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Migrant Housing
Migrant Housing, the latest book by author Mirjana Lozanovska, examines
the house as the architectural construct in the processes of migration.
Housing is pivotal to any migration story, with studies showing that migrant
participation in the adaptation or building of houses provides symbolic
materiality of belonging and the platform for agency and productivity in
the broader context of the immigrant city. Migration also disrupts the cohe-
sion of everyday dwelling and homeland integral to housing, and the book
examines this displacement of dwelling and its effect on migrant housing.
This timely volume investigates the poetic and political resonance
between migration and architecture, challenging the idea of the ‘house’
as a singular theoretical construct. Divided into three parts, Histories and
theories of post-war migrant housing, House/ home and Mapping migrant
spaces of home, it draws on data studies from Australia and Macedonia,
with literature from Canada, Sweden and Germany, to uncover the effects of
unprivileged post- war migration in the late twentieth century on the house
as architectural and normative model, and from this perspective negotiates
the disciplinary boundaries of architecture.
Mirjana Lozanovska is Associate Professor at Deakin University, Australia.
Her research deploys multidisciplinary theories of space to examine mobility
and exchange and its impact on architecture, diversity and culture, and the
reinvention of the city. She has published widely on migration and architec-
ture, and is editor of the anthology, Ethno- Architecture and the Politics of
Migration (2016).
ii
Routledge Research inArchitecture
The Routledge Research in Architecture series provides the reader with the
latest scholarship in the eld of architecture. The series publishes research
from across the globe and covers areas as diverse as architectural history and
theory, technology, digital architecture, structures, materials, details, design,
monographs of architects, interior design and much more. By making these
studies available to the worldwide academic community, the series aims to
promote quality architectural research.
For a full list of titles, please visit:www.routledge.com/ Routledge- Research-
in- Architecture/ book- series/ RRARCH
Unorthodox Ways to Think the City
Representations, Constructions, Dynamics
Teresa Stoppani
Flexibility and Design
Learning from the School Construction Systems Development (SCSD)
Project
Joshua D.Lee
Visual Spatial Enquiry
Diagrams and Metaphors for Architects and Spatial Thinkers
Edited by Robyn Creagh and Sarah McGann
Narratives of Architectural Education
From Student to Architecture
James Thompson
Migrant Housing
Architecture, Dwelling, Migration
Mirjana Lozanovska
How Children Learn from Architecture and the Environment
Mark Dudek
iii
Migrant Housing
Architecture, Dwelling, Migration
Mirjana Lozanovska
iv
First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, NewYork, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Mirjana Lozanovska
The right of Mirjana Lozanovska to be identied as author of this work has
been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice:Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identication and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing- in- Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data
Names: Lozanovska, Mirjana, author.
Title: Migrant housing : architecture, dwelling, migration /
Mirjana Lozanovska.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2019. |
Series: Routledge research in architecture |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identiers: LCCN 2018047275 (print) | LCCN 2018047901 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780203701300 (eBook) | ISBN 9781138574090 (hardback)
Subjects: LCSH: Architecture, Domestic–Social aspects. |
Immigrants–Dwellings. | Identity (Psychology) in architecture.
Classication: LCC NA7125 (ebook) |
LCC NA7125 .L69 2019 (print) | DDC 728/.3730896912–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018047275
ISBN:978- 1- 138- 57409- 0 (hbk)
ISBN:978- 0- 203- 70130- 0 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Newgen Publishing UK
v
To Tome and Trajanka for their courage, labours, and creativity
vii
Contents
List of gures ix
Acknowledgements xiv
Introduction 1
PART I
Histories and theories of post- war migrant housing 11
1 Spatial enclaves and envelopes of identity 13
2 Abjection, otherness, performativity 31
3 Building the nation and the migrant enclave 51
PART II
House/ home 71
4 Diaspora aesthetics and the tell- tale details of
architectural cultures 73
5 The migrant house 104
6 Dwelling after emigration 124
PART III
Mapping migrant spaces of home 155
7 Maps, myths and origins 157
viii Contents
viii
8 The village as commemorative homeland 179
9 Twin house 203
Bibliography 219
Index 236
ix
Figures
1.1 Elderly immigrants and the houses they have lived in for
more than thirtyyears: House Turquoise and Atanas (left -
top and bottom); House Bitola with Kliment and Svetlana
(middle - top and bottom); House Aegean with Sotir and
Agnia (right - top and bottom). (Elderly Immigrant Housing
Study, Mirjana Lozanovska, Melbourne, 2001) 15
1.2 Elderly who live on their own after others have emigrated
from the village:Dola with the stick, Polka in the doorway,
and Petra on balcony. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia,
photographs Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 16
2.1 Fragments of otherness:the efforts of Atanas to
make good this bad, stubborn house, or as he called it
‘Чурук Ќука’ Turquoise with mission brown trimmings,
various perforated metal fence components assembled
together to form a ‘Southern European’, cultural and
aesthetic inscription on the public facade of House
Turquoise belonging to Atanas. (Elderly Immigrant Housing
Study, Mirjana Lozanovska, Melbourne, 2001) 34
2.2 Lacan’s Schema L semiotic square translated into a
migration matrix outlines how language denes the migrant
subject spread across the signifying points of village, city
and house. (Conception and design Mirjana Lozanovska,
drawing Vanessa Napiza) 35
4.1 Contact sheet (one of thirteen) of migrant housing in
Preston, Thornbury and Northcote, the northern suburbs of
Melbourne. The quantity, scope and distribution revealed
in the survey necessitates reclassication of the history of
Australian housing. (Mirjana Lozanovska with assistance
from Lana Van Galan, Darebin Municipality Street study of
migrant housing, 2006) 77
4.2 Northcote Enclave context map/ plan and street view,
illustrating convent of Sisters of Poor to the north, cul de
sac subdivision of house plots, and sloping topography and
x Figures
x
section organisation of housing. (Northcote Enclave Study,
Mirjana Lozanovska, plan drawn by Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 79
4.3 Tell- tale details:migrant garden illustrating composition
with white quartz pebbles, succulents, exotic green leaf arid
climate plants; and lemon tree. (Northcote Enclave Study,
Mirjana Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 81
4.4 Tell- tale details:front matter of housing illustrating
formality, geometric order and elevation above ground level
with monumental stairs. (Northcote Enclave Study, Mirjana
Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 83
4.5 Tell- tale details:the migrant house terrace, large spacious
terraces at front, side and rear of houses. (Northcote
Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and Victoria
Gantala, 2009a) 84
4.6 Tell- tale details:terrace morphology producing a layered
and permeable interface between public and private.
