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Partners under pressure: humanitarian action for the Syria crisis
Abstract
Partnerships between organisations in humanitarian crisis situations generally are challenging, but at the apex are those established as part of remote management in a context of extreme insecurity. To date, little systematic research has been conducted on arrangements between local organisations that have access to crisis‐affected populations and international organisations that hold the purse strings. This paper presents the findings of nine months of qualitative research conducted with five Syrian local organisations and their international partners engaging in humanitarian action across the Turkey–Syria border, and presents insights into the components of successful partnerships. It redefines capacity along organisational and operational lines, and unpacks how monitoring and evaluation and donor requirements create tension and, at times, place local organisations at risk. The paper highlights the centrality of trust in successful partnerships, and describes the personalisation of the conflict by local organisations. Based on a historical case study of civil society in northern Iraq, it closes with some suggestions for long‐term sustainability.
... Suppliers without field experience in disaster relief operations may impair CVA effectiveness, as was the case of a rebuilding project in Kosovo (i.e., the 2000-2021 Housing Reconstruction Programme) where the supplier's lack of experience and financial capacity led to 30-40% increase in material costs (Matopoulos et al., 2014). Thus, suppliers with more experience and a proven record may be preferred (Howe and Stites, 2019). ...
... Advances in technology result in innovations such as biometrics, smart cards, mobile phones, and blockchain (Heaslip et al., 2018a;Howe and Stites, 2019). Mobile money is one of the fastestgrowing delivery mechanisms as it can be used in areas with mobile network coverage if beneficiaries have a phone. ...
... This lack of standardization for measuring implementation and total operational costs makes case comparison difficult. Moreover, cost calculations typically do not consider the possible diversion of funds, such as to armed groups, which may impact the total cost (Howe and Stites, 2019). ...
This study reviews research on cash and voucher assistance (CVA) by applying a humanitarian supply chain management perspective. A systematic literature review was conducted to identify, analyse, and synthesize past academic research. The Content-Context-Process framework was used to structure the content analysis. The findings reveal that the outcomes of CVA programmes are dependent upon critical context-specific factors which influence feasibility and operability. Humanitarian actors must consider factors that are external to the supply chain (i.e., the nature of disaster, politics, economy, and infrastructure) as well as internal to the supply network (i.e., local market availability and accessibility, supplier/donor interest, supplier/vendor selection and contracting, and beneficiary preference). The delivery process is influenced by these factors, which has an impact on programme responsiveness and cost-efficiency. The results provide insights for humanitarian practitioners to reconsider their supply chain strategies when deciding on the selection and implementation of CVA programmes. Potential gaps in the literature are identified, and recommendations for further research are listed.
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... Esto puede desincentivar la inclusión y el reconocimiento de los actores locales en la programación (UNICEF, 2019). Las estructuras a través de las cuales una organización mantiene y aumenta sus flujos de financiación pueden servir para desincentivar la transferencia de poder a los actores locales (Barakat y Milton, 2020;Metcalfe-Hough et al., 2020;Ali et al., 2018;Howe et al., 2019) creando un sistema de autopreservación que requiere que la experiencia internacional se ponga por delante y que se menoscabe el conocimiento local (Wall y Hedlund, 2016;Robillard et al., 2020b). Roepstorff (2019) sostiene que los intentos actuales de desafiar la injusticia epistémica a través de la agenda de localización «corren el riesgo de convertirse en otro método de dominación y control, en los que se reproduzcan las actuales asimetrías de poder y la marginación de los actores de la periferia». ...
