STRESS PLACEMENT RULES IN FULFULDE: A REVIEW

Abstract

Stress is phonemic in stress languages just as tone in tonal languages. This implies that a shift in the accent from a particular syllable to another changes the lexical meaning, and in some cases the lexical category of that particular word. It is, however, not always the case, as in some stress languages such as Fulfulde, change in the accent would only expand the meaning of the word. Besides, every language has specific rule governing stress assignment, thus the conventional stress assignment rules in English for instance, differ significantly from that of Fulfulde. It is these rules that are discussed in this paper with regard to the Fulfulde language. It is shown that there are five stress assignment rules in Fulfulde, four involving both nominal and verbal lexis, whereas the fifth is limited to verbs alone.

Full text

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Shehu, A. 2014. HARSHE Journal of African Languages. Ahmadu Bello University,
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STRESS PLACEMENT RULES IN FULFULDE: A REVIEW
By
Ahmadu Shehu
Department of Nigerian Languages
Bayero University, Kano
ahmadsheehu@yahoo.com
Abstract
Stress is phonemic in stress languages just as tone in tonal languages. This implies that a
shift in the accent from a particular syllable to another changes the lexical meaning, and
in some cases the lexical category of that particular word. It is, however, not always the
case, as in some stress languages such as Fulfulde, change in the accent would only
expand the meaning of the word. Besides, every language has specific rule governing
stress assignment, thus the conventional stress assignment rules in English for instance,
differ significantly from that of Fulfulde. It is these rules that are discussed in this paper
with regard to the Fulfulde language. It is shown that there are five stress assignment rules
in Fulfulde, four involving both nominal and verbal lexis, whereas the fifth is limited to
verbs alone.
1. Introduction
Fulfulde, the language of the Fulɓe is spoken in most West African countries and beyond.
Fulɓe are the native speakers of the Fulfulde language; also known as Fulani in Hausa
and English, Peul in French, Peule in German. The Fulɓe (plural) and Pullo (singular) in
Nigeria and other countries from Mali eastward call their language Fulfulde, though in
Senegal and Guinea, the language is called Pulaar and Pulle respectively. These various
names share the same root, thus ‘Ful-/Pul-’ from which came the German name for the
language ‘Ful’ and the French Peul (Arnott, 1970). According to Paradis (2001, p. 21)
“the area where Fulfulde is spoken is between 7th and 17th parallels and encompasses
some 17 countries”. Among the countries are Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Mali,
Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Ghana, Guinea
Bissau, Benin, Sierra Leone and Sudan (Girei, 2009).
Phonologically, Fulfulde is understood to be a stress language. The emphasis that is
relatively assigned to particular syllables in a word is referred to as lexical stress, whereas
that for certain words in phrases/sentences is known as prosodic/sentence stress. The
phonetic correlates of stress include loudness, pitch, vowel length and full vowel
articulation. Different languages exhibit various types of stress. Stress may always be

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Shehu, A. 2014. HARSHE Journal of African Languages. Ahmadu Bello University,
Zaria. Pp 169 - 186.
assigned to a particular syllable of a multisyllabic word (e.g first, penultimate or last
syllable) so that stress always falls, and is always identified on that particular syllable;
fixed stress, or it is pushed to various syllables depending on other phonological
constraints, so that it is not automatically predictable that way; variable stress. Moreover,
some words may contain more than a single stressed syllables so that various levels such
as primary and secondary stress are identified.
Although the lexical stress in Fulfulde has been well established, the identification of
stress placement is rather a controversial issue among scholars (see Arnott, 1965;
Breedveld, 1995 and McIntosh, 1984). The literature (e.g Arnott, 1969; Breedveld, 1995;
McIntosh, 1984; Noye, 1974) provides various assumptions on the positions of stress
placement in Fulfulde, in which case (McIntosh, 1984, p. 20) observes that; “the
identification of stress in a word level is not a simple one”. This seems to remain a moot
point which justifies the need for a review of the previous literature on the subject, and to
outline the possible rules guiding stress placement in Fulfulde.
2. Basic Fulfulde Phonology
2.1. Consonants
After the UNESCO 1966 conference at Bamako, Fulfulde has been described as a
language with 27 basic consonants. Although there are slight variations, Fulfulde
consonants have been said to be quite homogeneous throughout the Fulaphone (Girei,
2009). Due to contact with neighbouring languages such as Arabic, Hausa and other
languages especially in the Adamawa area, foreign consonants have been incorporated
into the phonemic inventory of the language. For example, the consonant /tʃ/ has been
replaced with /ʃ/ in most positions in the Gombe dialect, while a new sound /v/ has been
introduced into the Adamawa dialect of Fulfulde, and /z/ has been realized in some
loanwords from Arabic and Hausa. Though some scholars of Fulfulde linguistics (e.g
East, 1934; Girei, 2009; Gottschligg, 1995 and Taylor, 1921) commented on the new
sounds, others (Arnott, 1969, 1970, 1992; Breedveld, 1995; McIntosh, 1984 and Stennes,
1967) totally ignored these innovations and do not consider them as part of the phonemic
inventory of the language. These sounds are treated here, as new innovations peculiar to
the respective dialects where they occur. Indeed, considering the whole area where
Fufulde is spoken, “[ʃ] is an uncommon variant of [tʃ]” (Arnott, 1969, p. 58), and so is
[v] to [w] in the Adamawa dialect.

