and subsistence productivity, on the one hand, and between these two variables and sociopolitical complexity, on the other. Subsequent chapters proceed in sequential order that is at once evolutionary (from the least to the most complex groups) and geographical (from the least to the most productive environments)?around the continent in counterclockwise fashion from the hunter-gatherers of Tierra del Fuego in the far south; to the villagers of the Amazonian lowlands; to the chiefdoms of the Amazon vea and the far northern Andes; and, finally, to the chiefdoms and states of the Peruvian Andes. Along the way, detailed presentations and critiques are made of a number of theories based on the South American data that have worldwide implications for our understanding of prehistoric and recent adaptive systems.
Article
Indigenous knowledge research is a recent trend in the sociological and anthropological domains. Hither to fore, all developmental programmes initiated especially by the Government agencies have adopted a top-down approach, i.e., planning, distribution, and resources in-flow and perceptions flow from top to down. This trend has been recently reversed with a growing realization that for any successful implementation of planned programme, people’s participation becomes imperative. In this context, participatory research techniques have been generated in different social sciences. The main thrust in such an approach is to make the people or the subjects into active collaborators in bringing about desired change. In this background research on Indigenous knowledge systems is growing steadily and anthropological contributions in this area have been greatly acknowledged, as the basic research methodology adopted by Anthropologists is participant observation method. In fact, the pioneers in documenting indigenous knowledge systems all over the world, especially among the less advanced, disadvantaged tribal and rural masses were none other than the Anthropologists. In the area of health and disease too, many anthropologists have undertaken documentation of health-related issues. Nonetheless, explanations offered in this domain are mostly divinatory in nature implying the divine wrath as causative of all diseases. In this paper, an attempt is made to illustrate the health status of the Tribals of Eastern Ghats and their health seeking behaviour and beliefs. Despite the fact that tribal societies exhibit similarities in many aspects related to health and disease, local variations persist.
Chapter
Much of the literature on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) deals with similarities and differences between Western science and traditional knowledge (e.g., Johannes, 1989; Williams and Baines, 1993; Berkes, 1999). By contrast, little has been written about the relationship between TEK and indigenous knowledge (IK). These two areas constitute two closely related and broadly overlapping literatures. While each approach seeks to understand local knowledge of the land, there are both similarities and differences between the two. One of the primary differences is the insight provided by TEK regarding some new understandings in ecology and resource management.
Article
Currently there is unprecedented loss of biological diversity, as well as rapidly disappearing cultures and languages that encode traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) on the sustainable use and management of natural resources. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) calls for the 'wider use and application' of traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices of indigenous and local communities to enhance in situ biodiversity conservation. The conservation strategy employed by the Kayapó Indians of the Brazilian Amazon is taken as an exemplary model. It interlinks forest and agriculture as poles of a classification continuum that focuses on useful Non-Domesticated Resources (NDRs) found in transitional anthropogenic ecosystems, such as savanna 'forest islands', forest openings and old agricultural fields. Kayapó TEK has applications for Amazonia and beyond, but equitable utilisation of indigenous knowledge and management models requires guarantees of basic human rights for indigenous and traditional peoples. This includes protection of knowledge and genetic resources, as well as adequate benefit-sharing from their use. International law and practice already require this, but many scientists and environmentalists are unaware of their obligations to fulfil post-CBD requirements.
Article
This paper analyzes the Kayapó's struggle against large-scale hydroelectric development in the Brazilian Amazon. Whereas environmental justice efforts that were launched in the 1980s against a similar dam project were met with success, efforts in the past several years to halt the Belo Monte dam, to date, have not stopped licensing or construction. And in spite of the rise of regional and international indigenous movements, environmental awareness, and the democratic turn in Brazil, the building continues. This paper examines the different processes the Kayapó have used to address environmental justice issues, especially their deployment of identity politics as a resistance strategy to achieve recognitional justice. As the new wave of “participation” as an environmental governance norm places most emphasis on procedural forms of justice, a focus on procedure, such as the participation offered in Environmental Impact Assessment processes, does not adequately address and sometimes masks underlying issues of recognitional injustice. I show that these policies to ensure participation have had uneven impacts, and Kayapó strategies rooted in identity politics have had mixed results in achieving desired goals for justice. At the same time large-scale organized activist and resistance provide a productive counterspace for marginalized communities to create a public record of their concerns, even if the effectiveness of the protests have varied over time. While a continued robust civil society is promising, it remains a concern that despite the rise procedural forms of justice, recognitional justice remains elusive for the Kayapó.