Conclusion [Thesis chapter, Annex & references]

Full text

CHAPTER 10
Conclusion
In this concluding chapter, I summarise my findings and arguments and reflect back on some
of the strengths and weaknesses of the theoretical and methodological approaches I have
taken. I start with my opening remarks in chapter 1.
I began this thesis with what I take to be two socio-historically instructive enunciations,
summarised as: ‘There are no fish because God has taken away his blessing because man
blocked [fishing in] the saltwater’. I have approached these enunciations as a mnemonic for
the meeting and melding of multiple agencies, plural meanings, and alternative historicities.
My goal has not been to ‘explain’ what these statements mean to the speakers themselves,
so much as to use them as a starting point and motif for contextualising and historicising the
broader conditions and consequences surrounding the emergence and naturalisation of
these enunciations. Although I referred to them as ‘speech acts’, these opening utterances
about God, fishing sanctions and fishery decline do not neatly mesh with any of Austin’s
(1975) actual typologies for ‘speech acts’. Rather than a performative illocution addressed
to a person or group and intended to have a particular social consequence (i.e. a greeting,
promise, warning, instruction, etc.), these utterances are part avowal, part reflective
quandary, and part explanation; they are marked by ambiguity and self-reflection and are
not presented in a declarative or definitive manner. Thus, for example, in Labo Martha
prefixed her statement with ‘I am not sure’, whilst in Mangaliliu Michael identified both human
impacts (‘people are always breaking the banning area’) and Divine influence (‘God shows
us that we don’t have it [fish] anymore’] as dual explanations for why there are no fish. So
why reference ‘speech act’ at all? I see these enunciations – and others like them explored
elsewhere in this thesis (e.g. God as the ‘New Law’, ‘yu givem go, go, go – i ded’) – as a
variety or category of elocution that point to inherently moral matters. Importantly, they are
not just morally imbued but intrinsically concerned with the ‘determination of moral facts’
(Durkheim 1953, my emphasis) in that they touch on how value and order, or ‘the good’,
works (or should work).
Before looking back over my core arguments in detail it is pertinent to offer some brief
qualifications and reflections regarding my focus on blak n waet, my use of Davie’s (2000)
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notion of ‘imposed collaboration’ and my tendency to muddy the waters of ethnographic
analysis by engaging with philosophical abstractions.
Reflections
On blak n waet and (other forms of) ‘imposed collaboration’
My engagement with, and extension of, Ferraris’ (2011) theorem that the fundamental ‘social
objects’ examined in this thesis – God, law, capital, the state and CCT – are dependent
upon their inscription and constitute forms of ‘imposed collaboration’ is, I suspect, likely to
be the most misunderstood aspect of my ethnography. Let me make it clear that I do not
suppose that documents have an agency all of their own; they are enmeshed in, and given
meaning and agency through, the social. My point, suso Riles (2003, 2006) and Hull (2012a,
2012b), is simply that documents mediate between ‘people, place and [other] things’. I have
just emphasised that this occurs across scale, altering the temporal, material and moral
relations between everything. This, I have argued, creates new kinds of socio-material
relations that enable and sustain new practices and new ‘social objects’. At least in the
village, the most socially determinate practices appear to be inscribed in blak n waet. From
the vantage point of the village-as-komuniti, then, we see that this is not simply enabling but
also disabling, bracketing social trajectories.
It is not controversial to state that it is largely through blak n waet that ‘nakamal’, ‘sub-clan’,
‘Jif’, ‘lan ona’, and ‘kastom’ have become ‘cultural-legal tokens’ (Mertz and Weissbourd
1985) of gravitas and that this has aggravated the flexible, porous and accommodating
character of land rights-in-land over time (Chapter 9). I am not eliding the impact of capital
or other drivers of change (e.g. population recovery, agricultural expansion, increased
mobility) when I say, in concert with Riles (2003) and Hull (2012a), that blak n waet [and the
pixel] are socially generative; they are world-altering in a phenomenological and material
sense. Put plainly, blak n waet activates a power beyond local levels. ‘Distance’ not only
becomes ‘a condition of ownership’ (Esposito 2008:65, 68; Fitzpatrick 1992:84) but
imbricates with morality more widely: the ‘good’ and the ‘not-good’ – in essence if not always
in practice – is absolute, universal, macro-proximal (law, God). This is in stark contrast to
the ‘social objects’ used to understand value and order prior to colonial intrusion, where
death, illness, social and ecological well-being etc., were micro-proximal and context
dependent. It is in this sense that I understand blak n waet as both an extension of
subjectivity and a partible artefact of agency because it is a conduit for altering scale. Whilst
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I do not want to bracket-out local agency or ignore the ‘synthesising processes’ associated
with inter-cultural contact and borrowing, some objects and practices are more
transformative than others.
