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En la Sucursal del Cielo (In the Branch of Paradise): Geographies of Privilege and Black Social Suffering in Cali, Colombia
... In their historical reconstruction of the socio-demographic development of the city, Urrea-Giraldo and Candelo Álvarez (2017) highlight how an ethnically and racially diff erentiated population and its labour in the (oft en forced) intensive migration fl ows shaped the socio-economic development of Cali. Th ese patterns of migration transformed the city, as Alves and Vergara-Figueroa (2018) argue, into sedimented order of uneven distribution of opportunities, spatial marginalisation, and social suff ering alongside classed, raced and gendered hierarchies that disproportionally impacted poor, displaced Afro-Colombians and Indigenous groupings. While most poor migrants from Venezuela occupied spaces of marginality alongside other racialised and socially vulnerable citizens, they were not able to claim any social rights that accompanied many struggles of marginalised groups in Colombia since the state's multicultural turn in 1990s. 2 Many of the Cali residents highlight that despite the multiple inequalities, economic precarity, racialisation, and xenophobia encountered by migrants on their journeys, the city of Cali with its socio-cultural diversity has been a space described as acogedor -an expression referring to a space which embraces welcome (lugar de acogida), of receiving and off ering a sense of homely space and hospitability. ...
Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork on the encounters between migrants from Venezuela and those providing different kinds of aid in the city of Cali (Colombia), this article examines how pre-existing histories, vernacular ideas and practices of helping the needy inform the newly emerging forms of humanitarian assistance in the context of Venezuelan ‘migratory crisis’. The text explores the ways past entanglements and migrations intertwine with specific experiences of working and living with internally displaced persons, ideas related to Christian ethics and local hierarchies of deservingness. Focusing on one humanitarian and migratory context alongside the global South–South nexus, I analyse how these past experiences and reconfigured relations shape a particular conception of self as caring for others and of imagining the city of Cali as a welcoming space.
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... It is also illustrative of the current place of Black people in a patria mestiza built on slavery. While the pacific coast is celebrated as a national asset and Blackness is consumed as folklore, Black Colombians bear structural disadvantages in terms of education, housing, access to health, and the right to live (Urrea, Viafara and Viveros, 2014;Alves and Vergara-Figueroa, 2019). ...
The port-city of Buenaventura (in the Colombian Pacific coast) is at the center of national and international geopolitical interest as "the capital of the Pacific Alliance", a US$ 3 trillion trade bloc formed by Mexico, Chile, Colombia and Peru to advance regional integration and cross-pacific trade. At the same time, the city is also known for extraordinary levels of gruesome violence, dismembered dead bodies that now and then appear floating in the low-tide area of port-expansion being its most visible aspect. In this article, we ask: How is racial terror tied to such a promising future for capitalist development? How can we theorize the dynamics of capital's flow, economic expansion and global integration in this Fanonian zone of nonbeing? To answer these questions, we first analyze the colonial geography of this predominantly Black port-city as well as its place in the geographic imaginary of Colombia. Then, in dialogue with literature on multiple dimensions of racial capitalism and structural antiblackness such as racialized surplus populations and social death, we analyze some spatial dynamics that dialectically produce Buenaventura simultaneously as a dystopic and a value-producing spatiality that Racial Capitalism 188 repositions Colombia in the global economy. Finally, borrowing from Rhonda Williams' analysis of racialized dispossession as "accumulation-as-evisceration," we provide some reflection on the racially-driven eviscerating politics of capital-making in this port-city as it relates to current global geopolitics as well as to lasting antiblack injustices in Colombia and beyond. [Black geographies, environmental racism, necro(bio)politics, spatial politics, antiblackness]
This is a qualitative case study about the Racial Grammar (RG) in a School in Cali, Colombia. We critically interrogate the naturalized elements of the school racial system and show how they are organized, combined, and normalized as the daily standards of school functioning. Data about the school was collected in different spaces: aisles, classrooms, gym, library, offices, and playground. Drawing on Black critical theories, we examine how the school’s racial grammar establishes the rules for correctness and for who can(not) speak on racial matters, and how students and staff respond to those shallow and profound racial structures. Findings suggest that the RG’s logic and profound structure are materialized through language, re-produced in social interactions, but also questioned for re-signifying identities. This RG shapes curriculum, instruction, and therefore Black students’ experiences in the school system.