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Zaria. Pp 169 - 186.
In the orthography, the affricates [tʃ], [dƷ] and the pre-nasalized affricate [ndƷ] are written
as /c/, /j/ and /nj/ respectively. Similarly, [j] is written as /y/, the palatal [ɲ], palatalized
glottal [ʔj] and glottal [ʔ] are written as /ny/, /ƴ/and /’/respectively. All the rest of the
consonants are written in the same form both in phonemic and orthographic writing. Table
2.1 shows the Fulfulde consonants without taking the innovated variants into
consideration.
Table 1.1: Fulfulde Consonants
Adopted and modified from Dunstan (1969, p. 58)
Below are examples of an occurrence of each consonant in a word. For each word, the
phoneme, orthographic representation and gloss are provided.
BILABIAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/p/ /paːlɪ/ paali kettle
/b/ /baːlɪ/ baali sheep (pl.)

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/ɓ/ /ɓaːdɛ/ ɓaade house
/mb/ /mbaːlu/ mbaalu sheep (sg.)
/m/ /maːrɔːrɪ maaroori rice
LABIO-DENTAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/f/ /faːɓrʋ/ faaɓru frog
ALVEOLAR
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/t/ /tɔɓɓɛrɛ/ toɓɓere a dot
/d/ /da:gɔ/ daago mat
/ɗ/ /ɗɔʋdɪ/ ɗowdi shade/shadow
/nd/ /ndɪjam/ ndiyam water
/s/ /sɔnndu/ sonndu bird
/n/ /nɔfru/ nofru ear
/r/ /reːdʋ/ reedu belly
/l/ /leʋrʋ/ lewru moon/month
PRE-PALATAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/ʨ/ /ʨaka/ caka middle
/ʥ/ /ʥaingɔl/ jayngol light
/nʥ/ /nʥamndɪ/ njamndi metal/iron

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PALATAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/ɲ/ /ɲiːrɪ/ nyiiri food
/j/ /yiːdɛ/ yiide love
VELAR
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/k/ /kaːfahɪ/ kaafahi sword
/g/ /gaɲɔ/ ganyo enemy
/ŋg/ /ŋgaːrɪ/ ngaari bull
/ŋ/ /mbɪŋ/ mbiŋ sound of drum beat
/w/ /weːndʋ/ weendu pond
GLOTTAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/Ɂ/ /Ɂɪbbɪ/ ‘ibbi ficus tree
/h/ /hɔːrɛ/ hoore head
PALATALIZED GLOTTAL
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/Ɂj/ /Ɂjamɔl/ y’amol question
Long Consonants
Length is a pronounced feature of Fulfulde consonants and it is phonemic. Except for
fricatives, pre-nasalized affricates and nasal /ŋ/, all the rest of Fulfulde consonants can
occur as long or short consonants. However, long consonants only occur in an intervocalic

