No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Nations and Nationalism.
... Hence, the concept 'nation' as defined by Suzman (1999) is a politically mobilized ethnic group seeking to secure state power and all members of such a movement are expected to give their highest political loyalties to the nation in an attempt to establish a unified nation-state. Gellner (1983) defined nation using two makeshift definitions to help pinpoint this elusive concept. In the first argument Gellner (1983) emphasized the importance of cultural criteria of symbols including language, value system and normative behaviour, for members of a nation. ...
... During this period African societies were predominantly agrarian in nature. Gellner (1983) in describing this social system argues that some of the specialisms or educational training of a mature agrarian society would be life-threatening: they will be the fruits of lifelong, very prolonged and totally dedicated training, which may have commenced in early youth and required an almost complete renunciation of other sociopolitical and economic concerns. The achievements of craft and art production in these societies are extremely labour-and skill-intensive, and often reach levels of intricacy and perfection never remotely equalled by anything later attained by industrial societies, whose domestic arts and decorations, 'gastronomy, tools and adornments are notoriously shoddy. ...
... Other modernist theorists (Bradshaw, 2008) will categorise the stages as, premodern, modern and post-modern and indicate that the modern stage or modernity is yet to run its course thus the worldview that will emerge after thatpostmodernity -is unknown. Gellner (1983) ...
... A nation is an appropriate unit of political rule and has sacrosanct rights to political and economic independence, and self-determination (Rousseau, 1913). Historically, conscious resistance and struggle for these inviolable rights of nation-states were demonstrated by the tempo of nationalism (Gellner, 1983;Alter, 1989;Kellas, 1991;Brown, 1995;Brown, 2000;Heywood, 2007). Heywood (2007, p. 6) for instance argued that 'Nationalism' has in many ways 'dwarfed' the more precise and systematic political ideologies in the world. ...
... It contributes to the outbreak of many wars and successful revolutions, and these have defined the new world order of contemporary times. Consequently, nationalism gave birth to new nation-states, disintegrates empires and redrew national and international borders, reshaped the existing regimes, and above all granted them independent sovereignty (Gellner, 1983;Anderson, 1984;Brown, 2000;Heywood, 2007). However, the new nation-states are increasingly beset by both political and economic pressures in contemporary times due to population growth rates and globalization. ...
... However, earlier scholars laid some theoretical foundations of 'Nationalism.' For instance, earlier scholars such as Loke (1965), Bodin (1962), Hobbes (1968), Rousseau (1913), Bentham (1948), Gellner (1983, and others have propounded theories on sovereignty in an attempt to strengthen the authority of kings, and to bring about law and order as well as unity in the nation-state. These theories were propounded based on the series of religious and civil wars that vacillated Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, especially over the question of 'who; should 'wield final authority' in a state (Berger, 1981;Anderson, 1983;Gellner, 1983;Alter, 1989;Kellas, 1991). ...
... Most importantly, they asked what constituted a nation and how its various members relate to each other. They pinpointed to the role of, for example, nationalist leaders, worldview battles from which nationalism emerged (at least seemingly) victorious, specific national projects, as well as mass education and mass media, in shaping nations (Kohn 1961(Kohn [1944Gellner 1983;Anderson 1983;Smith 1989). Thus they posed a key question about which factors wove the cognitive and ideational fabric which connected the inhabitants of a political unit with each other and with this -legal-bureaucratic, tax-collecting and violence-wielding -unit. ...
... It is mostly to the witnesses of the contested states, falling-apart Austro-Hungarian or British, French and Dutch Empires, and of the charismatic nationalist projects envisioned on other continents, that we owe full-fledged theories of nationalism (Kohn 1961(Kohn [1944; Renan 2018Renan [1882Gellner 1983;Anderson 1983;Smith 1989). The post-World War II authors remained largely focused on the emergence of shared forms of consciousness, norms and values. ...