This chapter explores particular sets of emotions and affective dimensions of urban stigmatization that emerged during the night of 21N 2019 in the city of Cali, Colombia. Marked by fears, insecurity, uncertainty and moral panic, these emotions and fantasies of belonging and of Others (seen as ‘threatening’) were experienced with particular intensities and differentiations during the night as the city’s mayor declared a curfew and militarized presence following massive peaceful protests and several violent clashes.
This text attempts to analytically locate particular fantasies of belonging and power of haunting articulated during the 21N 2019 within historically sedimented system of unequal distribution of territorial stigma in the city of Cali. The territorial stigmatisation is historically constituted and ‘fixed’ to certain spaces but also, as the case of 21N illustrates, the sense of danger and fear of ‘their arrival’ (of the imagined ‘Others’) reveal how these move relationally within the urban spaces with particular ‘directionalities’ and 'intensities' (linked to specific histories, imaginations, spatial proximities and infrastructural (dis)connections).
This article gives ethnographic form to Fanon’s warning that in the colonial world, “zombies are more terrifying than settlers,” by analyzing how racial mythologies produce spatial classifications of Black urban communities as unruly places and how Black individuals challenge their wretched condition by embracing a “program of complete disorder.” To do so, the article analyzes the short(ened) life of Paco, a young Black man under house arrest whose retaliatory violence against, and territorial dispute with, the police is an entry point for exploring resistance to urban coloniality in Santiago de Cali/Colombia. The article engages with the field of Black geography to propose a Fanonian reading of contemporary cityscapes as colonial spaces. Such colonial spatialities, it is argued, are not defined merely by subjugation to death but also, as Paco’s refusal to be killed may reveal, by an insurgent spatial praxis that might reposition the Black subject in relation to the city and the regime of Law.
El libro consta de seis capítulos, los cuales han sido desarrollados por investigadores del Centro de Estudios Económicos Regionales (CEER). Cada uno de ellos profundiza en factores asociados con el crecimiento económico, especialmente los relacionados con el capital humano, visto desde sus componentes fundamentales: la educación y la salud. Si se define el PIB urbano como el agregado de la producción del sector industrial, de servicios y el financiero, se observa que seis departamentos concentran cerca del 80% de dicha producción. Para el estudio de la economía de las ciudades se ha seleccionado a Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Bucaramanga, Barranquilla y Cartagena, capitales de esos departamentos, que representan el 72% de la población residente en las capitales departamentales y 42% de la población residente en las cabeceras urbanas del país. Estas capitales, junto con sus áreas metropolitanas, concentran la mayor parte del capital humano del país y son, también, en la mayoría de los casos, el área urbana más representativa de la región a la cual pertenecen.
Colombia, al definirse en 1991 como un país pluriétnico y multicultural, reconoció derechos y estatutos especiales a diversas poblaciones y a sus territorios. Este artículo, que propone un reconocimiento de la población isleña-raizal del archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, busca dar a conocer algunas de las implicaciones del reconocimiento multicultural a partir del proceso de etnización de la población isleña-raizal, y estudiar el surgimiento de varios conflictos entre los pobladores isleños-raizales, el Estado colombiano y los migrantes de origen continental. Los conflictos evidencian el enfrentamiento entre dos registros identitarios en las islas: el diaspórico, fruto de las migraciones e intercambios propios del contexto del Gran Caribe, y el encerramiento étnico, como fruto del reconocimiento multicultural.