But this is also where the trouble can start. When I side with scholars that suggest that scale
is a mode of moral regulation (e.g. Howell 2013), my more meta-level analysis could, for
example, be mistaken for rehashing essentialist, primitivism-type arguments that
understand writing (or ‘lettered’ societies) as bound-up with abstraction and speech, and
view ‘unlettered’ societies as more ‘naturalistic’ and ‘authentic’ by contrast. Saussure was
amongst the first to posit that writing provides a greater capacity for abstraction than speech
alone, and this view has led to much debate (e.g. Goody [1977], Olson and Torrance [1991],
Ong [1982], and Swearingen [1986]; for a good overview see Morris [2007]). It is important
to caution against any oversimplified view that perceives humanity as neatly delineated
along ‘unlettered’ and ‘lettered’ lines and take this as somehow analogous to an opposition
between ‘immediacy and abstraction’ (Morris 2007: 358-60).
God and law – along with the state, economy and CCT – are all dependent upon blak n
waet but it is their content and meaning (their claims to universality), rather than their form
(blak n waet), that is the abstraction. Moreover, these meta-‘social objects’ do not reflect a
monolithic, singular ‘object’ but are marked by variation and dynamism. Yet despite this, I
suggest that the words, things and practices that ultimately help sustain and normalise these
meta-social objects share some common epistemological and ontological traits. I do not
know how a link between blak n waet and processes of ontological abstraction could ever
be ethnographically validated. I am simply suggesting that, from the vantage point of the
village-as-komuniti, it can be argued that God and law are examples of moral abstraction
where the ‘virtue’ of scale (e.g. community, the unity of mankind, universal rights) is
mediated by new objects (blak n waet) and practices, resulting in the establishment and
normalisation of novel understandings of value, agency and order. To be clear, blak n waet
supports, not creates, the ‘master signifier’ status that these ‘social objects’ enjoy, assisting
in their capacity to stand for ‘more than’ (Elder-Vass 2006) they actually are. That is, blak n
waet moves the locus of agency not just across but beyond the social by ‘exceeding the
interactions in which it is deployed’ (Nakassis 2013:406, commentary on Hull 2012a).
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My historical ethnography has explored how blak n waet can and does influence some
extant norms and practices. For example: print media was determinate in the creation and
maintenance of a new ‘networked Christian philanthropy’ (Chapter 2); blak n waet informs
how the village-as-komuniti is made and maintained by assisting, for example, in the
bureaucratisation of mutuality and the tempo of order in komuniti (Chapter 5); much of what
that ‘gets on the page’ in the village is rules, norms or law (Chapter 6); development is
(partially) legitimised and nourished through ‘docuementality’ (Chapter 7); the codification of
the ‘rules of kastom’ and labelling of social groups (e.g. cultural district/area, clan/nakamal)
helps fix the borders of belonging and negates some of the flexible characteristics of local
land/sea tenure systems (Chapter 9). However, it is also important to stress that blak n waet
continues to support and mediate extant cultural assumptions, such as ‘signing’ mutuality in
the Certificate and Agreement in Labo (Chapter 6). Yet the impact of blak n waet in shaping
social trajectories – concomitant with wider factors (e.g. population recovery, locally-led
agricultural intensification) – cannot be ignored. For all the reasons proffered here, blak n
waet and the meta-‘social objects’ it supports (God, law, capital, the state and CCT)
constitute forms of ‘imposed collaboration’.
It is pertinent to ask if the moniker ‘imposed collaboration’ is a useful or even accurate
descriptor for these processes. First, it is important to stress that all ‘moral’ and
‘representation economies’ (or life-worlds, socio-cultural systems etc.) are forms of ‘imposed
collaboration’. How value and order is defined and made manifest is always bound by the
words, practices, and things in circulation. It is also germane to stress that critiquing the very
form and system that has enabled me to produce this thesis in the first place is, without a
doubt, a problematic undertaking. Critique is far from a blanket virtue (cf. Butler 2001). I
concur with Habermas’ (2013) point that any ‘deconstructive unmasking of the ideologically
concealing use of universalistic discourses actually presupposes the critical viewpoints
advanced by these same discourses’ (Habermas interviewed in Borradori 2013:42). Yet, I
would argue that the material and epistemic violence done in the name of the ‘common
good’ examined herein cannot be ignored as simply the unintended consequences of
‘progress’.