... At the same time, works by other theorists appeared that set a benchmark for further research on nationalism. These were the work Nations and Nationalism by historian Ernest Gellner (2006), a collection of articles edited by historians Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (1983) The Invention of Tradition, and Benedict Anderson's (1991) book Imagined Communities. ...
... 460-461). Constructivists also maintain that ethnicity and ethnic groups are not relics of ancient times but very recent, socially constructed, variable, and manipulable to achieve particular goals (see Anderson, 1983;Brubaker, 2006;Gellner, 1983). Scholars of ethnic studies analyze ethnic conflicts from one of these positions or synchronize both accounts in explanations of ethnic conflicts in various parts of the world. ...
... This homogenisation ultimately aimed at producing a strong overlap of options and ligatures in the process of construction of citizens' linguistic identities through mass education and nationalisation policies. As Ernest Gellner (1983) has cogently argued, language standardisation was in many respects a by-effect of modernisation, triggered by the functional imperatives of industrial capitalism, as the making of a national labour market required generalised knowledge of a common language. Hence, professional and linguistic options tend to converge. ...
The article advocates adoption of the principle of multilingual citizenship to overcome unjust hierarchical relations between language groups in the context of hegemonic nation-states. It first outlines a heuristic model contrasting language-as-an-option and language-as-a-ligature to reconstruct the logic of cultural integration in the (monolingual) nation-state. Second, it shows how the implementation of this model in practice has become inextricably intertwined with structures of nationalist domination. Third, it fleshes out the concept of complex linguistic diversity to substantiate the claim that the relationship between citizenship, linguistic diversity and multilingualism must be radically redefined to transcend the monist bias built into the model of the hegemonic nation-state. Fourth, this approach is applied to the context of contemporary Catalonia, which offers a laboratory-like environment for studying the challenges of complex diversity and assessing the potential of auto-centred multilingualism for underpinning the formation of communities made up of and for equal and diverse citizens.
... Anderson (1983) describes nations as "imagined communities" where members, though not personally acquainted, perceive a shared identity. Gellner (1983) emphasizes the role of modernity and industrialization in shaping national identities, often juxtaposing traditional religious identities with emerging secular ones. ...
This study explores the complex interplay between religious and secular dynamics in shaping Pakistani national identity, addressing both challenges and opportunities. Historically, Pakistan was founded with an Islamic ideological underpinning, yet envisioned by some leaders as a secular state. This duality has influenced national identity formation. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach, data were collected from primary and secondary sources, especially, analysis of historical documents, policy papers and academic works. The findings reveal that state-sponsored religious policies and the influence of religious political groups have significantly shaped national identity, often leading to societal divisions. Conversely, secular movements, although facing resistance, have played a critical role in advocating for a more inclusive identity. The study recommends a balanced policy approach that integrates both religious and secular perspectives, educational reforms to promote inclusivity, and media initiatives to foster dialogue. Civil society's role in encouraging interfaith and intercultural understanding is also emphasized as crucial for national unity.
... Generally speaking, nationalism is believed to have originated from the formation of national consciousness in frequent wars in Europe since the 17th century. Ernest Gellner argues that nationalism is a concept "manufactured" in industrial society, explaining the Western origin of nationalism [15]. Benedict Anderson's theory of the "imagined community" more precisely explains how nationalism spread in colonies and became a theoretical weapon used by the people of colonized countries to resist imperialism [16]. ...
As a prominent politician of the late Qing dynasty, Li Hongzhang possessed numerous aliases, among which "Oriental Bismarck" holds a special significance. This appellation not only reflects the shift in the Chinese evaluation system of historical figures from traditional modes under the influence of Orientalism but also implies the consciousness and practice of nationalism in the modernization model of developing countries. Against the backdrop of the wave of colonialism and the statism vision of self-improvement, concepts like "Oriental-someone/something" in Chinese context embody a loss of cultural subjectivity of the traditional Chinese discourse power. Simultaneously, it reveals that, amidst the entanglement between the old China and the West, certain foreign elements and cultural symbols could be useful to construct the modernity and to affirm the uniqueness of China itself, by relying on nationalism. By analyzing the cultural significance and historical ruptures behind appellations like "Oriental Bismarck," this article adopts a postmodern historical perspective to criticize simplistic interpretations of modernization theory and explores how these appellations serve as important windows for studying the construction of history and modernity.