Incorporar la consolidación de la paz al enfoque del nexo en la educación en situaciones de emeEste informe de síntesis fue encargado por la INEE, la UNESCO y la FICR a través del Centro Mundial de Ginebra para la Educación en Situaciones de Emergencia (EiE Hub). Estos socios reconocen que la educación en emergencias y crisis prolongadas debe ser reconocida como una piedra angular de la acción humanitaria, de paz y de desarrollo – no como algo secundario a las respuestas sectoriales – y que esto requiere una acción a través del nexo humanitario-desarrollo-construcción de la paz por parte de los actores clave como los de Ginebra Internacional. Su objetivo es explorar críticamente el potencial de la educación para contribuir al nexo entre ayuda humanitaria, desarrollo y consolidación de la paz en contextos de conflicto. Para ello, ha encargado cinco estudios de casos que presentan panorámicas de intervenciones educativas que han tenido resultados de consolidación de la paz y ha llevado a cabo una revisión crítica de la literatura teórica para identificar los retos comunes que limitan las posibilidades de que la educación tenga resultados de consolidación de la paz. Los estudios de casos proceden de Asia Central, Bangladesh, Líbano, Nigeria y Perú.rgencia: Prácticas prometedoras para superar las injusticias
... However, Nepal Carnegie's study shows that several countries rejected international assistance due to several factors including perceptions of prestige or self-esteem and its relation to the country's capacity to tackle these problems as well as domestic political dynamics such as the variable of public trust in the government (Carnegie, 2017 (2019) shows that there is a tendency for countries experiencing disasters to have a high distrust of anyone who wants to assist, especially if the problem is related to political security issues such as conflict, separatism, and rebellion. Therefore, they emphasize the need for trust and assurance that international aid activities do not intervene and provide political support in matters of domestic political security in aid recipient countries (Howe & Stites, 2019). ...
Artikel ini mengevaluasi praktik diplomasi bencana Indonesia tahun 2018, di mana beberapa peristiwa bencana berturut-turut menyebabkan korban jiwa yang sangat besar dan kerusakan material. Di satu sisi, bantuan internasional merupakan salah satu variabel penting yang dapat berperan dalam mengurangi risiko bencana. Di sisi lain, bantuan internasional dianggap sebagai faktor yang dapat menurunkan legitimasi pemerintah dalam menangani bencana. Artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus untuk memahami bencana dan kebijakan bantuan luar negeri serta implikasinya terhadap keamanan negara dan manusia. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa orientasi pemerintah Indonesia di era Presiden Jokowi dalam penanggulangan bencana cenderung pada kebijakan yang berwawasan ke dalam yang konservatif dimana prioritas pemerintah dalam aspek keamanan negara justru membahayakan aspek keamanan manusia (human security)
Colombia offers a unique case study for the localization debate. Unlike in other conflict‐affected countries, international nongovernmental organizations are not the main channel through which international aid flows. Instead, Colombia has strong state capacity and a historically well‐established civil society, including national‐ and regional‐level social organizations, think tanks, universities, and community‐based organizations throughout the country, all of which have extensive experience working for peace, security, and human rights. Particularly, the national‐level organizations, such as think tanks, human rights organizations, and peace organizations, are not “community‐based” because they do not represent a single community or population, but work at the national level, with deep connections to different communities and regions. Arguably, these “middle” organizations are considered local in the localization literature but with national‐level operational capacity. However, this type of organization does not seem to fit within the localization narrative, and the role of these organizations is largely hidden from the debate. More so, the very processes and mechanisms through which international aid is disbursed in Colombia detract from these national‐level organizations' ability to grow and meet their missions. This article aims to pull out how “middle” or national‐level organizations in Colombia face five key constraints to tailoring aid so that it is accessible to local communities and local organizations. It then presents a deep dive into how one national‐level organization engaged with an American philanthropy to create a transformed way of working in partnership and develop a new model for systemic collaboration and networks in Colombia. It ends with recommendations for how to continue to adapt the localization debate into meaningful action through partnerships throughout the Colombian and global ecosystems.
When a revolutionary uprising erupted in Syria during the spring of 2011, pockets of local resistance and the nascent institutions therein transformed into clusters of rudimentary participatory politics and service delivery. Despite the collective fatigue induced by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States and its allies embarked on an effort to encourage liberal, democratic politics amid the Syrian conflict. As a result, the project of 'good rebel governance' became the latest attempt at Western democracy promotion. This book moves the scholarship on insurgent rule forward by considering how governing authority arises and evolves during violent conflict, and whether particular institutions of insurgent rule can be cultivated through foreign intervention. In so doing, the book theorizes not only about the nature of authoritative rebel governance but also tests the long-standing precepts that have undergirded Western promotion of democracy abroad.
