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13. Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus
Bahar Sakızlıoğlu
13.1 INTRODUCTION
Gentrification alters the ways in which places are gendered and in doing so it reflects and
affects the way gender is constructed and experienced. The ways places are gendered, as
well as changes in gender constructions, may also affect the occurrence of gentrification.
The concept of gentrification refers to a changing class composition – for example,
Hackworth (2002) defines gentrification as ‘the transformation of space for more affluent
users’ (p. 815). Yet, gentrification is also a product of, and invariably involves changes
in, gender relations and the production of gender inequalities. Despite the expanding
literature on gentrification, our knowledge on its relation to gender constitution remains
limited.
The ways in which gender has been conceptualized and linked with gentrification have
transformed from the early 1980s up until today. Thanks to some crucial feminist inter-
ventions in the literature (see Rose 1984; Bondi 1991, 1999; Bondi and Rose 2003), the
research focus shifted from the role of women in gentrification processes to understand-
ing gentrification as part of gender constitution, thus from categorical understanding
of gender to conceptualizing gender as a set of social relations that are fundamentally
structured by power relations in society. In this chapter,1 I present a critical review of the
existing literature pinpointing the gaps in our knowledge regarding the nexus of gender
and gentrification. I call for a comparative and intersectional approach to investigate
gendered geographies of gentrification. I conclude by underlining the need for feminist
engagement with knowledge production about gentrification, as well as feminist praxis
to contest gendered inequalities and dispossessions involved in gendered geographies of
gentrification.
I begin by presenting the early work on gender and gentrification from the 1980s
and 1990s, which focused on the role of women in gentrification and debated whether
gender was a prime explanatory factor of gentrification. Secondly, I discuss geographer
Liz Bondi’s crucial interventions in the literature that reoriented our understanding of
the link between gender and gentrification. I then focus on the recent work that has
followed the path that Bondi blazed. Importantly, I then move on to discuss some future
trajectories for research on gender and gentrification.
1 This chapter has been written as a part of my post-doctoral research project entitled Gendered Geographies
of Gentrification, and financed by the EU- H2020 Marie Curie IF programme with grant agreement No 658875.
I want to thank Loretta Lees, Ebru Soytemel, Marguerite van den Berg and Justus Uitermark for their careful
reading of and constructive comments on earlier versions of this chapter.
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206 Handbook of gentrication studies
13.2 THE EARLY WORK ON GENDER AND GENTRIFICATION
The early research on gender and gentrification from the 1980s and 1990s evolved from
studies with a focus on women’s role in gentrification to studies debating the primacy of
gender as an explanatory factor for/in gentrification.
13.2.1 Explaining the Role of Women in Gentrification
Women’s role in gentrification has attracted scholars’ attention since at least the 1980s.
Researchers have discussed women both as actors in gentrification due to their demand
for housing in gentrifying neighborhoods and bearers of gentrification as they are
among the most vulnerable populations to displacement. Scholars have argued that with
the increasing participation of women in the labour market, particularly the increasing
number of career-oriented middle-class women with well-paid jobs (both as members of
dual-earner households or as single households), the demand for gentrifying neighbor-
hoods has increased (Ley 1986; Rose 1984, 1989; Smith 1987). Besides these factors related
to the changing position of women in the labour market, the increasing number of women
living alone (Rose and LeBourdais 1986) and postponing childbearing (Beauregard 1986)
were also mentioned among the reasons for increased demand for housing in gentrifying
areas. Scholars also discussed women as bearing the negative effects of gentrification –
the increasing number of women with low paid jobs in the service sector, together with
an increasing number of female-headed households, such as elderly women living alone
and single mothers, issues that were among the factors that made women vulnerable to
displacement (Bondi 1991).
13.2.2 Going Beyond the Dichotomy of Class versus Gender
While gentrification researchers had up until 1980 exclusively focused on capital flows and
general consumer preferences, scholars such as Markusen (1981) argued that gentrifica-
tion resulted from ‘the breakdown of the patriarchal household’ (ibid. p. 32). Rose (1984)
underlined the need to study the link between gentrification and the changing gender
division of labour. In her later work, Rose (1989) coined the concept of ‘marginal gentri-
fiers’ to refer to single women and LGBTQs with lower middle incomes. These groups
were attracted to central city areas that offered both material benefits (such as a wide
range of services, short commutes, etc.) and an emancipatory environment (see also Rose
1984; Smith 1987; Wekerle 1984).
Later the discussions on gender, class and gentrification revolved around the
prioritization of gender (Warde 1991) or class (Butler and Hamnett 1994) in explaining
gentrification. Sociologist Alan Warde (1991) argued that gender could better explain
the production of gentrifiers compared to class. According to Warde, the ways career-
oriented women responded to changes in the labour market and patriarchal pressures
could explain different forms of gentrification. Opposing Warde’s arguments, Butler
and Hamnett (1994) discussed the importance of class in gentrification and how class
affected the link between gender and gentrification. In a further attempt to move the
debate beyond unproductive oppositions, Butler (1997) and Bondi (1999) insisted that
rather than emphasizing either class or gender, scholars should focus on the complex and
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 207
dynamic relationship between gender and class. But even though scholars acknowledged
the interaction between class and gender in explaining gentrification, in many studies
gender was subsumed under class or treated as a category rather than a social relation as
was critiqued by Bondi (1999).