In short, my objective has been to offer a conventional ethno-history – a genealogy of people
and place in two locales in Vanuatu – in a way that might offer some insights into taken-for-
granted aspects of dominant liberal-capitalist phenomenology; to ‘uncover what forgetting
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has covered over’ as Goodrich (2012:52) puts it. I have sought to do this by tracing how,
when and why changes in local moral and representational economies (at a given time and
place) have occurred. Amongst other things, I suggest that this reveals that God, loa,
gavman, kastom, lan ona, clan/nakamal etc., have become the syntax through which value
and order must now be framed.
This approach, of course, raises all sorts of analytical and methodological issues. Key here
is the relationship and tensions between philosophy and anthropology: are they productive
partners or awkward cousins that complicate, rather that enhance, ethnographic analysis?
Anthropology and philosophy
The conjunction of anthropology and philosophy is, to be sure, a difficult marriage.
Philosophy is more concerned with ontology than culture, the general and abstract more
than the local and particular, with metaphysics, logic, and/or ethics over relativism and the
emic. Moreover, the traditional philosophical notion of Cogito Argumen – the dictum that the
strongest argument is ‘self-grounding, certain in itself, and without appeal to empirical
observation’ (Collins 1998:858) – is at odds with the empirical resolve of anthropology. Even
if we refute this last claim – which even many philosophers now do – just moving between
abstraction, metaphysical reflections and socio-centric reality remains a challenging task.
Nevertheless, since the ‘post-modern’ turn in anthropology, the inclusion of philosophical
concepts in ethnographic writing has become increasingly commonplace.
Geertz (1968:551) wrote that ‘All ethnography is part philosophy’, whilst Wagner (2011:n.p.)
has suggested that ‘Anthropology begins where philosophy leaves off’. Yet many
anthropologists remain concerned about the drift of philosophy into anthropology,
highlighting the limitations and contradictions inherent in transferring philosophical insights
into ethnographic analysis. A common complaint is that this move ‘flattens’ social analyses
because ontological speculation erodes or confounds empirical certainty (see esp. Scott and
Ssorin-Chaikov in Kyriakides 2012). Turner (1994), speaking directly to Foucaultian notions
of the ‘disciplined body’, sees it as resulting in ‘distant, abstract and ahistorical’
understandings that produce disembodied representations that ironically protect, rather than
question, mainstream political thought (in Wolputte 2004:256). Sahlins (1993) has similarly
criticised anthropologists’ preoccupation with Foucaultian power, suggesting that it has
become an ‘intellectual black hole into which all kinds of cultural contents get sucked’
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(1993:15). Contemplating the potential ethnographic benefits of engaging with De Certeau’s
(1984) The practice of everyday life, Mitchell (2007) concludes that it is simply too
eschatological in orientation, more ‘theology than theory’.
I concur that a move away from practice to philosophy is problematic. Yet the reasoning that
attention to philosophy (or ontology) is more ‘theology than theory’ is, in my view, a
misnomer. First, ‘theory’ is not some objective tool that lays bare empirical facts in a vacuum
but is always and everywhere socio-historically conditioned (see Barrett [1986:73-95],
Bateson ([1936] 1981), Hammersley [1993] and Wolf [1980] on anthropological theory; Kuhn
[1962] on science more widely). Second, investigating the borders between politics and
theology, culture and nature, and pushing these binaries to their limits, is very much the
point (see Chapter 1). In short, philosophically-infused concepts (e.g. non-dualist tropes
such as ‘assemblage’, ‘dispositif’, ‘mutuality’, ‘dividual’, ‘social unities’, etc.) can fall into the
chasm of methodological abstractionism and become a ‘dead metaphor’ (Marcus and Saka
2006:102-1) that promotes premature ‘heuristic closure’ (Fischer 2012:149) just as easily as
‘culture’, ‘agency’, ‘structure’ and ‘materialism’ can. I suggest that it is not whether or not
philosophy has something to offer anthropology (and vice versa) but rather how
philosophical concepts and grammars are used in ethnography that ultimately matters. I
leave it to the reader to evaluate how well I have managed this task.