... Previous research has found that media exposure is an important factor influencing public national identity [3]. Reading newspapers is a behavior that transcends local culture and aids individuals in forming national identity [4]. Newspapers can foster individuals' national community consciousness, embedding their national identity into daily life [5]. ...
This study aims to investigate the influence of content characteristics of Red Story online videos on national identity among university students. Through the recruitment of university students as participants, a comprehensive dataset comprising 320 responses was garnered via a questionnaire survey, of which 295 responses were deemed valid for robust analysis. Employing Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) and using Smart PLS 4.0 software, the study meticulously scrutinized the impact of various content attributes, including source expertise, source trustworthiness, visual aesthetics, narrative, and argument quality, on national identity. The findings reveal that while source trustworthiness, visual aesthetics, and argument quality have significant positive influence on national identity among university students, source expertise and narrative do not have significant influence. The findings of this study can contribute to the literature on national identity and provide new insights. Additionally, they can serve as a reference for the creation and dissemination of Red Story online videos.
... Pemikiran nasionalisme Gellner (1983) ialah pemikiran elit yang mengawal golongan elit. Pemikiran ini telah tertanam dalam pemikiran kumpulan pinggiran. ...
Isu dan peluang ekuiti dalam pembangunan amat lemah di Siberut Selatan. Kawasan komuniti terpencil penduduk asal seperti di Matotonan, Siberut Selatan misalnya, seolah-olah bukan berada di wilayah Indonesia. Ini disebabkan oleh pelbagai faktor, antaranya kemunduran. Dari segi ekonomi, pendidikan, kesihatan, politik dan infrastruktur, kampung ini nampaknya jauh ketinggalan berbanding kampung-kampung lain di Sumatera Barat. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam kertas kerja ini ialah pendekatan kualitatif. Untuk mendapatkan data, kaedah dokumentari dan etnografi telah digunakan. Temu bual yang mendalam juga telah dijalankan dengan pelbagai tokoh seperti sikerei, tokoh agama, tokoh politik dan belia. Antara isu utama ialah mengenai kesan positif dan negatif terhadap hubungan keheterogenan penduduk asal dan pendatang di Siberut Selatan. Apakah yang menyebabkan puncak konflik? Keheterogenan atau kepelbagaian merupakan kemuncak konflik yang berpanjangan disebabkan oleh faktor ekonomi, sosial, politik dan agama di Siberut Selatan. Ketidaksamaan sosio-ekonomi wujud antara penduduk asal dengan etnik pendatang sehingga menyebabkan penduduk asal berada dalam kedudukan terpinggir. Selain itu, dalam kalangan etnik pendatang terdapat potensi konflik besar iaitu isu politik dan agama. Isu ketidaksamaan sosial dan ekonomi kemudiannya dipolitikkan dalam masyarakat, terutamanya semasa pilihanraya. Isu ini semakin meruncing sehingga menyebabkan perpecahan. Dapat disimpulkan bahawa nasionalisme penduduk asal yang terpinggir ini sebenarnya sangat rapuh. Mereka sering menjadi sasaran penguasa, ahli politik dan ahli perniagaan. Mereka diletakkan dalam kedudukan marginal supaya tidak merasai dan menikmati kemerdekaan itu sendiri. Mereka berada dalam kelompok terpinggir, sehingga nasionalisme mereka tidak lebih daripada khayalan.
... War monuments act as a visual and material sign of the collective militarized memory, which is positioned in the public sphere and represents "the political reading of history" (Assmann and Czaplicka 1993, p. 48). By constructing the warrior ethos through monuments, the monuments wish to become an integral part of the nation's heritage to strengthen social solidarity, common legacy, commitment, and belonging (Anderson 1983;Gellner 1983). In other words, the nationalization of the slain soldiers and the glorification of the military acts has become one of the pillars of the nation's heritage to this day. ...