13.3 BONDI’S INTERVENTIONS: THE INADEQUACY OF
EXISTING CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS
Feminist geographer Liz Bondi played a significant role in (re)shaping the literature on
gender and gentrification with two critical interventions. Firstly, in her seminal work on
gender and gentrification, Bondi (1991) suggested a shift in research focus from the role of
women in gentrification processes to understanding gentrification as gender constitution.
She criticized the work that subsumed gender under class analysis, approaching gender as
a category rather than a set of social relations. Bondi argued that such analyses ignored
the gendered relations of oppression treating gender as an individual attribute. Rather she
pointed to the importance of studying gentrification as gender constitution as well as class
constitution. According to Bondi, class and gender were linked not only because gender
inequality shapes class experience, but also as the formation of class embraces certain
femininities and masculinities. Bondi argued that gentrification could be understood in a
comprehensive manner only by paying attention to the dynamics of the mutual constitu-
tion of class, gender and space in gentrifying neighborhoods.
To widen the framework for studying gender and gentrification, Bondi (1991) made three
suggestions: Firstly, instead of giving priority to one dimension of social differentiation
– to class or gender – she suggested embracing a perspective that would investigate the
dynamic relationship between class and gender and discuss the ways relations of oppres-
sion are negotiated and reconstructed through the process of gentrification. Secondly,
Bondi argued that gender should be considered as a dynamic social relation and pointed
to the importance of questioning how gentrification contributes to gender divisions in dif-
ferent contexts, rather than focusing on if gentrification involves a shift in power relations
between men and women. Thirdly, Bondi also underlined the importance of approaching
gender as a cultural construction, which meant that the research focus should be more on
the meanings attached to femininities and masculinities rather than taking the gendered
division of labour as the core of gender relations.
She argued that actors in gentrification negotiate their ideas about gender during the
process of gentrification and exploring these ideas and the ways they are negotiated would
give us more insight about the mutual construction of gender and space (Bondi 1991).
In her second intervention, Bondi (1999) emphasized the contextuality of gender
constitution and gentrification. Gendered experiences of gentrification and the gendered
production of space during gentrification varies in different contexts. She also underlined
the importance of life course analysis to shed more light on the dynamics of the mutual
constitution of gender, class and space.
Bondi’s interventions have influenced the framing of the more recent literature on
gender and gentrification in the 2000s.
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208 Handbook of gentrication studies
13.4 MORE RECENT WORK ON GENDER AND
GENTRIFICATION
Researchers responded well to Bondi’s call for a more refined and comprehensive body
of research on gender and gentrification. Recent research can be categorized into three
general research areas in which scholars discuss the link between gender and gentrifica-
tion: (1) Life course; (2) Neoliberal policy and the production of space; and (3) Class and
gender in the everyday life of gentrifying neighborhoods.
13.4.1 Life Course: Family Gentrifiers
Bondi’s call for conducting life course analysis to better understand gender in the context
of gentrification was responded to by researchers who studied family gentrifiers in
particular, and the relation of life course to gender in the context of gentrification at large.
Lia Karsten (2003, 2007) studied family gentrifiers whom she called young urban
professional parents (YUPPs). YUPPs preferred to stay in the city centre as opposed to
the general trend towards suburbanization for families in the Dutch context (and beyond).
These mostly dual-earner families were made up of highly educated middle-class couples
with children. Karsten (2003) showed how these family gentrifiers tried to combine
childbearing and career-making by choosing to live in central neighborhoods where they
could enjoy the convenience of living in proximity to work and facilities they needed and
desired with respect to social reproduction too. The author discussed family gentrifiers’
gendered practices as signaling a more equitable gendered division of labour, as men and
women shared household duties and childcare equally.
Another study investigating the co-constitution of gender, space and class in relation
to life course is that of Boterman and Bridge (2015) who focused on how middle-class
couples changed their residential strategies after becoming parents in the cities of London
and Amsterdam. Adding a comparative dimension to existing research on life course,
class, gender and gentrification, Boterman and Bridge presented an invaluable analysis of
the mutual constitution of gender, class and space based on Bourdieu’s theory of habitus,
field and capital. They showed how the use of neighborhood by gentrifier households
becomes gendered after becoming parents and how particular contexts restrict or allow
the ways gender roles and relations are negotiated during parenthood based on time-space
constraints present in specific contexts. They argued that the institutional and spatial
context of a particular city is very important in allowing and/or sustaining egalitarian
gender practices and relations. More favorable childcare facilities, labour legislation, the
scale of the city, duration and mode of commuting, etc. are the factors affecting how
gender practices and relations are reconstituted during parenthood in different cities.
They argue that an egalitarian gender division of labour is the case for a rather small frac-
tion of the middle classes and that it is highly dependent on factors such as the proximity
of work to house and labour market conditions etc. Another important finding that the
authors discussed is that femininity was practised as a marker of class, i.e. cargo-bike
mothers in Amsterdam (bakfietsmoeders in Dutch) and ‘yummy mummy cafés’ in London
have become symbols of new middle-class culture. Boterman and Bridge also show the
ways femininities and masculinities are practised during parenthood together with the
meanings attached to them. Pointing to the contextually dependent ways that gender is
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 209
constituted in relation to class and life course, they make a significant contribution to the
study of gender, class, life course and gentrification.