To reiterate: I see this thesis as working at two levels. At one level, I have worked to offer
an empirically informed historical ethnography of several villages in Vanuatu, using archival
research, oral history and participant observation as my main methods, and engaging with
the cognate anthropological literature. At another level, I have approached my genealogy of
‘the village’ as a philosophical and normative exercise for thinking about community,
komuniti and common-unity as containers of value and order. This necessarily involves
philosophical conjecture; especially, I suggest, given the propensity of people (both ‘Us’ and
‘Them’) to operationalise moral and material abstractions when thinking about ‘the good’ -
e.g. when kastom becomes kastom ekonomi and kastom govman (Chapter 8), or when God
is taken as the ‘New Law’ (Chapter 9). It is here, I suggest, that it is useful to understand
blak n waet as a medium of moral regulation that is shaped by scale, Žižek (n.d. in Comaroff
and Comaroff 2011) provides some useful insights here, noting that the universality
presumed by Western liberalism
does not reside in the fact that its values (human rights, etc.) are [putatively]
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universal in the sense of holding for ALL cultures, but in a much more radical sense:
in it, individuals relate to themselves as ‘universal’, they participate in the universal
dimension directly, by-passing their particular social position [and, I would stress,
social construction] (Žižek n.d. in Comaroff & Comaroff 2011:3, original emphasis
and brackets).
Fitzpatrick (1992) and Esposito (2012a) make much the same point with regards to law,
reason, and rights. In sum, claims to common-unity can paradoxically strip some people –
those non-Western ‘others’ lying beyond universality’s borders – of their humanity (Haldar
1994; cf. Fitzpatrick 1992).
Before I close with a final review my core questions and arguments, I offer a brief aside and
provocation – of sorts – that seeks to further justify my stimulus for traversing unsettled
analytical and methodological waters.
The question – to what degree does the map [or ‘word’, ’legal-token’ etc.] actually reflect the
territory? – has long stood as a philosophical allegory for the mind/substance, self/object,
material/ideology lacuna. In the 1930s, Korzybski (1995) stated that ‘the map is not the
territory and a word is not a thing’ ([1933]1995:747-61). Forty years later, Gregory Bateson
(1972:320) suggested that information – defined as ‘difference that makes a difference’ – is
what mediates map-territory relations. Baudrillard (1994) and Borges (1975 [1935]:131)
have similarly pondered on the quandary posed by representation and the lacuna between
‘two worlds’: the tangible world and the world as a simulacrum. Rev. Macdonald, in his own
way, was aware of these issues. In 1886 he wrote in his journal:
I am inclined to think that there is a vast danger lurking in the immense publicity of
the present day by means of printing. We are having actually two worlds - the
world actual and the world represented on paper. The latter is now exercising a
vast influence in forming opinions and character as well as the former. If the two
harmonise all is well, but if the representation is false the opinions & characters
formed by it will be false also. Here is the danger, for woe woe to the false
(Macdonald Journal, ANL MS-1748).
This was written just a few years after the ‘Vagabond’ had visited Havannah Harbour and
criticised the mission enterprise in the Australian press for not being as effective in ‘civilising’
the ‘natives’ as the settler-traders had been (Chapter 2). Context is, of course, of the utmost
importance in understanding individual actions and meaning. Yet just as the local can be
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instructive in terms of the global, or komuniti a means to reflect on the universalising ideals
of common-unity, so too these few words resonate with deeper issues. This speaks to a
recurrent challenge of this thesis: When and why is it appropriate (or not) to step beyond the
empirical bounds of ethnography and engage with wider topics and concerns? I refer here
not only to broader global processes and issues (key ‘engaged universals’ such as
Christianity, the ‘rule of law’, capital, and the state), but also to philosophical conjecture and
analytical abstraction. I do not claim to have got the balance right. But I have striven to
embed my analysis in historical and empirical data and make it clear when inference
stretches to speculation and personal meditations slip into metaphysical musings.