(Northcote Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and
Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 86
4.7 Tell- tale details:house worlds of migrant housing and the
raised distant views of the suburban landscape. (Northcote
Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala,
2009a; section drawn by Chayakan Siamphukdee, 2016) 88
4.8 Tell- tale details:crafting of migrant habitus into the
architecture of the normative house. (Northcote Enclave
Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 90
4.9 Tell- tale details:productive spaces, vegetable garden,
outdoor and communal cooking facilities; summer kitchen
in basement or separate structure; sewing room, storage
room for winter preserves; materials and tools around
house. (Northcote Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and
Victoria Gantala, 2009a) 92
4.10 Habitus and architecture:the distinction of migrant
housing is an outcome of imported dwelling habits of
rst generation southern European migrants that through
interaction with the normative brick veneer house have
produced a new Australian vernacular housing architecture.
(Northcote Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and
Victoria Gantala, 2009a; drawing by Vanessa Napiza 2016) 96
5.1 Migrant houses, 1960s, Melbourne. The architecture of
the migrant houses built in the period 1955– 75 presented
clean rectilinear geometry and a formal facade. Negative
reactions to migrant housing reveal a deeper structuring of
aesthetic taste related to a hierarchy of culture. (Darebin
Municipality Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and Lana
Van Galen, 2006; Northcote Enclave Study, Mirjana
Figures xi
xi
Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala, 2009a; Samantha
Jackson artwork, 2016) 109
5.2 Lions and eagles on migrant houses, early 1970s.
Ornamentation of border perimeter. (Darebin Municipality
Study, Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 115
6.1 House- fragment:once the ancestral home is inherited by the
emigrant generation, one corner of it is demolished for the
construction of a new migrant house. (Zavoj, Republic of
Macedonia, photograph Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 125
6.2 Notes from eldwork in 1988 illustrating the focus on
dwelling habits and use of the built environment. (Zavoj,
Republic of Macedonia, eld notes Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 126
6.3 A plan of the domestic domain of the Vesa and Pere
household illustrating the house proper and the ancillary
structures comprising the barn, summer kitchen, yard, stone
oven, and kitchen vegetable garden. (Zavoj, Republic of
Macedonia, plan drawing, Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 131
6.4 Domestic scenes illustrating the effect of domestic labour
and use on architecture. Nasté and Nikodinka inside
the house and the mixed use of interior rooms or ‘odaji’
(upper); Dola, Vesa, Donka carrying a wooden plank with
bread to be baked in stone oven; Pere washing at dawn at
the tap below the porch of the house. (Zavoj, Republic of
Macedonia, photographs Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 134
6.5 The ‘chardak’, a traditional architectural element in the
Macedonian house is a roofed space of generous dimension
screened by fretwork. Tasevska House, Zavoj. (Zavoj,
Republic of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana Lozanovska,
1988) 136
6.6 House taxonomies of Zavoj:House- ruin (top row),
House- incomplete (second row), House- closed (third row)
and House- traditional (bottom row); House- fragment,
see Figure6.1. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photographs
Mirjana Lozanovska, 2005, 2010, 2013) 138
6.7 Houses of emigrant Dimitar in Leskoeç and emigrant Simon
in Železnička Naselba. Their large blocks have allowed
for rural food growing practices and the construction of
dwellings for their children. House of Simon in Zavoj
built over the period 2007 to 2015. Simon’s new migrant
house in Zavoj is small and is constructed on the site
of the ancestral home. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia,
photographs Mirjana Lozanovska, 2005, 2012; plan
drawings Vanessa Napiza) 145
6.8 Taseski House belonging to Naum and Olga who have
returned to live in Zavoj. The front porch and decorative
xii Figures
xii
trough; vegetable garden at rear and Naum with beehives;
Olga and family friend preparing preserves from the
summer harvest in summer kitchen. (Zavoj, Republic of
Macedonia; original sketch and photographs, Mirjana
Lozanovska, 2010; plan drawn by Vanessa Napiza) 148
7.1 Map of Zavoj with migration trajectories to other cities:
Melbourne, Wollongong, Sydney, Perth, Stockholm,
Guttenberg, Norköping, Halmstad, Cologne, Berlin, San
Francisco, Indiana, Berne, Lokerbarn, Banat. (Original
drawing of Zavoj plan and design by Mirjana Lozanovska,
1988; new world map drawn by Alexandra Anda Florea
and Brandon Gardiner, 2015) 160
7.2 Women meeting on logs in the village Zavoj.
(Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph
Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 166
7.3 Panoramic view of Zavoj. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia,
photograph and collage Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 168
7.4 Koshara:shepherd’s hut as founding shelter or origin of
the village (Kolibi колиби). (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia,
photograph Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 172
8.1 View of the church St Bogorodica, Zavoj at the top end
of the steep and winding main road in the village.
(Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana
Lozanovska, 2005) 183
8.2 The cemetery, Долна Црква (the lower church) is located at
the lower end of the mountain before entry to the village,
Zavoj and where the rituals for the Holy Mother on 28
August begin. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph
Mirjana Lozanovska 2005) 184
8.3 Architectural drawings of the church St Bogorodica in
Zavoj showing the loggia addition on south and west sides
of the church. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia; original
sketch and measurements, Mirjana Lozanovska, 2005;
plan and elevations drawn by Lee- Anne Manski) 185
8.4 Ceremonial walk by the congregation around the church
building of St Bogorodica at the end of the liturgy
celebrating the Day of the Holy Mother, 28 August.
(Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana
Lozanovska, 1988) 186
8.5 Oro, traditional dance staged at the plateau ground of the
church at the end of the liturgical ceremony. (Zavoj, Republic
of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 187
8.6 Layered aesthetic order of interior of the church,
St Bogorodica. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph
Mirjana Lozanovska, 2005) 189
Figures xiii
xiii
8.7 Elderly woman in black climbing up the scaffold of the
temporary bell tower, a surprising gesture which for that
moment became an artistic image of spirituality.
(Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana
Lozanovska, 1988) 191
8.8 Emigrant community return and congregate at the church
ground of St Bogorodica, Zavoj for a communal feast to
celebrate the Day of the Holy Mother, 28 August 2015.
(Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph Mirjana
Lozanovska, 2015) 195
8.9 Sacred mountain spring tap in a valley near the chapel
of St Ilija under construction by the stone mason Nikola
Petreski along the road to Stari Zavoj (Old Zavoj). One of
the many new and renewed inscriptions in the mountainous
countryside of Zavoj. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia,
photograph Mirjana Lozanovska, 2013) 198
9.1 Twin House:house of emigrants built beside existing
traditional house, Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia. The
houses look almost identical, but the details of each house
reveal difference in material, structure and construction
technologies which visually outline the twin- like sameness
and difference. This twin-like appearance interfaces the
deeper differences between the houses. (Zavoj, Republic of
Macedonia, photograph Mirjana Lozanovska, 2005) 204
9.2 Drawing of tell- tale migrant stair element. Architectural
crafting articulates the distinction of the migrant housing
of southern European migrants built in the period 1955–
75 through a taxonomy of ‘tell- tale elements’. (Northcote
Enclave Study, Mirjana Lozanovska and Victoria Gantala,
2009a; Samantha Jackson artwork, 2016) 209
9.3 Vesa looking across the mountains while herding the cattle
at the edge of the village, Zavoj. The subjects of architecture
evade our representation and discourse, yet the legibility
of the architecture of the village was sustained by their
spatial stories. (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia, photograph
Mirjana Lozanovska, 1988) 212
9.4 Atanas walking by the house that he had lived in for more
than thirty years. He had sold this house and it was For
Sale by the new owners. All ‘turquoise’ and ‘brown’ migrant
imprints that Atanas had inscribed onto the house had
been whitewashed by white paint, white roses and white
interiors. (Melbourne, Australia, photograph Mirjana
Lozanovska, 2006) 215
xiv
Acknowledgements
This book is thirty years in gestation. It is a mountain of a subject, and
though I have published a lot on it, I also needed to disentangle myself
enough to write a book. On each daily walk along the street where my
parents live and Igrew up with my sister, parents and grandmother, Ilooked
at the houses and thought that nothing about these houses or the many fam-
ilies who live in them was mentioned in my architectural education. During
that time my architecture friends who visited my folks were quite astounded
at the look of the street. They were polite but sometimes horried at the
facades. Iloved architecture and became an architect, but it did not seem
right that the house and household that gave me that opportunity was for-
gotten. And Ifelt intuitively it was a very important architecture and house
for many others like me.
That house took me to many other houses. This book would not have
evolved without the vital detail and stories of the southern European
migrants– Italian, Greek and Macedonian– in Melbourne, who welcomed
me into their houses. Itook so long to write the book that many have unfor-
tunately passed on, but Ihope with this account, their histories and houses
will live on as testimony of their contribution to Melbourne and Australia.
Iam deeply indebted to all the people connected to the village Zavoj from
whom Ihave learnt so much and enjoyed the conversations, songs, stories
and laughter. Ifelt humbled by the hospitality of Vesa and Pere and they
have formed an important ethical reference for me. Over the 2005– 15
period I have appreciated the assistance of Mile Veljanoski, Jove Taseski
for taking me to Old Zavoj in 1996, and Nikola Mitreski for the inspired
mountain walk in 2013.
Migration and migrant houses have not had the most popular uptake in
academic work especially not in architecture. The scholars Ihave metalong
the way working in this eld share a similar academic, creative, inventive and
ethical commitment to tell these stories– and these include Iris Levin, David
Beynon, Sarah Lopez, Ayona Datta, Arijit Sen, and now Jennifer Mack; and
the new generation– Sally Winkler, Alexandra Anda Florea, Shilpi Tawara,
Nasim Yazdani, Diasana Dewa Gede Agung. There are many books on this
subject yet to be written. My sincere appreciation to my colleagues who
Acknowledgements xv
xv
were generous with their time and read drafts of the chapters:David Beynon,
Teresa Capetola, Marwan Ghandour, Iris Levin, Sarah Lopez, Anoma Pieris,
Sarah Treadwell and Paul Walker; and to Edward Caruso who cleaned up
my sentences. Avery special thanks to Sneja Gunew who has been an inspir-
ation and mentor in this eld, and more recently for reading a full draft of
the manuscript.