13.4.2 Neoliberal Policy, Gender and Gentrification
Neoliberal city making at large, and gentrification specifically, both involve gender ideolo-
gies and representations that are mobilized by different actors involved in the production
of space. The first set of research in the literature on this issue focused on how gendered
revanchist neoliberal policies are. Papayannis (2000) argued that sex work is blamed
for blight in disinvested city centres and that policy claims around saving these centres,
displacing sex work, are associated with the revitalization of the city and thus capital
accumulation. Likewise, Hubbard (2004) has shown that the neoliberal urban policy
agenda and its promotion of gentrification are based on masculine ideas and practices.
Hubbard argues that ‘policies to remove the street-level sex work is no mere side-effect of
the reassertion of capital but are fundamental in the re-centering of masculinity and the
forging of new patriarchal arrangements in the Western post-industrial societies’ (ibid.
p. 678).
Along the same lines, Melissa Wright (2013) in her study of the livelihood strategies of
sex workers in a gentrifying town, Cuidad Juarez, along the US-Mexico border, discussed
how discursive processes helped to legitimize the violence against and displacement of sex
workers and the working poor from the centre, as a means to increase the rent gap in the
area. In a similar vein, in her study of gentrification in an ethnic minority neighborhood
in Oslo, Tone Huse (2014) underlines that stigmatization based on gender medievalism
was mobilized to legitimize gentrification in an ethnic minority neighborhood where
many Muslims and ethnic minorities lived.
The second set of research has shown the ways city marketing strategies are gendered.
For instance, Kern (2010, 2011) studied the gendered ideologies shaping the restructur-
ing of the neoliberal city and showed how gender is used as a marketing strategy in the
condominium market in Toronto. She discussed how condominium ownership, which
boosted the image of urban women as ‘emancipated’ consumer citizens, did not actually
emancipate women but reinforced patriarchal relations. Kern pointed to the importance
of studying policy and decision making about gentrification from a gender perspective
not only to map out gendered assumptions and ideas about work, family and home but
also to critically discuss which women are tagged as ‘desirable’ and ‘undesirable’ in this
process. Another important point she underlined is the importance of questioning the link
between urban change and emancipation for women. New-build gentrification projects
offer amenities such as proximity to the city centre, walkability, security etc., thereby re-
appropriating and commodifying feminist visions. Kern discusses that women’s freedom
and autonomy are ripped of any redistributive or equity concerns. Commodifying these
elements of urban life alters how gender is constituted!
Likewise, Van den Berg (2012, 2013) also shows the centrality of gender in the urban
agenda as a tool in neoliberal city making. She discussed the use of femininity as a strategy
to brand the city of Rotterdam from a masculine and industrial city to a feminine, creative,
post-industrial city. According to the author, gendered urban strategies and ideologies of
gender involved in urban restructuring, aspire to produce urban space for different gender
relations, what she calls ‘genderfication’ (Van den Berg 2012, 2016). This policy targeting
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210 Handbook of gentrication studies
the attraction of middle-class families to the city, not only remakes gender relations
but also brings about class upgrading and classed inequalities. Her analysis reveals the
gendered nature of post-industrial city making as well as the importance of intersectional
analysis in understanding gentrification.
To sum up, some scholars focused on the link between revanchist politics, gentrifica-
tion and gender and others focused on the ‘emancipated’ femininity of the middle-class
consumer citizen as a crucial aspect of the post-industrial city and policy making. These
two sets of research show two sides of the same coin, as neoliberal policy and city making
embrace certain femininities and masculinities while displacing or exterminating others.
13.4.3 Class and Gender in the Everyday Life of Gentrifying Neighborhoods
Researchers in this body of work have studied class, gender and gentrification in rela-
tion to two themes: 1) the social reproduction of communities; and 2) accumulation by
dispossession.
13.4.3.1 Gender, class and the social reproduction of communities in gentrifying
neighborhoods
Researchers here underline the important role of both lower income and middle-class
women in the social reproduction of communities in gentrifying neighborhoods. To start
with, Amy Mills (2007, 2010) made this argument in her in-depth ethnographic research
on the constitution of gender and space in a gentrifying neighborhood in Istanbul. Mills
presented a spatial analysis of the everyday constitution of gender and discussed multiple
genderings of space in a neighborhood undergoing rapid change. She argued that the
traditional neighborhood (mahalle) was constituted by the low-income women perform-
ing traditional gender roles in the mahalle and that these women made the neighborhood
through the acts of knowing and their social networks of support. Mills showed how
this mahalle network became socially exclusive to its members, especially when there
was an influx of middle-class newcomers to the area with whom new lifestyles and non-
traditional gender roles infiltrated and changed the neighborhood. The incoming women
of higher socio-economic status had different understandings of privacy, preferring a
rather stricter distinction between private and public space that did not comply with the
fluid boundaries of home/street, private/public that existed in the mahalle. They also
had non-traditional gender roles (they were working women, single and divorced women
living alone) that could not easily be a part of the everyday gendered constitution of
the mahalle. The middle-class women did try to be a part of the mahalle through the
neighborhood association that the newcomers formed. This constituted a different and
non-traditional way of relating to, and gendering of, space that came about in this gen-
trifying neighborhood in Istanbul. Mills asserted that women were still considered to be
home and community makers even within the framework of modern urban life with non-
traditional gender roles. In this process of gentrification, not only ‘gendered belongings to
community’ but also ‘what it means to be a woman’ were being renegotiated. This detailed
ethnographic analysis revealed gentrification to be both a classed and gendered process.