This article analyses the reasons behind local aid workers’ asymmetrical exposure to violence in contemporary humanitarian action. Taking Judith Butler’s theorisation of ‘interpretive frames’ as its analytical starting point, the article traces the process by which the humanitarian system distinguishes between lives that are to be protected and those that are dispensable. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian aid workers and other experts, the article shows how the humanitarian frame makes it difficult to correctly recognise local actors’ security needs and vulnerabilities. Moreover, the normative and temporal limits of the humanitarian security project exclude certain types of threats from the view and make it difficult for local aid actors to articulate their need for protection. To address these issues, the article calls for more critical reflection regarding the marginalising and silencing effects of the existing security framework.
Contributions on localisation often focus on interactions between local organisations and the international community, with limited attention for dynamics within the locally led part of the response themselves. The humanitarian response in the non-government-held areas of Syria is considered a key example of localisation, in which the health sector has taken a leading role. Drawing on fieldwork among Syrian medical-humanitarian organisations conducted in southern Turkey, this paper offers a view from below on the localisation debate. It provides a nuanced perspective on ‘the local', showcasing how localisation is interpreted and expressed among Syrian NGOs themselves, and within their interaction with each other. It shows how most organisations have moved to a hybrid model emphasising their local and international character, resisting simplistic classifications. However, despite the sometimes strategic nature of its invocation, localisation does not lose its relevance as a lived experience, especially for local field staff.
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Throughout the 9 years of the Syrian conflict, humanitarian actors have accumulated enormous experience of dealing with this complex environment and collected substantial data—only a tiny fraction, however, is being used in informing practice and research. Partnering with academic institutions could enable these actors to foster their efforts in data collection, analysis and research production. These partnerships should go beyond the traditional understanding of partnerships to include elements of a two-way capacity strengthening paradigm, and equal benefits and opportunities. Drawing on my personal experience of providing clinical medicine in field hospitals in conflict-affected areas in Syria, as well as my experience in the humanitarian response there working with Save the Children and a number of local organisations, and then moving to policy and research working with London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, Chatham House and King’s College London, I conclude equal partnerships and effective collaborations between academic institutions and humanitarian actors could provide a concrete and sustainable approach of conducting health research in conflict settings.
This paper aims to formulate COVID-19-Benchmarks that International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) have considered to recover from the sudden stopping of operations swiftly, and consequences of COVID-19 Pandemic. Thus, to move forward towards readiness for both, the unpredictable spreading or disappearing of the virus (Case of INGOs operating in Jordan).
This exploratory research has been informed by the broader social constructivism paradigm and the basics of Grounded Theory method to identify the common themes. Six semi-structured interviews have been conducted with INGOs leaders. The findings have been categorized, triangulated, and prioritized towards the final identification of Benchmarks.
Seven COVID-19-Benchmarks for INGOs effective responses during COVID-19 Pandemic have been proposed, comprising of 1) Donors policies and regulations, 2) Needs, Expectations, and Relevancy, 3) Coordination, 4) Staff Management, 5) Business Continuation Plans, 6) Balanced Short-term and Long-term Planning, and 7) Permanent Adoption of successful Modalities.
COVID-19 Pandemic has interrupted the implementation of IDA Projects, which added further obstacles towards the achievement of quality implementation of these projects. The proposed COVID-19-Benchmarks help INGOs to overcome the consequences of Pandemic on the near longer-term alike.
Purpose
This paper aims to formulate COVID-19 benchmarks that international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) have considered to recover from the sudden stopping of operations swiftly and consequences of COVID-19 pandemic; thus, to move forward toward readiness for both, the unpredictable spreading or disappearing of the virus (case of INGOs operating in Jordan).