I appreciated funding support from Deakin University and research
assistance from Jacqui Jeavons, Vanessa Napiza, Chayakan Siamphukdee,
Alexandra Anda Florea, Kathryn Alexander, Lana Van Galen. My gratitude
to the Faculty of Architecture Skopje, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University
for hosting me during my sabbatical in 2007, especially to colleagues and
friends Minas Bakalčev, Mitko Hadji- Pula, Domenika Boskova, Goce Adji
Mitrev, Zorica Blaževska, and to Nikola for his assistance. Alfred Deakin
Institute Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University has supported
this last phase of the book and ongoing research in this area. My appreci-
ation of the staff at Routledge, from the gorgeous coffee meeting with Grace
Harrison in Glasgow when she told me ‘yes’ Ihave a contract, to the work
with Aoife McGrath, nal production with Sarah Green and copy- editing
with Martin Noble.
Finally, my friendships with Teresa, Blaga, Panayiota sustain me in so
many ways; and to my homely bodies– Robert and Beli– thankyou.
newgenprepdf
1
Introduction
This book examines housing as the architectural construct of settlement in
the processes of migration. Migration is a pressing eld in our contemporary
world, but it is emergent in architecture.1 The artistic work Exit by Paul
Virilio, with architects Diller and Scodio, explores global migration, trans-
lating statistics into a cinematic and graphic representation.2 Teddy Cruz,
and the recent themes of the Venice Architecture Biennale, have brought
migration to the architectural community’s centre stage.3 This new attention
focusing on the design processes of architectural practice does not always
link to critical academic research. The global impact of migration is evident
in the increasing cultural diversity of cities and within urbanisation. Saskia
Sassen has addressed the physicality and spatialisation of contemporary
globalised labour, and Anthony King has brought the global dimensions of
identity and culture into architectural discourse.4 Few studies have examined
migrant housing as an architectural construct of settlement. Fewer still have
addressed migrant housing as it mediates both ends of the trajectories of
migration:migrant housing in homeland places of departure and migrant
housing in the places and cities of arrival and settlement. This duality of
migrant housing is the subject of this book and brings urban narratives of
migration into the same space as the intricate dwelling stories of migrants.
The architectural focus encompasses the multiple, complex and networked
mappings as they interface with the historical particularities, and material
realities of these migrant stories.
Housing is called upon to dene domestic elds, to elucidate contested
terrains of modernity and modernisation, and to document the change
and continuity of traditions of everyday dwelling and vernacular architec-
ture.5 The aim of every migrant is to be housed, and housing facilitates the
processes of migration, settlement and belonging. Migrants and migrant
communities directly participate in their housing through adaptation, add-
ition, extension or the building of a new house, and this constitutes symbolic
materiality, creative productivity and the platform for agency in the broader
context of the immigrant city. Housing is pivotal to any migration trajectory.
A huge exodus of post- war migrants from Southern Europe – Italy,
Greece and Yugoslavia – were sent along labour migratory trajectories to
2 Introduction
2
Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and other European nations, and to the
United States, Canada and Australia, fuelling the industries and growth
economies of these host countries. Hundreds of recruitment ofces, set up
in the southern European countries, signed up thousands of labour migrants
and thus established the post- war divide between southern Europe and the
advanced economies. Southern European labour migrants formed a par-
ticular group in migration history.6 Their substantial migrant communities,
southern European ‘way of life’ relative to the cultural environments of the
receiving nation, and the chain migration of their arrival, made the impact
of post- war southern European migrants on their places of settlement both
signicant and identiable as a group. These migrants were mostly poor,
but rarely as unskilled as the nationalist immigration policies recorded.
They bought with them the seeds for reshaping the urban, suburban and
rural environments. They literally bought with them the seeds of foods
and exotic plants that changed the landscape, scent and sense of streets,
districts and market gardens, as well as the contents and textures of grocery
stores, markets and supermarkets.7 They also bought with them metaphoric
seeds. Artisan and building skills– terrazzo, concreting, painting, paving
and brickwork– produced new architectural contexts. Interior fabrications,
sewing and gardening produced new spatial atmospheres. Re- use and recyc-
ling of materials and communal ways of building preceded the yet- to- be-
announced ecological approaches to architecture.
In this book, empirical research on the migrant houses in two sites– the
village of Zavoj in the Republic of Macedonia, as a place of emigration, and
the city of Melbourne, Australia, as city of immigration– charts the social,
cultural and architectural layers of migrant housing stories. Architectural
documentation– drawings, plans, elevations, photographs and diagrams–
of the vernacular and new migrant housing in Zavoj in the 1988 to 2015
period, and the housing of southern European migrants in Melbourne built
in the period 1955 to 1975, provide the data of a multi- sited case study of
migration.8 Australia’s post- war nation- building campaign and its resulting
migration ows to Melbourne are juxtaposed with emigration from Zavoj
and its erosion as a place of inhabitation in the post- 1945 period. The archi-
tectural analysis of the housing in Zavoj and Melbourne provide the basis
on which to dene the subject of migrant housing and reveal that migrant
housing is a signicant but particular subject. In the village, migrant housing
opposed and contrasted the vernacular architecture, and the place of migra-
tion is contested in the theories of vernacular architecture. How migrant
housing contributes to theories of vernacular architecture may be a subject
for a following book, but in this book dening ‘migrant housing’ was the
critical objective.