Secondly, Kirsteen Paton (2014) has produced a rich ethnographic study of gentrifica-
tion that also discusses the gendered social reproduction of community in gentrifying
neighborhoods. Her research illustrates how the construction of class is gendered, with a
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 211
discussion not only of changing gender roles in work and community during neoliberal
restructuring, but also of how femininities and masculinities are reconstructed in relation
to class. Regarding the latter, the author shows that economic restructuring in the city
of Glasgow deeply affected masculinities that were deemed redundant by the process of
deindustrialization. Working-class men disassociating from their class position, embraced
an ‘adapt or die’ strategy to be able to control their livelihoods. This idea of control in
a time when working-class men in general were suffering a degrading experience due
to economic and social change, the author argued, reconstructed and reinforced their
masculinity in relation to class positions. As for femininity and class constitution, even
though feminization of the service economy meant the breaking of traditional gender
roles and class positions, Paton argued that working-class women aspired to increase
their respectability through caring roles, taking an active part in the social reproduction
of community in their gentrifying neighborhood; which became a heavier burden due to
declining welfare services, ageing, drug addiction, and psychological problems, etc. Paton
argues that ‘the heavy burden of paid and unpaid labour brought about more exploitation
of women and reinforced traditional gender roles’ (ibid. p. 77).
Reminiscent of the argument Mills made about women’s crucial roles in the social
reproduction of communities and households in a gentrifying neighborhood, Paton
points to the significant link between femininity and respectability that reinforced existing
gender inequalities even though women’s position in the labour market was changing, and
they were more mobile both physically and financially.
In the same vein as these two studies, Jason Patch (2008) discussed the important role
of new lower-middle-class and middle-class women entrepreneurs both in the produc-
tion of gentrified space and in the social reproduction of gentrifiers’ community in a
gentrifying neighborhood. He argued for the importance of observing the gendered
interactions these women made in the streets and stores – meeting, welcoming and acting
as sources of information to the newcomers, so that they would get accustomed to and
stay in the gentrifying neighborhood of Williamsburg, New York City. These women
entrepreneurs avoided workplace discrimination in their stores and allowed flexibility for
female employees. They also contested and negotiated masculinity in the streets as they
constantly dealt with ‘the guys on the street’ (ibid. p. 113). According to the author, these
women entrepreneurs, as ‘the faces on the street’ (ibid. p. 109), in contrast to what Jane
Jacob’s called ‘eyes on the street’ (ibid. p. 103), played a significant role in the production
of this gentrified neighborhood and the construction of a gentrifier community.
Another important study was conducted by Leslie Kern (2013), who focused on the
experiences of women working in gentrifying neighborhoods. Kern investigated work
and gender in a gentrifying neighborhood and pointed to gendered vulnerabilities and
precarity and how women worked to find a balance between capitalizing on gentrification
and being under the threat of displacement. This ambivalent position involved using
alternative informal and non-monetized practices to exchange support and engage with
vulnerable people in the neighborhood. Creating these networks of support, women
workers contributed not only to the social reproduction of the community but also to the
production of gentrified urban spaces.
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212 Handbook of gentrication studies
13.4.3.2 Accumulation by dispossession and gender: the experiences of the dispossessed
Perhaps the most important gap in the early literature was the exclusive focus on the role
and experiences of middle- and lower-middle-class women and LGBTQs in gentrifica-
tion. Gender and sexuality were discussed in the early literature mainly in relation to the
emancipatory city thesis (Lees 2000), which argued that gentrification brought about
emancipation for groups suffering from patriarchy and homophobia, such as women
and LGBTQs. Scholars showed how gentrification helped these groups to contest and
alter oppressive gender relations. However, as Lees et al. (2008) noted, these studies
only focused on the experiences of middle-class women and LGBTQs, side-lining the
experiences of lower-class women and LGBTQs living and working in gentrifying areas.
Some recent work has addressed this gap in the literature focusing on the experiences and
contestation of women and LGBTQs living and working in gentrifying neighborhoods.
In her study of working-class women who were under threat of violent removal from
the city centre to make space for gentrification in Ciudad Juarez, along the Mexico-US
border, Melissa Wright (2013) argued that accumulation by dispossession was grounded
in the everyday struggles over social reproduction that the working poor engaged in to
defend the places in which they live and work. Examining the livelihood strategies of sex
workers in Ciudad Juárez, Wright discussed how these women rejected being removed and
contested the process of gentrification to safeguard their social reproduction.
Another study conducted by Zengin (2014) has discussed how transgender women
engaged in sex work in the gentrifying neighborhoods of Istanbul have experienced
chain displacement accompanied with increasing state violence against their livelihood.
Trans women were able to socially reproduce their community by building social support
networks in some central neighborhoods going through the early stages of gentrification,
where intellectuals, students, and artists had led marginal gentrification. But as gentri-
fication proceeded, the police violently displaced these trans women with the support
of gentrifiers and the local community. Transgender women dispersed into adjacent
neighborhoods where they lacked the support and benefits of living as a community, and
down the line they were under threat of displacement in their new neighborhoods too due
to expanding gentrification.