Culture is constructed, negotiated, managed, and shared by various ideological, political, and moral reasonings which manifest themselves tangibly and intangibly in public monuments, architecture, memorial sites, theaters, museums, orchestras, and heritage associations. The contributions to this volume explore the intersection of cultural heritage and nationality in societies that are characterized by national, multi-national, and post-national concepts. They question the roles that cultural heritage plays in its various contexts, and the ways in which ideology functions to produce it.
... This notion of constructed communities is not fixed, but inclusion and exclusion within them is dynamic and dependent upon changing geopolitical conditions including immigration, teleconnections, recognition of gendered identities, or even mixed-race unions and global conspiracies (Malešević, 2020;Yael, 1995). Gellner takes a slightly different approach in arguing that nationalism is a product of social change, modernisation, and a growing awareness of class especially among the worker classes and intellectuals leading to their alienation from tradition and bringing them together to create a new or alternative sense of cultural homogeneity (Gellner, 1983). Smith goes on to state that nationalism as a force binding individuals cannot be understood without grounding the phenomenon in the idea of a 'national identity' which is collectively constructed (Smith, 1991). ...
This open-access book engages with the difficulties of delivering community energy in practice, building on practical experiences in Ethiopia, Malawi, and Mozambique. In these countries, where many people lack access to electricity, community energy is an alternative to advance universal energy access. This book argues that, besides providing access, community energy is essential for achieving justice and resilience in sustainable energy transitions.
Community energy combines off-grid infrastructures with innovative forms of governance to incorporate the perspectives of beneficiaries in the generation and distribution of electricity. Community energy has multiple benefits for communities, such as facilitating the adoption of renewable technologies, providing energy access where it is lacking, and building resilience. They also offer societal benefits beyond beneficiary communities, such as providing additional capacity to existing grids, delivering off-grid services where the grid is absent, and bridging on-grid and off-grid systems. Despite its promises, however, the adoption of community energy has been slow.
This book presents a feminist-informed perspective on community energy to advance energy justice that puts disadvantaged communities at the center of sustainable energy transitions. It also explores the room for maneuvering within existing regulatory systems, supply chains, and delivery systems to facilitate its development. By engaging with existing experiences in community energy, the book demonstrates the potential of communities to gain control over their energy needs and resources and argues for the need to develop a wide range of transdisciplinary skills among policymakers, technicians, and communities to deliver a just energy transition.
... This notion of constructed communities is not fixed, but inclusion and exclusion within them is dynamic and dependent upon changing geopolitical conditions including immigration, teleconnections, recognition of gendered identities, or even mixed-race unions and global conspiracies (Malešević, 2020;Yael, 1995). Gellner takes a slightly different approach in arguing that nationalism is a product of social change, modernisation, and a growing awareness of class especially among the worker classes and intellectuals leading to their alienation from tradition and bringing them together to create a new or alternative sense of cultural homogeneity (Gellner, 1983). Smith goes on to state that nationalism as a force binding individuals cannot be understood without grounding the phenomenon in the idea of a 'national identity' which is collectively constructed (Smith, 1991). ...
One of the most enduring debates in relation to community energy is the significance of the term community. Community energy refers to the active role that people may play in managing and governing energy resources and technologies, but the community is not an homogeneous unit that can be easily identified and defined. Instead, this chapter argues for recognising the inherent diversity of the communities that participate in community energy and how that diversity enhances their potential, but also causes challenges. The chapter explores different theorisations of communities—communities of interest and communities of practice—as well as the different imaginaries associated with the notion of community. This analysis reinforces a dynamic perspective on ideas of community and their mobilisation within particular political contexts.
... Anderson (2006) defined a nation as an 'imagined political community' having comradeship, a finite boundary, and sovereignty; it is imagined because 'the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion' (6). This imagined community is facilitated by, for example, education (Gellner 1983) and print capitalism creating a shared culture and language and simplifying communication (Anderson 2006). ...