Questions and arguments
My objective has been to explore the concept of and struggles surrounding ‘community’,
approaching it not a neat group or structure but rather as a dynamic project that takes
particular, and considerable, effort. The local appropriation of Christianity was certainly a
means to ‘reinvigorate the social order’ (McDougall 2016:112). I have been interested in
understanding how, in the process of reinvigorating value and order in a new form – the
village-as-komuniti – local social possibilities might be said to have been delimited through
the appropriation of novel ‘words, things and practices’. In doing so, I have not so much
worked to explain the ‘cultural logic’ behind my opening utterances as use them as an entry
point for doing several things:
(i) contextualise and historicise the myriad conditions that have informed the
emergence, circulation, and naturalisation of these utterances (and the moral
configurations they endorse, e.g. the separation between religion/politics and
culture/nature);
(ii) explore in what ways these (and other) morally imbued ‘speech acts’ might point
to a shift or a tension within local systems of value and order;
(iii) situate this within local efforts to make and re-make the village-as-komuniti in a
way that is understood as neither ‘old’ nor ‘new’, ‘local’ nor ‘foreign’, but rather
as a means to define and secure value and order; and, lastly,
(iv) use my data to examine what this might say about ‘us’ - about taken-for-granted
aspects of ‘the good’ as defined and made manifest in the dominant ‘moral’ and
‘representational economies’ in circulation.
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The goal has not been to rehash the symbolic interactionist view that local ‘culture’ or ‘life-
worlds’ cohere through a shared view of reality (re-produced through representations nested
within a ‘hierarchy of symbols’) and suggest that the arrival of new symbols or signs has
replaced, corrupted, or interfered with local grammars of meaning-making (see further Hill
1988:72-88; Sperber 1985; cf. Tonkinson 1994: n.d.). Rather, the point has been to explore
where and how the properties and relations that support the ‘more than’ character of these
select meta-‘social objects’ (God, law… etc.) are made and sustained by identifying some
of the key social and material factors informing this.
To reiterate: My starting point has been that my opening enunciations are the articulation of
a debate about value, order and agency, that offers a productive pathway for thinking about
how the multi-nakamal, mission-village, as a novel social and material ‘object’ in Vanuatu,
has become the optimal site where ‘the good’ is made, maintained, and re-made: amongst
both local’s and extralocal’s alike. This is why I consider my thesis both a ‘history of the
present’ (Foucault 1979:31) and a narrative of how ‘engaged universals’ are made and re-
made at the local level (cf. Biehl and McKay 2012:1212-14).
In Chapter 1, I posited three questions. Below I engage with each in turn, before revisiting
my main arguments.
What is community/komuniti and what ‘work’ does it do?
As elucidated in my introductory chapter, it is the latter half of this question that is of most
interest to me. This is because neatly defining community/komuniti is not especially
enlightening as the concept is dynamic. That said, there are distinctions and symmetry
between ‘community’ and ‘komuniti’ that are instructive. First, the two terms are both socio-
historically particular. Second, they are morally endowed categories (promoting a ‘warm’
sensibility as Williams [1985:76-7] put it). Additionally, they can both be rallying cries for
nourishing social and moral production; that is, they are more than simply a structure, site
or group of social organisation or production but a ‘public avowal’ (Blanchot 1988); more a
‘moral fact’ than a material fact. Lastly, both are dependent on their inscription in blak n
waet. In regards to a key point of difference, ‘community’ is universal in scale, whereas
komuniti is not. Contra Tonnies (2001), today community is without bounds (e.g. Christian
communitas, common humanity, business community, a community of nations, the global
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community). In contrast, Melanesian komuniti – whilst flexible and dynamic – remains micro-
proximate or otherwise specific (e.g. the South West Bay komuniti in Port Vila, the ni-
Vanuatu community in Brisbane). The ‘work’ that they both do, I have argued, is to
depoliticise the political and situate value and order within a particular frame of reference
that places humanity apart from nature. Community has been ‘good to think with’ (Amit 2010)
because it brings these, and other, points to the fore.
In what ways has the arrival and appropriation of novel ‘words, things and
practices’ informed the construction of new meta-‘social objects’ of gravitas, in the
process reconfiguring local ‘moral’ and ‘representational economies’?
In exploring the making and re-making of komuniti through various modalities – religious,
legal, economic, local and/or extralocal projects of improvement etc. – we have seen that
social ontology is not a blank slate; ‘the good’ must be fashioned from what is at hand. In
the production of the village-as-komuniti the prime tools at people’s disposal to frame ‘the
good’ are God, law, capital, gavman [the state], CCT, kastom and blak n waet.