Aslı Zengin is not the only scholar from Turkey who has investigated the dispossessions
women and LGBTQs bear together with the anti-displacement strategies they develop to
deal with these dispossessions. Soytemel (2013), in her paper on self-help neighborhood-
based networks of poor women in a gentrifying neighborhood in Istanbul, argued that
neighborhood-based social networks were very important in finding alternative accom-
modation once evicted, or in bypassing the officials who came to cut off the electricity
supply or to deliver eviction notices. Losing neighbourhood-based social networks was
fatal for these women who used collective strategies to survive economically and socially,
even under the threat of displacement.
In my own work (Sakızlıoğlu 2014), I found that some of the very low-income Kurdish
women in a gentrifying neighborhood in Istanbul were burdened with even heavier
consequences due to gentrification. These women could barely speak the official Turkish
language but enjoyed the presence of the Kurdish community in the neighborhood that
helped with their economic and socio-cultural survival. Gentrification not only meant
that these women would lose their homes but also their community and means of survival
too.
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 213
Tahire Erman (2016) has discussed how women in (slum housing) gecekondu areas,
who were displaced and relocated to formal social housing estates on the peripheries of
the Turkish capital, Ankara, suffered from displacement and dispossession from their
neighborhoods but also from their means of social reproduction. Missing the practices of
sitting in front of their houses, baking bread in their gardens, etc., which constructed the
fluid boundaries of private and public in gecekondu areas, these women started appropri-
ating public space in the formal social housing estates and carried gecekondu activities into
these housing estates. This act of appropriation was a contestation to the imprisonment
of former gecekondu women in their private houses in the new social housing estates.
In a study on experiences of displacement, Desmond (2012) underlined the vulner-
ability of women as evictees: he found that women are evicted at significantly higher
rates than men in inner city black neighborhoods. In a later study, he documents the
heavy burden of inequality on the shoulders of single mothers facing eviction (Desmond
2016). He also points to the importance of the gendered interactions between landlords
and tenants that shape eviction processes. For instance, he found that a female tenant
confronting her landlord was considered to be ‘rude’ and lesbians were considered to be
‘tough’ tenants. Showing how gendered the relations between tenants and landlords are,
Desmond has opened up a new path of inquiry regarding the everyday gendered experi-
ences of the dispossessed.
As for the question of how anti-displacement/dispossession strategies are gendered,
Doshi (2013) has discussed how everyday practices of mitigating displacement in Mumbai
slum areas were gendered, based on her in-depth study of two slum areas in the city. These
gendered practices were found to be differentiated in these two different cases. Doshi, in
her first case study of the Mankhurd slum area, argued that the SPARC Alliance – between
an NGO and two grassroots groups – was based on the cooperation of evicted women
residents and non-confrontational gendered participation asking for improvements in
housing and sanitation. Underlining ‘domesticated gendered subjectivities’, SPARC
made women collaborators in the negotiations, as the agents armed with the knowledge
of home, sanitation, etc. In Doshi’s second case study of the Mandala slum area,
anti-eviction mobilization was more rights-based and the movement highlighted slum
women’s working-class backgrounds and experiences as opposed to SPARC’s emphasis
on women’s social reproductive roles as housewives and mothers. Doshi highlighted the
significance of understanding displacement politics based not only on class but also on
gender and ethno-religious relations. Differentiated gender tactics against displacement
have also been discussed in some studies on anti-displacement struggles in cities in Turkey.
While in some neighborhoods women took the frontlines of the barricades (Ergin 2006),
in other neighborhoods they were not at all or very little involved during the negotiations
both due to patriarchal family structures and authority’s embracing of the mostly male
household head as the sole authority who would make decisions for his household during
negotiations (Sakızlıoğlu 2014).
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214 Handbook of gentrication studies
13.5 CRITICAL REFLECTIONS: TOWARDS A FUTURE
RESEARCH AGENDA ON GENDER AND
GENTRIFICATION
More recent research on gender and gentrification has responded well to Bondi’s early
criticisms. Most researchers now approach gentrification not by subsuming gender under
class analysis but by looking at class and gender as co-constituted in the process. There
is a growing body of work on the relationship of life course to gentrification and gender.
There are, however, three issues that are not fully investigated in this literature. Firstly,
we still know little about the link between gender and gentrification as cultural construc-
tions (Bondi 1991). Bondi’s earlier question of ‘how changes in the sexual division of
labor in the workplace, the community and the home . . . are negotiated through cultural
constructions of femininity and masculinity’ during the process of gentrification (ibid.
p. 195) has not yet been fully addressed, even though some scholars have integrated this
question into their research (Kern 2011; van den Berg 2013; Boterman and Bridge 2015).
Secondly, the literature presents a partial picture, for most research has focused on how
gentrification has positively affected the lives of women and LGBTQs with middle-class
backgrounds. More recent work on gentrification has focused on the experiences of low
income, dispossessed women and LGBTQs, yet we need to embrace an intersectional
approach to grasp the experiences of women and LGBTQs from different class, race/
ethnicity, and age groups. As Lees et al. (2008) suggested, the question remains: ‘Does
the gentrifying inner-city act as an emancipatory space for all women’ (p. 213) and for
all LGBTQs? Thirdly, despite Bondi’s emphasis on contextuality, the literature lacks
comparative accounts that reveal the context dependent, as well as common elements, of
how space and gender are mutually constructed.