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position after short vowels. Length is indicated orthographically, by doubling the
consonant or by doubling the nasal symbol in pre-nasalized consonants. The examples
below show the occurrence of long consonants in an intervocalic position. The phoneme,
and orthographic representation as well as gloss are provided for each word.
BILABIAL
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/pp/ /kɔppɪ/ koppi knees
/bb/ /pɔbbɪ/ pobbi hyenas
/ɓɓ/ /ɓɪɓɓɛ/ ɓiɓɓe children
/mmb/ /bammbaːɗɔ/ bammbaaɗo praise singer
/mm/ /dʒɛmma/ jemma night
ALVEOLAR
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/tt/ /wʋttʋdʋ/ wuttudu side
/dd/ /sɛddɛ/ sedde dry season
/ɗɗ/ /lɛɗɗɛ/ leɗɗe trees
/nnd/ /hɔnndʋkɔ/ honnduko mouth
/nn/ /wɔnnɛrɛ/ wonnere damage
/rr/ /tɔrra/ torra suffering
/ll/ /pʋllɔ/ pullo a Fulani
PRE-PALATAL

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Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/tʃtʃ/ /dɔ tʃtʃɛ/ docce fire wood
/dʒdʒ/ /gʋdʒdʒɔ/ gujjo thief
PALATAL
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/ɲɲ/ /waɲɲɔ/ wannyo joke
/ɁjɁj/ /maɁjɁjɛrɛ/ ma’y’yere lightning
VELAR
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/kk/ /hɔkkɛrɛ/ hokkere lack of rain
/gg/ /lɛggal/ leggal wood
/ŋŋg/ /ndɔŋŋgu/ ndonngu inheritance
Glottal
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/ɁɁ/ /feɁɁa/ fe’’a to cut
2.2. Vowels
Linguists (Arnott, 1956, 1966, 1974; Breedveld, 1995; Girei, 2009; Klinghenheben, 1963;
McIntosh, 1984; Westermann, 1909) unanimously presented ten Fulfulde vowel
phonemes, five of which are long, making pairs of short and long vowels. These are: a,

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e, i, o, u, short and aa, ee, ii, oo, uu, long. Vowel length in Fulfulde is phonemic (Girei,
2009), in that, a long vowel contrasts with its short counterpart. Just as in consonants, the
length in vowels is shown in the orthography by doubling the vowel symbol. Apart from
the basic vowels, Fulfulde has a set of eight diphthongs: aw, ew, iw, ow, ay, ey, oy and uy
(McIntosh, 1984). Apart from some variations in diphthongs, the vowel system of
Fulfulde is comparatively uniform among most dialects of the language (Girei, 2009).
Figure 2.1 shows Fulfulde vowels in the vowel quadrilateral space.
i:i
e:
e
o:
o
u:
u
a
a:
Vo w el C hart
Figure 1.1: Fulfulde Vowels. Adopted from Dunstan (1969, p. 63)
The examples below show the occurrence of Fulfulde vowels in words. Phoneme,
example, orthographic representations and gloss are provided.
Phoneme Example Orthographic Gloss
/ɪ/ /ɗɪɗɪ/ ɗiɗi two
/iː/ /kiːta/ kiita verdict
/ɛ/ /dɛbbɔ/ debbo woman
/eː/ /weːndʋ/ weendu pond

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Zaria. Pp 169 - 186.
/a/ /paɗɛ/ paɗe shoes
/aː/ /paːɓɪ/ paaɓi frogs
/ɔ/ /kɔɗɔ/ kodo guest
/ɔː/ /kɔːtɪ/ kooti parasite
/ʋ/ /sʋnɔ/ suno sadness
/uː/ /suːnɔ/ suuno greed
Apart from the significance of vowel length, other phonetic information with regard to
Fulfulde vowels would be useful. Short vowels /ɪ/ and /ʋ/ are of the same quality, but
more lax than the long /i:/ and /ʋ:/ while /a/ is higher than /a:/. Short vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are
more open than their long equivalents. In this regard, Adam and Westermann provided
the sequence: [eː] = [e], [e] = [ɛ], [oː] = [o] and [o] = [ɔ]. In the case of [a], it is higher
than [aː]. The minimal pairs below exemplify the phonemicity of vowel length in
Fulfulde.
Phoneme Minimal pairs Gloss
/ɪ/ /hɪsa/ be free from harm
/iː/ /hiːsa/ remember
/ɛ/ /fɛwa/ to lie
/eː/ /feːwa/ be cold
/a/ /haɓa/ to fight
/aː/ /haːɓa/ be anxious
/ɔ/ /sɔda/ cut down corn for harvest
/ɔː/ sooda /sɔːda/ buy
/ʋ/ sura /sura/ to prevent