How might these meta-‘social objects’ (God, law, capital…) not just shape social
action but delimit social possibilities - and not just for ‘them’ but also for ‘us’?
My analysis has supported Ferraris’ (2011) theorem that ‘Social Object=Inscribed Act’. As
elucidated in Chapter 3, nature can perform the role of inscribed act by, for instance, marking
a claim, a garden border, a memory, the coming of a ceremony, the time to plant yams, or
‘sign’ a debt. But most of all, my analysis elucidates that the key social objects examined
herein – God, law, capital, the state, komuniti and CCT – are very much dependent upon
blak n waet (and now the pixel).
I have further argued that, collectively, these meta-social objects constitute forms of
‘imposed collaboration’ (Davie 2000) because, despite being actively appropriated and
localised, social possibilities have been delimited because what value and order are, as well
as what they look like, has already been determined (Marshall 2014:S353; cf. Marshall
2009:39). This argument could be critiqued as vague and simplistic because, among other
things, it can mask Melanesian ‘borrowing’, ‘experimentation’ and the ‘rejection’ of
‘exogenous elements’ in evidence prior to colonial intrusion (Tonkinson 1994: n.d.). Yet, the
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transformative capacity of blak n waet cannot be taken for granted and has, I argue, been
socially, morally and materially generative. I have explored some of these impacts d herein,
at both an abstract, philosophical level and at a more grounded, empirical and social level.
For example, blak n waet can be seen to have altered scale by bringing into being new kinds
of social and economic relations between people, place and things/technologies. This
illuminates not only how local life-ways are constrained but also how ‘our’ systems and
understandings of value and order are similarly bracketed.
My analyses add some further points to all this. First, another way of saying ‘obeying a rule
is a practice’ (Wittgenstein 1953:81, §202; is that order has a rhythm. In komuniti the tempo
of order is supplied by Calendar Clock Time and the Church (Chapter 5). To say that order
has a rhythm is more than simply a rephrasing of Wittgenstein’s axiom or an alternative
philosopheme for Bourdieu’s (1990) notions of ‘field’, ‘doxa’ and ‘habitus’. Critical
engagement with Bourdieu and Wittgenstein would be constructive, but is beyond my
present scope. My key point, as discussed in Chapter 5 and Chapter 9, is that the normative
framework that informs people’s ‘forms of life’ (Wittgenstein) or ‘embodied dispositions’
(Bourdieu) is not just shaped by practice and experience; rather, in the village, Calendar
Clock Time, including the Sabbath, are the ‘framework’ through which practice and
experience itself are shaped.
My second key argument is that the village ‘subject’ – through missionary, colonial and the
post-Independent periods – has always had to be ‘fiscally articulated’ (Roitman 2005). As
we saw in Chapter 3, arrowroot flour production can be seen as a forerunner of moral
consumption, a key artefact in the maintenance of networked colonial-Christian
philanthropy, and a process whereby ni-Vanuatu ostensibly helped fund their own salvation.
In Chapters 4 and 9, I highlighted that it is not simply capital but its context – i.e. vendor over
producer – that disrupts local moral economies (relations of indebtedness). Under koop and
kompani, capital was a tool for objectifying ‘the good’ in collective ways; i.e. through the
purchase of ships, trucks, the collectivisation of some tenure and formation of communal
work groups. For the Condominium government, koop were also a vehicle for ‘outflanking’
the company (Ponter 1986, 2002); for regulating deficient economic subjectivities and
practices. The temporal relations between koop and local councils, whilst they are geo-
politically specific, underscores the economic character of social contract more widely. The
particulars of dissent in komuniti explored in Chapter 5 further reiterates this point. Lastly,
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we also saw in Chapter 5 how, for some people, community work, committee participation
and fundraising obligations are being seen as ‘antap’. Indeed, one of my interlocutor’s
complained that ‘fanresing yu givim go go go go – i ded’. Here, fundraising is the antithesis
of relations of indebtedness where reciprocal exchange keeps relationships alive. This is
another example of how a displacement in the ‘structures of recognition’ associated with
objectifying value – fanresing and komuniti wok standing for mutuality – can lose their
correspondence with ‘the good’, standing for something other than they once did.