The theory resides in the studies of the migrant housing, and how the
houses mediate, stage and negotiate connections and distances, and commu-
nities during the settlement processes of migration. The details– empirical,
archival and documentational of the case studies– provide grounding and
Introduction 3
3
depth to the analysis of migration and housing, and material for a discus-
sion of migrant dwelling practices and human subjectivity. An analysis of the
house as transcultural construct across the migration trajectory denes the
scope of the study. Many people departed from Zavoj, and many people from
southern Europe migrated to Melbourne. Some return annually to Zavoj and
have built houses there. Their particular migration histories link the disparate
national narratives of the Republic of Macedonia and Australia.
The settlement of southern European post- war migrants in Sweden,
Germany, Canada and the United Stated extends the geographic scope that
is detailed in the case studies. Research on migrant housing of other ethnic
communities and histories provides the broader context. Hupka’s study of
the housing of Polish immigrants in the late 1800s in North America, Savas’
study of Turkish homes in Vienna, and Mack’s study of the houses of Syriac
immigrants in Sweden provide parallel migrant housing histories.9 Klaufus’
research on migrant housing in Ecuador and Guatemala in Latin America and
Lopez’s study of housing in Mexico examine migrant housing in homeland
sites as the result of remittance nancing of migrants working in the United
States.10 Hirst’s study of migrant housing in homeland Turkish villages and
Iris Levin’s work on migrant housing both in Israel and Australia, focusing
on material culture, brings the emphasis to the migrant home and to a sense
of belonging. These detailed and careful studies draw on ethnography,
anthropology and cultural studies, bringing cross- disciplinary methods and
theories into architecture.
Housing/ house/ dwelling/ home
Housing dominates architectural history and discourse in the post- war period
in Europe, both as a solution to mass housing needs and as the standard unit
for the modernisation of societies.11 Alongside the discourse on housing,
architectural historian, Peter Collins has called the ‘house’ a paradigm of
modernity. Collins is referring to the house as the architectural entity in the
post- enlightenment era as it precedes and encompasses the modern family.
His theory produces a tension between the history of post- war housing
driven by the social welfare state in Europe and a discourse on the house as
the architecture of the bourgeois. And yet in the twentieth century the house
and housing are intertwined. Europe’s central social mass housing agenda
did not cross the Atlantic in the same multiple housing block typology. In
settler nations, replication of the low- rise detached house developed volume
housing as a form of mass housing and produced the suburban morphology
that appropriated vast expanses of green elds.12 Housing and the house are
entangled rather than clearly separate terms and form a major reference for
the modernising histories of twentieth- century architecture.13
The house is prevalent and indeed abundant in the literature in architec-
ture, but neither migrant housing, the migrant house nor the migrant home
are represented in the discipline. Housing as it is linked to home and dwelling
4 Introduction
4
is differently negotiated among the disciplines of anthropology, ethnography,
cultural geography and architecture, and a cross- disciplinary exchange is
important for the understanding of migrant housing. Architecture’s interest
in the house, yet not in the migrant house, together with the interest in cul-
tural geography and cultural studies on the migrant home but not the house,
have resulted in productive intersections and persistent gaps. The cultural
geographies of home have become a rich area of research, especially in fem-
inist geography with increasing research on the diasporic home.14 In contrast
to these approaches, Australian anthropologist Ghassan Hage has formed
the concept ‘home- building’, and it illustrates how migrant practices such as
planting familiar foods, frequently interpreted as related to homesickness,
can be understood as a way of making unfamiliar places ‘homely’.15
While drawing on these insights about the migrant home from anthro-
pology and cultural geography, this book shifts the focus to the subject of
housing and the house.16 Different to conceptualisations of the migrant home,
the house and housing interact with the exterior as well as the interior. Housing
interfaces with public spaces and produces the architectural space and aesthetic
of the street and neighbourhood, and with architecture’s sense of permanent
settlement, develops new paradigms. Housing denes culture and identity.
The migrants’ aims to integrate and belong in their new environments
were complicated by their confrontation with the architecture and aesthetics
of the conventional local housing. Motivated by an aspiration for a new
life, and drawing upon familiar dwelling habits embodied in their ‘way of
life’, southern European post- war labour migrants embarked on a substan-
tial reconguration of the architecture of their housing. By reorganising
the spatial relations between public and private, front and back, inside
and outside, migrant housing produced new streets and neighbourhoods.
This was extended to urban cultures of cafes, promenading and festivity,
that altered the textures, fabric and aesthetics of the districts and suburbs
where migrants settled. Alarge stock of migrant housing, street architecture,
ballrooms, reception centres and urban environments has resulted from
the impact of post- war southern European migration on cities of immigra-
tion. Altogether, this presents a new taxonomy of housing architecture and
material landscapes that alters the course of architectural history and the
narratives of identity and culture.
Post- war migrant housing
The focus on the houses of post- war migrants rather than the newest migra-
tion communities provides a long retrospective approach to the current
issues concerning migration, and develops a historically informed debate on
migration and architecture. Architecture and the production of houses are
not immediate outcomes in the settlement process of migrants. The houses
of post- war southern European migrants presented the strongest case of
architectural transformation in Melbourne as in Toronto, Astoria, Stuttgart
Introduction 5
5
or Malmö. When migrants inhabit, adapt, purchase or construct houses,
questions are raised about who has access to dening value and meaning,
and how the symbolic and cultural narratives of taste and aesthetics are
formed. In one recent debate, two key migration scholars considered whether
migrants were victims.17 Historical data offers signicant detail and informs
perspectives on the realities of migrants and shows that post- war labour
migrants were certainly the victims of the voracious growth economies
and the racist environments they were inserted into. Some overcame these
trying conditions, many others did not; and while the material obstacles
were overcome, research also shows continuing inequalities in subsequent
generations.18 Post- war migrant housing and its longevity offers an alterna-
tive insight on migration and reframes the politics of the immediate crises
of migration.