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/uː/ suura /suːra/ to cover or protect
Diphthongs
Eight diphthongs are realized in most varieties of Fulfulde. They consist of a vowel
followed by a glide. All diphthongs occur in both medial and final positions. In the
Kaceccere dialect, and perhaps other sub-varieties, [ʋɪ] is restricted to only the medial
position (McIntosh, 1984). Table 2.2 shows the diphthongs occurring in medial positions.
Table 2.3: Diphthongs
Phoneme
Orthographic
Example
Gloss
/aɪ/
ay
dʒayngol
light
/aʋ/
aw
sawru
stick
/eɪ/
ey
sey
until
/eʋ/
ew
lewru
moon/month
/ɪʋ/
iw
siwtaaɓe
twins
/ɔɪ/
oy
coyɗo
poor person
/ɔʋ/
ow
ɗowdi
shade/shadow
/ʋɪ/
uy
muyɗo
patient person

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However, long pairs of the diphthongs are possible in many sub-varieties in the central
dialect area. This results into each long vowel being followed by a glide. In fact, in some
cases, the short pair of a diphthong contrasts with its long pair. The Gombe variety is a
typical example where all the eight diphthongs have long counterpart. Thus the following
sequences are possible in such varieties:
Phoneme example Orthographic Gloss
/e:ʋ/ /fe:ʋndʋ/ feewndu cold wind (as in the text)
/a:ʋ/ /‘a:ʋre/ aware planting seed
/e:ɪ/ /ge:ɪŋgal/ geeyngal advert
/a:ɪ/ /ma:ɪde/ maayde death
/ɪ:ʋ/ /Ɂjɪ:ʋɗɔ/ y’iiwɗo a girl at puberty
/ɔ:ɪ/ /lɔ:ɪrɛ/ looyre sound made when vomiting
/ɔ:ʋ/ /pɔ:ʋɗam/ poowdam hot water
/ʋ:ɪ/ /mʋ:ɪgal/ muuygal courtship
In varieties where the long diphthongs are not possible, the length is shortened or a glottal
stop occurs between the long vowel and the glide. For instance geeyngal will be realized
as geyngal /geɪŋgal/, feewndu as fewndu /feʋndʋ/.
2.3. Syllable Structure
Researchers (Arnott, 1970; Breedveld, 1995; McIntosh, 1984 and Paradis, 1992)
discussed the syllable structures obtainable in Fulfulde. According to Breedveld (1995),
the syllable structures that are possible in Fulfulde nominal stems and verbal roots are:
CV, CVC, CVVC, CVCC and CVV. Girei (2009) on the other hand asserts that the five
syllable structures are generally possible across the ‘Fulaphone’, a term used to refer to
the whole area where Fulfulde is spoken and the generality of the Fulfulde dialects.
Stennes (1967) proposed the following description of the syllable structure in Adamawa
dialect which is also valid for all Fulfulde dialects (Breedveld, 1995): The phonological

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shape of all syllables is CV(C) or consonants, vowel (where the vowel can be either short
or long) with an optional final consonant. The most common syllable structures in
Fulfulde (CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC, and CVCC) are exemplified below.
Syllable Example Phonetic Gloss
CV mi m- i [mɪ] I
C-V
CVV ndaa nd- a-a [ndaː] take
C- V- V
CVC war w- a- r [war] come
C- V- C
CVVC nyaam-na ny- a- a- m- n- a [ɲaːmna] to feed
C- V- V-C- C- V
CVCC winnde w-i-n-nd-e [wɪnndɛ] empty house/residence
C-V-C-C-V
However, McIntosh (1984) claimed the unacceptability of both the CVVC and CVCC
syllables in the Kaceccere dialect, suggesting that the only words these structures are
found in are: ʔaan ‘you’ for CVVC and koyŋ ‘diminutive plural class suffix’ for CVCC.
2.4. Intonation
Fulfulde is an intonational language and tone is not phonemic (McIntosh, 1984). On this
aspect of Fulfulde, Arnott (1970) states that “Fulfulde is an intonational rather than a tonal
language, in the sense that the main outline of the pitch contours of the sentence are
determined by the type of sentence rather than by the tonal characteristics of individual
words or complexes” (p. 62). There are variations as to the way in which individual words
fit into the sentence intonation patterns with individual words or types of words; the