To address these issues, I argue in this last section of the chapter that we need to integrate
an intersectional and comparative perspective into our analysis of the mutual constitution
of gender and space during gentrification processes. In the second part of this section, I
want to discuss two neglected but important themes that are awaiting research interest.
13.5.1 An Intersectional and Comparative Lens on Gender and Gentrification
13.5.1.1 Inserting an intersectional perspective into gentrification and displacement
research
Over a quarter of a century ago now, Knopp (1990) argued that the intersection of class,
gender and sexuality should be taken into account in order to understand the different
experiences of gentrification. It is now widely acknowledged in the literature that rather
than giving priority to one dimension of social differentiation such as class, gender, race,
age/life course, etc., researchers should take them all into account to examine how differ-
ent axes of power are expressed, deconstructed, reconstructed and negotiated through
the process of gentrification. Focusing on these aspects opens not only a theoretical pos-
sibility to better understand the contextual and complex functioning/s of power relations
during the production of space for gentrification but also the question of how to construct
a feminist politics across differences (based on class, age, sexuality, ethnicity/race or
locality) to alter the regnant, oppressive organization and gender-ordered construction
of space, be it patriarchal, sexist, racist, ageist, etc.
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 215
Even though there is an emerging literature integrating an intersectional perspective
into gentrification and displacement research, there is still a lot of work that needs to be
done. Integrating such a perspective into, for example, the literature on accumulation by
dispossession, such as Doshi (2013) and Wright (2013) have done, will help us grasp how
the mutual production of space and gender embodies, reflects, and alters, differentiated
power relations in the contemporary neoliberal era.
Likewise, the tensions and interactions between constitutions of gender and class have
recently entered the research lens of gentrification researchers, the key reference being
Skeggs’ work (1997) on the formation of gender and class. Skeggs has inspired some
gentrification researchers such as Paton (2014), yet some important questions remain:
How do ethnic minority and lesbian women both from a middle- and working-class
background experience gentrification and displacement? How is gender articulated in
contestations against accumulation by dispossession, gentrification and displacement in
different contexts? What role does race play regarding the production of space and gender
during gentrification processes? How similar or different are the experiences of religious
middle-class women and non-religious middle-class women regarding gentrification
processes in cities such as London, Berlin, Cairo, Istanbul, Marrakesh, among others? I
think that engaging with and better incorporating the existing research on intersectional-
ity as a critical inquiry and praxis (see Crenshaw 1991; Yuval-Davis 2006, among others)
into gentrification research will enable better understanding of the complexities of the
processes involved.
13.5.1.2 A comparative lens on gender and gentrification: gendered geographies of
gentrification
To reveal the context dependent nature, as well as the common elements, of how space
and gender are mutually constituted during gentrification processes, we need to employ
a comparative perspective that would enable us to understand the connections among
gender constructions and gentrifications in different settings. Some time ago, Lees (2000)
highlighted the importance of the ‘geography of gentrification’ calling attention to how
gentrification varies across different settings. To explore and theorize the diverse ways
gender and space are mutually constituted in different contexts of gentrification, we need
to carry this forward and focus on the ‘gendered geographies of gentrification’. Doing
so would mean also responding to recent calls for a comparative urbanism approach
(Lees 2012; Robinson 2006); but also, drawing on post-colonial and feminist critiques
of knowledge production, de-centering and nuancing hegemonic conceptualizations of
gentrification and gender based on European and North American experiences. Aiming
to link the mutual constitution of space and gender through different geographies of
gentrification, a comparative approach would shed light on the connections among
gentrifications as gender constitution, the gendered, racialized and classed constitution
of space, and construction of femininities and masculinities during gentrification within,
between, and beyond cities.
Researchers have pinpointed significant issues regarding different urbanization pat-
terns, the role and culture of the middle classes, informality, and the role of the state,
(among others see Lees et. al 2016) in questioning the usefulness of gentrification as a
concept to explain similar processes in cities outside of the West. The point is then to
approach the issues from a feminist perspective, and gender the discussion, which would
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216 Handbook of gentrication studies
mean underlining the significance of gender in understanding different geographies of
gentrification.
We need to question our knowledge on the gender–gentrification nexus produced in/
for Western cities and investigate critically how the link between gender and gentrification
plays out in different places. For instance, factors argued to have affected the occurrence
of gentrification such as feminization of the labor force, changes in family structure
etc., have different dynamics in different contexts that need to be discussed in detail to
understand the contextual nature of gentrification. While questioning the relevance of
what we know from the Western context for understanding new gendered geographies of
gentrification is important, we also need to keep in mind the lessons learned from earlier
feminist research, about thinking beyond dichotomies such as public/private, suburb/
inner city etc., in our understanding of gender and urban change. For example, we might
want to unpack the relationship of gentrification to the emancipation of women, a body
of work that focuses on the dichotomy of the suburb vs. the inner city in Europe and
North America. Looking at gentrification in cities elsewhere, will, no doubt, mean engag-
ing with and going beyond the dichotomies of urban and rural, traditional and modern,
religious and non-religious, among others, to understand and contextualize gender roles,
relations, inequalities, and the meanings attached to femininities and masculinities in
relation to urban change.