Post- war emigration has impacted on the erosion and abandonment
of homeland villages, places of origin that are often invisible in migration
studies. New migrant housing in villages evolved with the inheritance of the
ancestral homes by the emigrant generation. Documentation of emigrants’
return travel to sites of origin (which escalated as they entered retirement)
illustrates that the links between the new and old homeland are routinely
activated rather than memorialised.19 In Zavoj, as in many other villages, a
construction boom has escalated the level of migrant housing, transforming
the village from its neglected state to a more absolute destruction of trad-
itional dwellings. In the midst of such housing, just- constructed tiny houses
constitute the new post- migration phase of the village.
Content structure and chapters
The book is divided into three parts:Part I Histories and theories of post-
war migrant housing; Part II House/ home; and Part III Mapping migrant
spaces of home. Part I develops the theoretical platforms, key concerns and
approaches to the study. The content in Parts II and III is informed by the
substantial empirical research executed in the 1988 to 2015 period in the two
sites of migration:the city of Melbourne, Australia, and the village of Zavoj,
Republic of Macedonia. Part II is central to this book as it examines in detail
what migrant housing is as an architectural construct, and what it means as
a social category. Part III expands the scope of migrant housing towards the
geographical and spatial eld of migratory journeys, mobilities, routes and
roots that parallel the settlement process and the production of housing.
Part I Histories and theories of post- war migrant housing
Chapter 1 investigates how my identity, as the author, a migrant and a
daughter of migrants, is mediated by dwelling and travelling, especially in
eldwork in ‘other’ places. This is examined with a reection on my place
of study. The ‘migrant daughter’s study’ produces the methodological
6 Introduction
6
infrastructure for this book on migrant housing. It provides a framework for
understanding my position as author through my writing space and, in turn,
the evolving subjectivities of the migrants, of this study, through the produc-
tion of their housing. This current research on migrant housing describes
how the everyday production of migrant housing produces both ‘architec-
ture’ subjectivity and simultaneously challenges the borders of architecture.
To assist in understanding the migrant house as a site where linguistic,
cultural and physical separation is processed Chapter2 draws on the psycho-
analytical theory of abjection (Julia Kristeva) and the anthropological theory
of dirt (Mary Douglas), in addition to theories of identity and performativity
(Judith Butler). It argues how the effects of departure and separation from a
familiar to a foreign environment induces an intensive relationship between
migrants and their houses. The house magnies and becomes the migrant’s
world and interfaces with abject conditions. Abjection also appears in the
negative perception of migrant houses by the receiving communities, and a
disavowal of the village as migrant origin.
The history of post- war labour migration is investigated in Chapter3 pro-
viding a context for post- war migrant housing. Labour migrants are perceived
as a global necessity, but a national problem, and cities of immigration navi-
gate this contradictory terrain. Food, festivities, music and ethnic celebrations
have been highlighted as adding richness to receiving societies. Migrant archi-
tecture, however, has caused protests and negative reactions, and is omitted
from research related to multiculturalism, diversity and plurality.
Housing turns the discourse of post- war migration from one about
growth to one about territory and security. With an emphasis on the cultural
shaping of national narratives, migrant housing also redenes the evolving
discourse on multiculturalism, cultural diversity, and plurality.
Part II House/ home
The architectural character and detail of post- war migrant housing is
examined in Chapter4, arguing that migrant housing architecture produced
a new ethnic aesthetic and new spatial organisation. Bourdieu’s theory that
individuals are located within society through their objects, which function
to produce a ‘sense of place’ and t in society, is the basis for an argument
on the architectural alterations and design reconguration that evolved as
part of the migrants’ inhabitation and everyday dwelling practices. Drawing
on data of migrant houses in Melbourne, this t and formation are discussed
through the migrant garden, the migrant facade, the terraces and productive
spaces such as the summer kitchen.20 This chapter argues that tell- tale details,
singularly and in combination, make evident the similarity and difference
between the house- as- norm and the migrant house, and form the toolkit for
a sociocultural architectural historiography.
Chapter5 argues the architectural outcome of the cultural confrontation
of post- war southern European migrants with the existing local housing
in the 1955– 75 period formed the most architecturally inventive migrant
Introduction 7
7
housing contribution. While the inhabitation or ownership of a house is
a signicant part of assimilation and integration in a society, the migrant
house is a contradictory site that runs counter to the accepted narrative
of dominant cultural identity. This chapter will discuss the combined term,
‘migrant’ (mobility, journey, departure and relocation) and ‘house’ (settle-
ment, foundations, heritage and family) and how it reveals the scope of the
house as material and empirical entity, on the one hand, and the house as
representing a cultural terrain, on the other. It argues that post- war migrant
housing culturally redened meanings of locality.
The traditional and migrant housing in the village is examined in
Chapter6.21 Emigration radically alters villages. Thousands of villages dotted
around the world are left abandoned and neglected, their vernacular houses
collapsed, deteriorated and dematerialised into rubble and soil. Villages may
be left vacant for years or decades, but many also experience a huge con-
struction boom. In Zavoj, documentation of its architectural transformation
over the 1988– 2015 period reveals the slow deterioration of the ancestral
homes followed by the incremental construction of new housing linked to
the inheritance of housing by the emigrant generation. This housing trans-
formation occurs in three phases:rst, as inhabited dwelling enlivened by
everyday use; second, as a set of housing taxonomies linked to the processes
of use, ruin, construction and completion; and third, as itineraries of home
generated by travel between housing in the immigrant settlement and new
housing constructed in the village.