Design/methodology/approach
This exploratory research has been informed by the broader social constructivism paradigm and the basics of grounded theory method to identify the common themes. Six semistructured interviews have been conducted with INGOs’ leaders. The findings have been categorized, triangulated and prioritized toward the final identification of benchmarks.
Findings
Seven COVID-19 benchmarks for INGOs’ effective responses during COVID-19 pandemic have been proposed, comprising of (1) donors’ policies and regulations, (2) needs, expectations and relevancy, (3) coordination, (4) staff management, (5) business continuation plans, (6) balanced short-term and long-term planning and (7) permanent adoption of successful modalities.
Social implications
INGOs play a vital role in the lives of vulnerable people around the world through their international development and aid (IDA) projects. However, the restrictions of movements associated with COVID-19 pandemic drive more burden on these communities and interrupted their access to assistance and support. This paper helps to sustain the crucial support of INGOs to those people who need it.
Originality/value
COVID-19 pandemic has interrupted the implementation of IDA projects, which added further obstacles toward the achievement of quality implementation of these projects. The proposed COVID-19 benchmarks help INGOs to overcome the consequences of pandemic on the near longer-term alike.
Humanitarian agencies working in violent conflicts often insist on separating humanitarian negotiations from political mediation efforts. However, many academics and practitioners also wonder if humanitarian negotiations can really be apolitical and disentangled from peace negotiations. Using the case study of Syria, this article analyzes the interactions between humanitarian negotiations and international peace negotiations. By considering various actors involved in Syria and the different arenas of negotiations (mainly the Astana talks and the United Nations negotiations led by the Special Envoy), it demonstrates that humanitarian and peace negotiations are governed by a complex interdependence. A dual process of politicization of humanitarian action and “humanitarization” of political negotiations is at work, in a Syrian context characterized by a fragmented and controversial humanitarian space. This article is based on unique data from participant observation during four international meetings bringing together humanitarian practitioners from different organizations and political actors.
As attacks against aid workers continue to rise in some of the world’s most violent environments, international humanitarian agencies have increasingly adopted remote management arrangements as a way to continue assisting civilian populations while removing portions of their staff from harm’s way. This report, prepared in collaboration with the Center on International Cooperation for the Australian Government, provides a focused examination of the practice of remote management in humanitarian assistance; its benefits, deficits, and risks; and ways it could be improved. In particular, it draws on case-based field research in Afghanistan in November and December 2009 and provides case comparisons from other insecure aid contexts to identify common patterns and lessons in practice.
This article provides a first attempt at analysing the complex set of issues around remote management practices in insecure environments and their increased use. It looks at definitions and reviews existing published and grey literature on remote management and related practices. It tries to situate remote management in the evolving context of post-Cold War strategies of dealing with conflict and crisis. On the basis of interviews with a cross-section of aid workers, senior headquarters managerial and policy staff, donors, and research institutions, it provides an assessment of current remote management practices, with a particular focus on Afghanistan and Somalia, and their implications for the future of humanitarian action.
Despite the widespread perception of danger, the aid industry continues to expand within challenging political environments. As a way of reducing risk, this expansion has been accompanied by the ‘bunkerization’ of international aid workers. While this development is largely viewed by the industry as an unfortunate response to a decline in external security, a more holistic approach is used here to explain the consequent paradox of liberal interventionism: an expansion that is simultaneously a remoteness of international aid workers from the societies in which they operate. The demise of modernist legal, moral and political constraints, together with a decline in the political patronage that aid agencies enjoy, has been important in shaping the new risk terrain. At the same time, these changes embody a profound change in the way contingency is approached. Earlier modernist forms of protection have been replaced by postmodernist calls for resilience and the acceptance of risk as an opportunity for enterprise and reinvention. Within the aid industry, however, field-security training represents a countervailing attempt to govern aid workers through anxiety. Resilience, in the form of ‘care of the self’ techniques, becomes a therapeutic response to the fears induced in this way. Viewed from this perspective, apart from reducing risk, the bunker has important therapeutic functions in a world that aid workers no longer understand or feel safe in.
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