In May of 2011, I received an invitation to the UN’s inaugural celebration of the International Year of Afrodescendants in Colombia. The event, a photographic exhibition in Bogotá’s most prestigious public library, was scheduled to open on May twentieth, the eve of Colombia’s anniversary of the abolition of slavery. The invitation, which was jointly circulated by the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the National Association for Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES), included two pictures taken by the featured photographers.1 The first shows a middle-aged woman, barefoot and sitting on a plastic chair in the middle of a desolate and derelict room. Three young girls, also barefoot, are standing around her. The four of them look straight into the camera lens without the slightest hint of a smile. Although it is impossible to identify the nature of the room, the viewer is tempted to surmise that this was the women’s home but is left wondering whether the marks on the wall behind them are the “normal” result of the passage of time and the scarcity of money, or the product of a relentless barrage of bullets. In the second photo we see an older man with his face opposite to the camera, hands behind his back, head tilted down, contemplating the room before him in a gesture of resignation. Strewn across the floor in front of him are the contents of a battered file cabinet and bookcase.
In this article, we develop a contextual framing for the analysis of the social, economic and political transformations that have altered Latin American cities since the turn of the century, especially by displacing deprived households from the central city. We de-centre research on gentrification through the territorial and linguistic lens of Latin America, epitomising four simultaneously paradigmatic, but diverging and diverse gentrification scenarios. In such a comparativist account, emphasis is placed on: (i) the decisive role that public institutions play for gentrification in Latin America, especially with regard to the ferocity of new real estate markets; (ii) the symbolic violence that is required to re-appropriate architectural and cultural heritage; (iii) the vehemence of formalising urbanity in economies that are dominated by informal ways of producing, living and appropriating the city. Such debates conceptualise displacement and eviction from a perspective that is theoretically informed by the realities of Latin American cities.
For the first time, most Latin American censuses ask respondents to self-identify by race or ethnicity allowing researchers to examine long-ignored ethnoracial inequalities. However, reliance on census ethnoracial categories could poorly capture the manifestation(s) of race that lead to inequality in the region, because of classificatory ambiguity and within-category racial or color heterogeneity. To overcome this, we modeled the relation of both interviewer-rated skin color and census ethnoracial categories with educational inequality using innovative data from the 2010 America's Barometer from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and 2010 surveys from the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America (PERLA) for eight Latin American countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru). We found that darker skin color was negatively and consistently related to schooling in all countries, with and without extensive controls. Indigenous and black self-identification was also negatively related to schooling, though not always at a statistically significant and robust level like skin color. In contrast, results for self-identified mulattos, mestizos and whites were inconsistent and often counter to the expected racial hierarchy, suggesting that skin color measures often capture racial inequalities that census measures miss.
Based on ethnographic data collected since June 2001 in Rio de Janeiro, this article analyzes newspaper coverage of the political events that led to the installation of gates and cameras around Jacarezinho, the city's second largest favela. It draws on a literature on Brazilian cities, and suggests that closer attention must be given to how urban space and race are imposed, politicized, challenged, and transformed. In the case of Rio, such processes reveal forms of spatial segregation by race not unlike that of South Africa and the United States.
An important new ethnographic study of São Paulo’s favelas revealing the widespread use of race-based police repression in Brazil While Black Lives Matter still resonates in the United States, the movement has also become a potent rallying call worldwide, with harsh police tactics and repressive state policies often breaking racial lines. In The Anti-Black City, Jaime Amparo Alves delves into the dynamics of racial violence in Brazil, where poverty, unemployment, residential segregation, and a biased criminal justice system create urban conditions of racial precarity. The Anti-Black City provocatively offers race as a vital new lens through which to view violence and marginalization in the supposedly “raceless” São Paulo. Ironically, in a context in which racial ambiguity makes it difficult to identify who is black and who is white, racialized access to opportunities and violent police tactics establish hard racial boundaries through subjugation and death. Drawing on two years of ethnographic research in prisons and neighborhoods on the periphery of this mega-city, Alves documents the brutality of police tactics and the complexity of responses deployed by black residents, including self-help initiatives, public campaigns against police violence, ruthless gangs, and self-policing of communities. The Anti-Black City reveals the violent and racist ideologies that underlie state fantasies of order and urban peace in modern Brazil. Illustrating how “governing through death” has become the dominant means for managing and controlling ethnic populations in the neoliberal state, Alves shows that these tactics only lead to more marginalization, criminality, and violence. Ultimately, Alves’s work points to a need for a new approach to an intractable problem: how to govern populations and territories historically seen as “ungovernable.”. © 2018 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved.