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Zaria. Pp 169 - 186.
intonation pattern may be to some extent, affected by the presence or absence of some
specific particles within the sentence. Though I will not discuss the various intonation
patterns and the rules guiding the intonation of different sentences in the language in
detail, it is worth noting that intonation patterns vary from one dialect to another (Arnott,
1969).
3. Stress Placement Rules in Fulfulde
Stress in Fulfulde does not change the grammatical category of a word, as for example, a
verb to noun or vice versa, as obtained in English and some other stress languages. Stress
in Fulfulde only extends the meaning of a word to another meaning as well as shifting the
emphasis of the word in the same grammatical category.
Generally, stress placement rules vary for nouns and verbs. Therefore, the first to the
fourth rules, below, apply to nominals, and the last (fifth) rule applies to verbs only. The
rules are;
(1) stress occurs on the penultimate (the last non-final heavy) syllable with CVC or CVV
structure, as in the following examples:
Example Phonetic Gloss
ɓa'leejo [ɓa'lɛːdʒɔ] dark skinned person
daneejo [danɛː'dʒɪːdʒɔ] light skinned person
banndiraawo [banndɪ'raːwɔ] ralative
soobaajo [sɔː'baːdʒɔ] friend
(2) Where the penultimate syllable is weak, that is, it is not CVC or CVV, stress is pushed
back to the preceding heavy syllable as in the examples below:
Example Phonetic Gloss
jooɗorɡal ['dʒɔːɗɔrɡal] chair
njawdiri ['ndʒaʋdɪrɪ] ram
daneeji’en [da'nɛːdʒɪʔɛn] the Fulɓe of the Daneeji clan

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jaafun’en ['dʒaːfʋnʔɛn] the Fulɓe of the Jaafun clan
(3) In the absence of a heavy syllable, stress falls on the first syllable irrespective of its
structure, as in the examples below:
Example Phonetic Gloss
kosngal ['kɔsŋɡal] foot
deftere ['dɛftɛrɛ] book
binndirgol ['bɪnndɪrɡɔl] pen
ndiyam ['ndɪȷam] water
y’iiy’am ['ʔȷɪːʔȷam] blood
(4) The last syllable in nouns is extra-metrical and does not receive stress except in some
loanwords, as in the examples below:
Example Phonetic Source Gloss
ishirin [ɪʃɪ'rɪn] Arabic twenty
talaatin [talaː'tɪn] Arabic thirty
masardi [masar'dɪ] Hausa maize
The primary concern therefore, is the simple stress assignment in the language which
occurs within poly-syllabic words. In this case, the stress may fall within the penultimate
syllable, anti-penultimate or the first syllable, depending on the structure of the syllables
in the words.
(5) Unlike in nouns, the last syllable in verbs is not extrametrical, thus it can receive
stress.
Example Phonetic Gloss
calminanaa [ʨalmɪna'naː] you should greet for
nyamniraa [njamnɪ'raː] to feed with
(see Breedveld, 1995)

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4. Conclusion and Limitations
It has been established that lexical stress in Fulfulde is determined by the syllable
structures there are in that particular word, so that heavy syllables always receive stress,
and where there are none, the first syllable. It is also important to note that unlike English,
stress does not change the lexical category of a word, i.e from noun to verb and vis-versa.
The finding shows five rules to be guiding stress placement, distinguishing the final
syllable in nouns from that of verbs.
However, this paper is not devoid of limitations. Though an attempt has been made to use
acoustic measurements to support the claims, more speech samples involving more
varieties of Fulfulde and more diverse data, with a more rigorous acoustic analysis would
produce more reliable findings. Our subsequent paper focuses on this. This paper does
not provide a comparison between stress in Fulfulde and other similar languages. This is
also part of its limitations.
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