Likewise, there is a need for contextualized studies of gender regimes in relation to
gentrification, not only to map the institutional and spatial contexts to help better sustain
and/or create egalitarian urban gender relations but also to understand the dynamics of
gendered precarity and resistance to gentrification.
13.5.2 Neglected Themes in the Gender–Gentrification Nexus
13.5.2.1 Rural gentrification and gender
Gender has mostly been discussed in relation to urban gentrification, and the dichotomy
of inner city vs. suburb living has been central to the construction of the argument that
gentrification is emancipatory for women and LGBTQs. Martin Phillips is among the
few researchers who have focused on the neglected link between rural gentrification and
gender. Phillips (1993) started from the argument that gentrification resulted from the
emergence of more class-symmetrical households. In his research, he found no evidence
that there was increased class symmetry within the households who were rural gentrifiers.
Indeed, he suggested that this argument could be reversed where rural gentrification was
concerned. He found that class asymmetrical households moved to rural villages when
they started families to provide a better, safer, greener place for their kids to grow up. In
this sense, gentrification was in part ‘the result of the perpetuation of patriarchal gender
identities and associations’ (ibid. p. 138). Phillips’ research helps us ask more questions
about: 1) the link between emancipation and gentrification; 2) the importance of life
course in relation to rural and urban gentrification; 3) the impact of rural gentrification
on gender relations and ideologies in rural areas together with the construction of rural
femininities and masculinities; 4) the relationship between rural and urban gentrification;
in other words, if rural gentrifiers were urban gentrifiers at a point in time, and vice versa;
5) questions regarding the gendered accessibility and affordability of centrality for rural
and urban gentrifiers and non-gentrifiers.
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 217
These questions are important not only to understand the similarities and differences
between rural and urban gentrification in relation to gender but also in relation to the ways
we understand and conceptualize urban and rural.
Significantly, the geography of rural gentrification is expanding due to expansion of
gentrification in many cities, which makes it unaffordable to many middle class house-
holds and marginal gentrifiers to stay put in the most gentrified cities. It has become
especially important to investigate rural gentrification and gender in cities outside Europe
and North America, where massive urbanization processes have brought about an
increasing anti-urbanization sentiment amongst the middle classes. This has created a new
demand for rural gentrification in rural and peripheral areas, as Qian and others (2013)
have discussed in relation to China. New research needs to address different gendered
geographies of rural gentrification in non-Western cities with a comparative perspective.
13.5.2.2 Dispossession and emancipation as the Siamese twins of gentrification
To unpack the relationship of urban change (gentrification in particular) to the
emancipation of women and LGBTQs we need to approach the gendered processes of
emancipation and dispossession as the Siamese twins of gentrification. In other words,
gentrification brings about emancipatory gender relations and roles for some women
and LGBTQs but at the cost of others’ dispossession from their houses, neighborhoods,
means of social reproduction, and access to city centres. Here we need to engage in: (1)
an ethnography and political economy of emancipation; and (2) developing a feminist cri-
tique of, or gendering the theory of, accumulation by dispossession, to grasp the dynamics
of emancipation and dispossession for women and LGBTQs during gentrification.
To start with the former, we need to question the unequal distribution of access to
the centre and facilities among different class, ethnic, age, gender and sexuality groups.
Mapping who is granted access to the centre and facilities in a convenient way, we can
grasp the exclusions that urban policy brings about that act as forms of dispossession.
The appeal of the central city for those women who do not perform traditional gender
roles and break the hegemony of the nuclear family has been well discussed in the litera-
ture, but we also need to ask more critical questions about:
(1) how the notion of centrality changes in different cities and if the appeal of the centre
is valid for different groups of women and LGBTQs in different cities that have
different institutional, spatial structures and gender cultures (see Soytemel and Sen
2014). For example, how emancipatory are more homogenous gated communities
located on urban peripheries, offering car-based convenience and facilities, in rela-
tion to gentrifying inner city neighborhoods?
(2) the conflicts and collaborations regarding the ways women and LGBTQs question,
contest and alter patriarchal and heterosexual norms in the everyday of the gentrify-
ing inner city and beyond. How do visitors of a newly opened lesbian café interact
with, meet, bypass, contest the visitors of a traditional coffee house in a gentrifying
neighborhood in Istanbul, for instance? Or how do middle-class women in Cairo
navigate, express themselves in, and make the gentrifying city?
My last point regarding the political economy and ethnography of emancipation, is
about the experiences of domestic workers employed by gentrifier households and other
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218 Handbook of gentrication studies
workers in gentrifying neighborhoods, for it is important to understand the power rela-
tions involved in ‘emancipation’. Likewise, the relations between different class, gender,
sexuality, age, ethnicity groups in gentrifying neighborhoods can also tell us about the
dynamics of power relations involved in gentrification and the emancipation that it brings
to only some groups.
As for gendering accumulation by dispossession theory, Cindi Katz (2001, 2011) has
made an invaluable contribution and suggested that discursive and material processes of
capital accumulation aim at ‘foreclosing the social reproduction of specified populations’
as Wright (2013, p. 840) puts it. Katz (2011) analyzed accumulation by dispossession
in everyday spaces criticizing the silence of Marxist work on social reproduction. She
argued that capitalism discursively and materially disposes of some populations (such as
sex workers, refugees, drug addicts, etc.) rendering their social reproduction impossible.