List of Maps, Illustrations, and Tables Acknowledgments Abbreviations Introduction: Anthropology with an Accent PART ONE: The Talk of Crime 1. Talking of Crime and Ordering the World Crime as a Disorganizing Experience and an Organizing Symbol Violence and Signification From Progress to Economic Crisis, from Authoritarianism to Democracy 2. Crisis, Criminals, and the Spread of Evil Limits to Modernization Going Down Socially and Despising the Poor The Experiences of Violence Dilemmas of Classification and Discrimination Evil and Authority PART TWO: Violent Crime and the Failure of the Rule of Law 3. The Increase in Violent Crime Tailoring the Statistics Crime Trends, 1973-1996 Looking for Explanations 4. The Police: A Long History of Abuses A Critique of the Incomplete Modernity Model Organization of the Police Forces A Tradition of Transgressions 5. Police Violence under Democracy Escalating Police Violence Promoting a "Tough" Police The Massacre at the Casa de Detencao The Police from the Citizens' Point of View Security as a Private Matter The Cycle of Violence PART THREE: Urban Segregation, Fortified Enclaves, and Public Space 6. Sao Paulo: Three Patterns of Spatial Segregation The Concentrated City of Early Industrialization Center-Periphery: The Dispersed City Proximity and Walls in the 198s and 199s 7. Fortified Enclaves: Building Up Walls and Creating a New Private Order Private Worlds for the Elite From Corticos to Luxury Enclaves A Total Way of Life: Advertising Residential Enclaves for the Rich Keeping Order inside the Walls Resisting the Enclaves An Aesthetic of Security 8. The Implosion of Modern Public Life The Modern Ideal of Public Space and City Life Garden City and Modernism: The Lineage of the Fortified Enclave Street Life: Incivility and Aggression Experiencing the Public The Neo-international Style: Sao Paulo and Los Angeles Contradictory Public Space PART FOUR: Violence, Civil Rights, and the Body 9. Violence, the Unbounded Body, and the Disregard for Rights in Brazilian Democracy Human Rights as "Privileges for Bandits" Debating Capital Punishment Punishment as Private and Painful Vengeance Body and Rights Appendix Notes References Index
This article seeks to give visibility to some spatial strategies of resistance developed by black women in the predominantly black district of Aguablanca District (DA), in eastern Cali, Colombia, against the systematic violence they are daily subjected to. We contextualize their practices within the systematic violence of displacement, paramilitaries terror and spatial segregation in the city. It also seeks to discuss how black women resist stigma, political marginalization and death in a city divided along racial and gender lines. The questions that guide this article are: What is the role of racism and patriarchal domination in the production of "geographies of violence" in Cali? What are the strategies of resistance developed by black women in these topographies of violence? Ultimately, the article seeks to fulfill a gap in academic discourses that silence on black women's social suffering and that regard them as disorganized, a-political and passive victims.
In this paper, I problematize the connections between global tourism, urban redevelopment and cultural policy in Buenos Aires. Market-oriented approaches to urban growth have continued after Argentina’s economic collapse of 2001–2002. Devaluation produced unprecedented international affordability, which triggered a tourism boom. City government capitalized on this through cultural initiatives. Yet tourist-oriented cultural entrepreneurialism promoted forms of disjointed redevelopment that exacerbate socio-spatial inequality and fragmentation. Moreover, Mayor Macri has been advancing a cultural politics of scale that recasts Buenos Aires as a world-class city, while mobilizing localist identities to oppose national efforts towards income redistribution and intercultural recognition. Particularly important have been the recent appropriations of tango as a cultural commodity. Deployed for city marketing and selective reinvestment, tango also emboldens Eurocentric narratives of cosmopolitan urbanity that legitimize racialized exclusion and geographical elitism. Concluding remarks suggest that socio-political uses of tango are not the exclusive domain of neoliberal urbanism, and research implications are discussed beyond Buenos Aires.