Part III Mapping migrant spaces of home
Chapter7 explores architectural documentation techniques used in eld-
work. Adrawing of the plan of the village Zavoj produces a knowable
form of representation and an image of a place that constructs its archi-
tectural identity as a unied and preserved whole, while the village is also,
after migration, abandoned and disordered. Zavoj is brought into focus as
a global place rather than as a traditional village by mapping the migrant
trajectories to destination cities– Melbourne, Stockholm, Cologne and San
Francisco– onto the plan. Aplan of Zavoj has a dual purpose:to give Zavoj
architectural legibility and to also explore the limits of architectural docu-
mentation by inserting fragments of context and history. Important to this
exploration is Zavoj’s location in the Republic of Macedonia. Rather than
offering a clear denitive geopolitical position, Macedonia further disrupts
the knowability of Zavoj and reinserts the political in the discourse on
migration and architecture.
How the annual festival in the village alters space and time after migra-
tion is the subject of Chapter8. It argues the festival is the time, and the
village is the space, for the re- foundation of a new emigrant community.
On the day of the annual festival of the Holy Mother in Zavoj, the village
is vibrant with people. Acomparison of the 1988 and 2007 festival rituals
reveals a new emphasis on the congregation of the community as social
8 Introduction
8
event rather than as religious ceremony. At the same time, the festival is
spatially concentrated at the church of St Bogorodica rather than spatially
distributed in the village, and the feast is displaced from the housing to the
church. The renewed architecture of the church and its grounds manifests
the space for this annual festival as it constitutes on that one day a cere-
monial re- foundation of the village as home and homeland after migration.
Reconceptualising migrant housing as the ‘twin house’ rather than
as ‘other’ to mainstream or vernacular housing, Chapter 9 responds to
Chapter 1 by positioning architecture and housing in relation to migra-
tion. Emigration set the village on a path towards disappearance, but do the
growing numbers of new migrant houses in the village constitute renewal?
Aphotograph of two houses in Zavoj, a vernacular dwelling juxtaposed
against a new migrant house, represents the ‘twin house’ idea as it illustrates
the similarity in form and difference in materials and construction tech-
nology, but does not reveal the difference in use, programme or inhabitation.
This duality of migrant and vernacular housing in the village resonates with
the duality of the migrant house and the conventional mainstream house
in immigrant cities. An important difference is that the migrant house in
the immigrant city extracts a space for existential territoriality, while the
migrant house in the village converts the space of the ancestral home into
subdivided property and private housing. In that process the sense of
dwelling is displaced from the housing. This chapter will examine the twin
house of migration and will argue that a disappearance of dwelling habitus
from housing results in a diminished form of architecture.
The chapters in Parts II and III are developed and organised ‘to chart the
real story’ that builds the theory from the historical and architectural speci-
city and the particularity of the case studies. In this way the book is written
for a broader audience to include scholars from migration studies, geog-
raphy, anthropology, vernacular architecture, cultural studies and urban
studies. As a compelling case study this narrative may be of interest to gov-
ernment or non- government (NGO) organisations. Coursework students,
and undergraduate students in migration studies and vernacular architec-
ture, in addition to higher degree students, may nd that the case study
approach can be utilised as a methodological research model.
Notes
1 Stephen Castles and Mark Miller (2003) The Age of Migration: International
Population Movements in the Modern World (Basingstoke:The Guilford Press/
Macmillan), 43. Castles and Miller have said that migration constitutes a ‘blind
spot’, noting that the social sciences aligned with governmental objectives have
marginalised and omitted addressing migration.
2 Paul Virilio and Diller Scodio (2008– 15) Exit (Paris:Fondation Cartier pour
l’art contemporain). An idea by Paul Virilio, a dynamic cartography created by
Diller Scodio and Renfro, Mark Hansen, Laura Kurgan and Ben Rubin, in col-
laboration with Robert Gerard Pietrusko and Stewart Smith.
Introduction 9
9
3 Teddy Cruz (2008a) Architecture:Participation, Process and Negotiation, in
M. Ballesteros, I. Hwang, T. Sakamoto, M. Kubo, A. Tetas, A. Ferr., R. Prat
(eds.), Verb Crisis Architecture Boogazine, sixth volume (Barcelona: Actar).
Estudio Teddy Cruz (2008b) Manufactured Sites, in M. Ballesteros et al.,
270– 7; Alejandro Aravena (Elemental) (2008) Quinta Monroy, Iquique, in
M.Ballesteros et al., 279– 91; Alejandro Aravena (Elemental) (2016) Reporting
from the Front, 15th International Architecture Exhibition, June – November
2016. Venice Architecture Biennale.
4 Saskia Sassen (2007) Elements for a Sociology of Globalization, A Sociology of
Globalization; Anthony D.King (2004) Spaces of Global Cultures:Architecture,
Urbanism, Identity (NewYork:Routledge).
5 Reyner Banham (1965/ 1993) AHome Is Not a House, 109– 18 (republished in
Joan Ockman (ed.), Architecture Culture 1943– 1968, 370– 8); Peter G.Rowe
(1993) Modernity and Housing (Cambridge, Massachusetts The MIT Press);
Peter Collins (1965) Changing Ideals in Modern Architecture, 1750– 1950
(London: Faber and Faber); Paul Oliver (2003) Dwellings: The Vernacular
House World Wide (London:Phaidon).