These two interlinked arguments help further elucidate that sovereignty is more practice and
sentiment than structure or function (Hansen and Stepputat [eds] 2005, 2006; Stepputat
2012). So too with komuniti. My third argument is simply that making komuniti – through
capital, committees, by-laws, councils, projects, and so on, is not simply the materialisation
of mutuality in new form, but is also a conscious mimeses of state-like ways of thinking
about social organisation and regulation (cf. Oppermann 2015). This is a further example of
how social possibilities have been delimited.
My fourth key argument concerned inshore marinf conservation. Writing against the grain,
I argued that the adoption of MPAs over tabu is not always and everywhere a hegemonic
imposition that questions the utility of Indigenous forms of value, knowledge, or practice. On
the contrary, I showed how MPAs can be an agentive appropriation for all sorts of reasons,
from legitimising territorial claims, attracting capital through tourism or donors, or an
alternative means to promote social sanction (Chapter 7). Interestingly, however, what both
MPAs and tabu do is simultaneously naturalise and question komuniti as a social object
standing-in for ‘the good’.
My fifth argument was around kastom. In Chapter 8 I used a diachronic lens to examine the
re-authoring and up-scaling of kastom as increasingly generative, and trace the specifics of
Nalawan and grade-taking performances in the Bay. I suggested that these developments
elucidate how, to compete with the other dominant ‘social objects’ in circulation, kastom has
had little choice but to be essentialised, commoditised, legalised and abstracted, in order to
find time, and make space, in komuniti.
Several key threads tie many of these arguments together. First, the hinge that links these
key ‘social objects’ together – God, law, capital and so on – is blak n waet (and now the
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pixel). This supports Riles’ (2003) and Hull’s (2012a) arguments about the socially
generative character of documents and lends credence to Ferraris’ (2011) ‘constitutive rule’
that social ‘Object = Inscribed Act’. Second, the ‘community of sentiment’ (Søresnen
2004:86-96) that agents have worked to ‘transplant’ in Vanuatu is not merely
anthropocentric but is built upon human/environment separation: community/common
humanity situate the social beyond, above, and apart from ‘nature’. Third, community,
komuniti/ and common humanity are not natural, unquestionable carriages of ‘the good’ but
are socio-historically particular assemblages of value and order taken as universal. This not
only brackets perception but also social and material futures.
This is not an answer to why some people might say that ‘there are no fish because God
has taken away his blessing because man blocked [fishing in] the saltwater’. Yet through
contextualising this single enunciation I have sought to offer a historical and ethnographic
narrative of Vanuatu that sheds light on a variety of taken-for-granted assumptions about
agency, objects, value, order and community.
274

275

Appendix A
Table A1.1: SWB demographics (as of late 2009/early 2010)
Settlement
type
Date
est.
# of
HH
avg.
Size of
HH
Population
# of
Nakama
l
Church
denomination
Wintua
village
1895
44
4.8
213
11
Presbyterian
Lorlow
village
1960s
31
4.8
148
13
Presbyterian
Lapo
village
1938
30
7.7
120
7
Presbyterian
Latatah
hamlet
1980s
2
5.5
11
1
Presbyterian
Lamlo
hamlet/
village
1990s
11
4
44
5
Presb (5); CMC1 (4);
SDA (2)
Lawa
village
1946
82
5
402
31
Presbyterian
Everhk
hamlet
2008/9
1
-
2
1
Presbyterian
Norhku
hamlet
1980s
1
4
4
1
Presbyterian
Saperu
hamlet
2009
2
-
-
1
Presbyterian
Mahapo
hamlet/
village
199/3
11
4.8
55
8
Presb (9); SDA(2);
NTM (1 indv.); NC (1
indv.)
Wikmo A
(Mahapo)
hamlet
1991
3
3.6
11
2
Presbyterian
Wikmo B
hamlet
2009
2
5.5
11
1
Presb; CMC
Enimb
hamlet/
village
1994-5
12
5
61
4
CMC
Melawoi
hamlet
-
2
3
6
1
Presbyterian
Vene-uksmo
hamlet
-
1-2
-
11
1
Presbyterian
CMC stands for Christian Mission Church; SDA for Seventh Day Adventists; ‘Presb’ is an expedient abbreviation for the
Presbyterian Church of Vanuatu.
Table A1.2: Letokhas and Tavendrua demographics
Est.
HH
avg.