El capítulo trata de procesos contemporáneos en Tumaco, pequeña ciudad al sur de Colombia-con 77 000 habitantes en 1998-. Busca comprender el lugar de la etnicidad negra en la ciudad analizando tanto las estructuras urbanas como las prácticas del espacio urbano. A través de las modalidades de repartición y eventual segregación de espacios residenciales, pero también de espacios públicos y de su uso, podremos analizar la dimensión sociorracial de la organización urbana, desde su historia hasta su actualidad polìtica en el marco de las reivindicaciones multiculturales.
I examine residential segregation by skin color in 35 of the largest metropolitan areas in Brazil, using census tract data from the 1980 Brazilian census. Residential dissimilarity among whites, mulattoes (browns) and blacks is only moderate by U.S. standards. White-black dissimilarity is the highest,followed by brown-black and then white-brown dissimilarity. Residential segregation within income groups is lowest for the low income groups and increases with increasing income level. For most of the white middle class, residential separation is ensured by the concentration of blacks and mulattoes in low socioeconomic classes and in distinct regions. Multivariate analysis reveals that an urban area's socioeconomic status and housing market are strong predictors of overall residential segregation: segregation is significantly higher in urban areas with high occupational inequality, low mean income, high levels of housing turnover, and high homeownership. Measures of industrialization, immigrant influence and color heterogeneity were not significant. Implications for Brazilian race relations are discussed.
This paper explores the discourses and practices of state securitisation that Colombia underwent during the last decade. By focusing on the imaginative geographies of security resulting from the unexpected couplings of war and tourism in the country, it delves into the everyday and highly uneven spaces of (in)security forged by the Democratic Security regime. It shows how a feminist take on the geopolitics of war and peace offers a better understanding of the making and unmaking of banal spaces of security and their role in the production of hegemonic state formations in Colombia.
Latin America is one of the most ethnoracially heterogeneous regions of the world. Despite this, health disparities research in Latin America tends to focus on gender, class and regional health differences while downplaying ethnoracial differences. Few scholars have conducted studies of ethnoracial identification and health disparities in Latin America. Research that examines multiple measures of ethnoracial identification is rarer still. Official data on race/ethnicity in Latin America are based on self-identification which can differ from interviewer-ascribed or phenotypic classification based on skin color. We use data from Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru to examine associations of interviewer-ascribed skin color, interviewer-ascribed race/ethnicity, and self-reported race/ethnicity with self-rated health among Latin American adults (ages 18-65). We also examine associations of observer-ascribed skin color with three additional correlates of health - skin color discrimination, class discrimination, and socio-economic status. We find a significant gradient in self-rated health by skin color. Those with darker skin colors report poorer health. Darker skin color influences self-rated health primarily by increasing exposure to class discrimination and low socio-economic status.
The intensification of ethno-racial protest in Latin America has led to the adoption of targeted legislation for Black and indigenous populations, signaling a new moment in race politics in this region. Existing literature has failed to account for this shift either because it held that race was not salient in Latin America, or it presumed that racial hierarchy existed, but that the obstacles to Black mobilization were insurmountable. We argue the literature must contend with this new reality of what we call “Black politics” in Latin America. While impediments to race-based mobilization, which are rooted in color-blind nationalism, the fluidity of identity, and poverty, do in fact exist, we argue that Black social movement organizations have overcome some of these obstacles. We examine the development of Black social movements in a number of Latin American countries, focusing specifically on the political contexts in which they emerge, their articulation, the nature of their claims, and measures of their effectiveness. We argue that despite many obstacles to Black mobilization in Latin America, Black organizations are beginning to constitute viable political interest groups. In all of the cases that we analyze, we find that Black social movement organizations have been effective not only in bringing about symbolic and material policy changes, but have also shaken national ideologies of mestizaje and racial democracy. We also contend that while Black social movements in Latin America are very much rooted in domestic politics, transnational networks and international institutions are central to the articulation and effectiveness of these movements.