6 Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack (1973) Immigrant Workers and Class
Structure in Western Europe (published for the Institute of Race Relations,
London, NewYork: Oxford University Press).
7 These changes are not unlike the colonial settlers in the New Worlds or the spice
trade routes.
8 Research Projects, Northcote Enclave 2009 (Melbourne); Elderly Immigrants
2001 (Melbourne); eld and archival research in Zavoj in the period 1988– 2015.
9 Thomas C. Hubka and Judith T. Kenny (2000) The Workers’ Cottage in
Milwaukee’s Polish Community:Housing and the Process of Americanization,
1870– 1920, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 8: 33– 52; Özlem Savaş
(2010) The Collective Turkish Home in Vienna: Aesthetic Narratives of
Migration and Belonging, Home Cultures 7, no. 3: 313– 40; Jennifer Mack
(2017) The Construction of Equality:Syriac Immigration and the Swedish City
(Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press).
10 Christien Klaufus (2015) Arquitectura De Remesas. In Mirjana Lozanovska (ed.),
Ethno- Architecture and the Politics of Migration, 99– 114 (NewYork:Routledge).
Sarah Lynn Lopez (2015) The Remittance Landscape:Spaces of Migration in
Rural Mexico and Urban USA (Chicago:University of Chicago Press).
11 Following its utopian and avant- garde role in the inter- war period European
architecture discourse was dominated by reconstruction, modernisation and
growth, in the post-war period. Driven by the immense destruction and the need
for mass housing, and as the standard unit for the modernisation of societies,
housing became central to dening post- war society.
12 See Hubka and Kenny (2000) The Workers’ Cottage in Milwaukee’s Polish
Community:Housing and the Process of Americanization, 1870– 1920, 33– 52;
Barbara Miller Lane, ed. (2007) Housing and Dwelling:Perspectives on Modern
Domestic Architecture (London:Routledge).
13 See King’s concept ‘villacation’ in King (2004) Spaces of Global Cultures:
chitecture, Urbanism, Identity. Such global housing produces aspirational
imagery for the newly built housing estates in India and China in the twenty- rst
century.
14 Alison Blunt (2005) Cultural Geography: Cultural Geographies of Home,
Progress in Human Geography 29, no.4:505– 15 (509); Divya Tolia- Kelly (2004a)
10 Introduction
10
Locating Processes of Identication: Studying the Precipitates of Re- Memory
through Artefacts in the British Asian Home, Transactions of the Institute of
British Geographers 29, no.3:314– 29.
15 Ghassan Hage (1997) At Home in the Entrails of the West: Multiculturalism,
Ethnic Food and Migrant Home- Building, in Helen Grace etal. (eds), Home/
World: Space, Community and Marginality in Sydney’s West, (Annandale,
NSW:Pluto Press), 99– 153.
16 Jane M. Jacobs (2004) Too Many Houses for a Home:Narrating the House
in the Chinese Diaspora, in Stephen Cairns (ed.), Drifting:Architecture and
Migrancy (London:Routledge), 184– 202. Leonie Sandercock (2003) Cosmopolis
II:Mongrel Cities in the 21st Century (London and New York:Continuum).
Doreen Massey and Pat Jess (1995) A Place in the World?:Places, Cultures and
Globalization (Oxford:Oxford University Press).
17 Helen Armstrong responds to Nikos Papastergiadis in Helen Armstrong (2004)
Making the Unfamiliar Familiar: Research Journeys Towards Understanding
Migration and Place, Landscape Research 29, no.3:237– 60.
18 Nina Glick Schiller (2012) Diasporic Cosmopolitanism:Migrants, Sociabilities
and City Making, http:// manchester.academia.edu/ NinaGlickSchiller/ Papers.
19 Loretta Baldassar (2001) Visits Home:Migration Experiences between Italy and
Australia (Melbourne:Melbourne University Press).
20 This included one broad study: Visual documentation of migrant housing in
the northern suburbs of Melbourne Northcote, Thornbury, Coburg and Preston
focussing on housing built in the period 1955– 75. Two in- depth studies of housing
built in the period 1955– 75: (i) Elderly Immigrant Housing study carried out
in 2001 with architectural documentation and interviews of three households;
(ii) Northcote Enclave study carried out in 2009 and 2016, see Maria Victoria
Gantala (2009) Migrant House of the 1960s: Transforming Australia’s Brick
Veneer House (Master of Architecture, Deakin University), which included
architectural documentation and interviews of seven households; and survey of
the broader Northcote Enclave, see Samantha Jackson (2016) Were the Migrants
Participating in the Great Australian Dream? (Master of Architecture, Deakin
University).
21 Research in the village was conducted during a series of eldwork trips in the
period 1988– 2015, with 23 interviews conducted in 1988 of the inhabitants
belonging to the ‘agricultural generation’ and ten interviews in 2010 of the
members of the ‘emigrant generation’. Participants wished for original names
to be used. Fieldwork and documentation of architectural transformation was
carried out as follows:1988, architectural and sociological documentation of the
village inhabited by 80 households, many were resettled members of the ‘agricul-
tural generation’; 1996, identifying continuity and change; 2005 documentation
of changes to the housing; 2007, documentation of the annual festivals, Day of
the Holy Mother, 28 August, and Day of the Epiphany, 19 January (2008); 2008,
documentation of abandoned vernacular architecture; 2010, documentation of
three days preparation and festival, Day of the Holy Mother, documentation of
new cultivation of the landscape and countryside, and new migrant housing;
2012 documentation of emigrant settlements, Leskoeç and Železnička Naselba;
2013 ethnographic documentation of house genealogy; 2015 documenting new
village programme, including new hotel and restaurant.
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