HH
Population
Nakamal
Church denomination
Letokhas
1960-70s
18
3.3
60
9
Catholic (5);Presb (4 ); Jehovah
Witness (9); SDA (1)
Tavendrua
1950s
-
-
200-250
13
Catholic (majority); Presb (3 HH)
Table A1.3: Natapau and Mangaliliu demographics
Est.
HH
avg.
HH
Population
Naflak
Church denomination
Natapau
c. 1860s-
89
5
473*
6
Presb (majority); SDA (5 HH)
Mangaliliu
1983
-
-
230-60
5
Presb (majority); SDA (2 HH)
* The 2009 Govt. census listed the pop. as 387 (VNSO 2009:16). My figures are from the local village census.
276

Table A2.1: SWB Presbyterian Missionaries, 1895-1979
Period of
service
Name
Miscellaneous details
1895-1928
Rev. R. Boyd
• Foundational missionary to SWB
• Estimated population as 4,000 – 6,000 (early
1900s)
1933-34
Rev. J. W. Gillan
• Commenced outreach to the big namba region
(northwest)
• Moved several villages down to the coast at
Ahkamb island (c. 1934)
1936-38
Rev. F. Buckley
• Former LMS missionary in Africa
• Estimated population (1937) as 645-650
1940-46
Rev. C.G. Stallan
• Former LMS missionary in Samoa
• Noted ‘abnormally high number of deaths’ &
estimated population as just under 300 (1942)
• Noted for his ‘anthropological methods and
interests’
• Still remembered for being a strong task
master, teaching ‘village & personal hygiene’
and instructing locals how to layout villages
• Instrumental in getting health extension
workers to visit the Bay
• Visit from PCV women to the Bay (‘health and
social development’)
• Actively tried to stop customary practices such
as ‘sister exchange’ in marriage
• Lawa village established (c. 1946)
• Lapo village (re)established (c. 1938)
1952-57
Rev. N. Whyte
• Wife was a doctor
• Built a two bedroom clinic & treated many
people
• Laid out new village plan for Wintua
• PWMU commenced in villages (brought by ni-
Vanuatu women from Efate who had travelled
to Australia, PCV)
• District School opened in Wintua (1955)
1957-66
Rev. I. Taylor
• Replaced Whyte’s clinic with a new 12 bed
clinic (the ‘Boyd Memorial Clinic’) which is still
in use today
• Built a Maternity Clinic (w/ funds from NZ
Lepers Trust Board)
• Built an airstrip (1962-67)
• Assisted in the establishment of the Lorlow
Cooperative Society (opened 1964)
1966-1673
Rev. J. Gillan (Jnr)
• Population of the area as of 1967, approx.
500-600
• Missionaries’ impact not especially notable –
the era of the expatriate missionaries was over
1973-1977
Rev. B. Lake
1976/7-1979
Rev. R. Hicks
277

Figure A4.1: South West Bay census – by ‘nakamal’ – locally resident in 2009-2010
Figure A4.2: South West Bay census – by ‘nakamal’ – reside elsewhere in 2009-2010
Ahnu, 8Aliamb, 22
Alo , 13 Bangkemis, 20
Billius, 66
Broiwut, 20
Denemis , 49 Dinimb, 14
Timbusee*, 7
Laimb, 21
Laitoh, 7
Lamangk, 7
Lambetip, 16
Liamb, 10
Lohkbangalo , 18
Lohknuis, 11
Lohto , 50
Lorpavago, 5
Luwanawoi, 23
Malafat, 7
Melaii (suwot), 79
Ompovet , 16
Opmamba, 82
Sardum, 6Taau, 8
Timbusee, 21
Venembangawoi,
39
Venembie, 68
Venembow, 1
Ventiktik, 6 Veveo , 12
Total Population (M & F) of current residents of 'Mewan' cultrual area by nakamal
Alo, 7
Billius, 23
Denemis, 3
Melaii (suwot), 25
Mindua (mix), 6
Opmovet, 3
Timbusee, 1
Unkown, 3
Venembie, 4
Veveo, 1
Wilempe (mix), 12
Ahnu, 2
Luwanawoi, 3
Lohkbangalo, 2
Opmamba, 5
Ventiktik, 2Seniang [Lambetip
& Taao], 3
Taao, 1
Poulation of Males and their assoicated nakamals who reside elsewhere
278

Figure A8.1: Language area map – South West Malekula (after Charpentier
1982: 41) [map credit J. Love
279

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