How do internationally informed, technology-driven efforts to democratize the police and citizen security policies in developing countries intersect with pre-existing racial dynamics and discourses? This question is relevant to scholars of both race and security in developing countries, given the current global diffusion of US policing reforms into distinct racial and political contexts. I analyse the intersection between the adoption of crime-mapping technology in urban Colombia and dynamics and discourses regarding the Afro-Colombian population. I find that efforts to democratize the police can paradoxically displace important questions about race from citizen security policy discussions and generate seemingly 'objective' findings that fuse with subjective assumptions regarding the links between criminality, violence and race.
The impunity of racist police violence is the first implication of its ignorability to white civil society. The ignorability of police impunity is what renders it inarticulable outside of that hegemonic formation. If ethics is possible for white civil society within its social discourses, it is rendered irrelevant to the systematic violence deployed against the outside precisely because it is ignorable. Indeed, that ignorability becomes the condition of possibility for the ethical coherence of the inside. The dichotomy between a white ethical dimension and its irrelevance to the violence of police profiling is the very structure of racialisation today. It is a twin structure, a regime of violence that operates in two registers, terror and the seduction into the fraudulent ethics of social order; a double economy of terror, structured by a ritual of incessant performance. And into the gap between them, common sense, which cannot account for the double register or twin structure of this ritual, disappears into incomprehensibility. The language of common sense, through which we bespeak our social world in the most common way, leaves us speechless before the enormity of the usual, of the business of civil procedures.
Santiago Arboleda Quiñonez es un candidato al Doctorado en estudios culturales latinoamericanos de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito, Ecuador. Es profesor de la Universidad del Valle en el Instituto de Educación y Pedagogía, miembro del grupo de investigación "Cununo" del Departamento de Historia de la misma Universidad y asesor de procesos organizativos comunitarios en la costa pacifica colombiana.
Brazilian social relations – their practices and their representations – are marked by a hyperconsciousness of race. Such hyperconsciousness, while symptomatic of how Brazilians classify and position themselves in the life world, is manifested by the often vehement negation of the importance of race. This negation forcefully suggests that race is neither an analytical and morally valid tool, nor plays a central role in determining Brazilian social hierarchies. The hyperconsciousness/negation of race dialectic allows us to understand how a system that is on the surface devoid of racial awareness is in reality deeply immersed in racialized understandings of the social world. To approach the hyperconsciousness/negation of race conundrum, I review pertinent Brazilian and US bibliography focusing on problems associated with the racial democracy myth; I utilize ethnographic data; and I interpret newspapers articles reporting on one of the many events of police corruption and brutality in Rio de Janeiro.
This paper looks at the experience of displaced Afro-Colombians, particularly the massive displacement from their home communities in the Pacific since the late 1990s. This region has seen unprecedented changes in terms of several interrelated processes: the increased pace of development and extraction of natural resources after 1980; the rise of important social movements in the wake of the cultural and territorial rights granted to ethnic minorities by the National Constitution of 1991, and the spread of the armed conflict, with the concomitant regime of terror and displacement. The case of the Pacific, it is argued, can be explained only by examining critically development and modernity as inherently displacement-creating processes. As this case demonstrates, the gap between modernity's displacement-producing tendencies and displacement-averting mechanisms is widening. This requires new policies that build on local communities' ability to resist in place and to re-construct their own alternative modernities. The paper analyses the displacement-preventing framework developed by some local black-movement organisations.
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