She points to the importance of looking at the scale of everyday life in order to grasp the
everyday struggles around continuing social reproduction as a contestation to accumula-
tion by dispossession. In her own words: ‘The scale of dispossession is witnessed not just
in uneven geographical developments like colonialism, gentrification, suburbanization, or
“urban renewal,” but also at the intimate scales of everyday life. Foreclosure takes place –
quite literally – at the very heart of people’s existence’ (Katz 2011, pp. 49–50).
Focusing on everyday gendered experiences of, and contestations over, gentrification
and displacement as the manifestation of accumulation by dispossession would mean the
gendering of the theory of accumulation by dispossession with a feminist perspective.
Such a focus would not only help to connect the macro and micro framings of gendered
dispossessions but also to understand the meanings attached to gendered dispossessions.
13.6 CONCLUSIONS
In this chapter, I have argued for deeper feminist engagement with the theory and process
of gentrification, underlining the importance of approaching gentrification as a gender
constitution process. Gentrification is no doubt a contested process as well as a contested
concept. The gentrification literature has long reflected the big debates in the social
sciences over the well-seated dichotomies of agency and structure, economy and culture,
production and consumption, etc. Approaching gentrification as gender constitution,
and doing so in relation to the formations of other social differentiations such as class,
ethnicity, sexuality, has a critical and complex role to play in overcoming these binaries in
our understanding of gentrification (Bondi 1999). It is notable that the gender–gentrifica-
tion nexus has not been fully investigated in the ever-growing literature on gentrification. I
believe that this has its roots in the gradual decrease of writings on gender in urban studies
(Massey 1994; McDowell 1999) and space/place in gender studies (Alkan 2005; Mills
2010; Peake and Rieker 2013). Even though gentrification studies have kept pace with
and incorporated newly emerging critical urban perspectives such as assemblage theory,
planetary urbanization, etc., the question remains as to how and whether gender is incor-
porated into contemporary, critical gentrification research. As Peake (2016) argues, urban
theory in the twenty-first century still lacks knowledge of, and inspirations from, feminist
theory and praxis. Inserting a feminist understanding of gender and the urban (inrelation
to the rural), and putting it in relation to class, race/ethnicity, sexuality, age, etc., in our
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Rethinking the gender–gentrification nexus 219
analyses of gentrification will not only enhance our understanding of gentrification,
as gender serves as a critical tool to grasp and theorize the inequalities involved in the
production of space. Such a perspective also helps eliminate the disciplinary boundaries
between urban studies and feminist/gender studies.
In this chapter, I have argued for the need to incorporate an intersectional and com-
parative lens to study the gender–gentrification nexus. An intersectional approach would
enable us to discuss the different and complex ways different axes of oppression cut across
each other and are expressed and negotiated through the process of gentrification, while
a comparative approach would make possible investigation of the gendered geographies
of gentrification, focusing on how the gendered making of gentrification, both material
and symbolic, and its gendered meanings and impacts on livelihoods, vary in different
geographies.
Last but not least, I have discussed two neglected themes in gentrification research.
Firstly, a feminist engagement with gendered geographies of gentrification requires
moving away from the binary understanding of urban and rural and investigating
gentrification in rural areas in relation to gentrification in city centres, shedding light on
the rural element in urban gentrification and the urban in the rural gentrification. Such
an engagement also goes beyond the regnant developmentalist/modernist approaches
to understanding, on the one hand, the urban in the non-Western world (Peake 2016,
p. 225), and on the other hand, the urban and rural. Secondly, I have discussed the need
to approach gendered processes of emancipation and dispossession as the Siamese twins
of gentrification. We need to question the political economy of emancipation while
producing proper ethnographies of this process. Following Katz (2001, 2011) and Wright
(2013), I believe it is time to critically engage with the theory of accumulation by dispos-
session from a feminist perspective to connect this macro theory to the micro, everyday
experiences and meanings of gendered dispossessions and contestations to gentrification
and displacement.
In a nutshell, I argue for a feminist engagement with gentrification theory building
processes, employing gender as an analytical tool to investigate the inequalities and power
relations involved in the production of space during gentrification. I also believe that
such an engagement can help us to recognize the possibility of a space of intervention
and of feminist praxis to correct the widespread gendered inequalities and dispos-
sessions involved in processes of gentrification and to construct spaces that celebrate
non-hierarchized differences.
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M4410-LEES_9781785361739_t.indd 221 15/03/2018 12:17
Handbook of Gentrification Studies, edited by Loretta Lees, Edward Elgar Publishing, Incorporated, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/leicester/detail.action?docID=5454573.
Created from leicester on 2018-11-29 00:22:04.
Copyright © 2018. Edward Elgar Publishing, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
M4410-LEES_9781785361739_t.indd 222 15/03/2018 12:17
Handbook of Gentrification Studies, edited by Loretta Lees, Edward Elgar Publishing, Incorporated, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/leicester/detail.action?docID=5454573.
Created from leicester on 2018-11-29 00:22:04.
Copyright © 2018. Edward Elgar Publishing, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