Elink of free online copies
https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/PUVZYGP7STE4EWSDCTYT/full?target=10.1080/03050068.2024.2348904
This study explores the narration of China as a nation in history education in two regions – mainland China and Hong Kong – that share cultural roots but different socio-political contexts. Inductive analysis of data from junior-secondary Chinese history textbooks used in the regions in the late 2010s revealed that whereas mainland China’s textbooks constructed China as a nation by stressing its constitutive territory and ethnic inclusiveness, Hong Kong’s highlighted its constitutive ethnicity and changing territory, more frequently and directly narrated interethnic conflicts, and more explicitly promoted Han superiority. The study proposes constructing the nation in history education as a contextualised and socio-political exercise of reinterpreting the past to reflect current contexts and needs.
... This version of nation-building entails a social construction, an invention or even fabrication by which cultural and linguistic groups should be dissolved and replaced by a common culture. The end state of civic nationalism is meant to be achieved through processes of assimilation or integration (Gellner 1990;Hobsbawm 1990;Smith 1991). It was probably this approach to nation-building which inspired the idea of a Rainbow Nation, but as we shall see the contemporary political parties have various understandings and experiences of the Rainbow Nation. ...
... В теоретическом аспекте важны работы Б. Андерсона [Anderson, 2006] и Э. Геллнера [Gellner, 2006], в которых аргументируется конструктивистское понимание идентичности. Устойчивое коллективное самосознание населения страны либо его значимых компонентов (территориальных, этнических, конфессиональных или иных сообществ) целенаправленно создаётся акторами политики в ходе социализации индивидов, а не «унаследовано» генетически. ...
Constitutional asymmetry, as a form of territorial diversity management, is an important federal device for multinational systems. While acknowledging the possible impact on the territorial integrity of the system, this chapter examines how constitutional engineering can mitigate this effect. To this end, the chapter defines federal systems as systems in search of a balance between cohesion and regional autonomy. The notion of constitutional asymmetry is then operationalized to enable an accurate x-ray of singular states, as well as comparative analysis. This way, degrees of autonomy can be assessed for each territorial unit, and constitutional asymmetry can be measured for each system. Such comparative analysis is needed to identify factors that lead to asymmetries and the dynamics involved. The question that guides this chapter is: how effective is constitutional asymmetry as a form of territorial diversity management? Importantly, while constitutional asymmetry is measured in terms of autonomy alone, this chapter holds that the combination with overall cohesion is essential for the system’s effectiveness.
Bu çalışmanın amacı, 2023 Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanı seçiminde ikinci tura kalan Cumhur ve Millet İttifaklarının seçim beyannamelerinde ulusal kimliğe bakış açılarının karşılaştırılmasıdır. Seçim beyannamelerinin siyasi partinin ortak görüşlerinin yazılı bir biçimde kamuoyuna sunulmasıdır. Siyasi partilerin ideolojilerini, gelecek tahayyüllerini ve kendilerini tanımlayabilmesi için seçim beyannameleri önem arz etmektedir. Bu sebeple araştırmada siyasi partilerin ulusal kimlik kavramına bakış açıları seçim beyannameleri üzerinden karşılaştırılmıştır. Araştırmada öncelikle Türkiye’deki ulusal kimliğe kamu yönetimi tarafından bakış açısının tarihsel süreci incelenmiştir. Devamında ulusal kimliğe dair literatür araştırması sunulmuştur. Gerçekleştirilen araştırmada nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman inceleme tekniği kullanılarak her iki ittifakın beyannameleri analiz edilmiştir. Beyannamelerde ulusal kimliğe bakış açıları kimlik, eğitim, göç ve kültür kavramları çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Elde edilen bulgularda Cumhur İttifakının ulusal kimliği Millet İttifakına göre kamuoyuna sunduğu seçim beyannamesinde daha detaylı olarak ele aldığı tespit edilmiştir. Kimlik, eğitim ve kültür başlıklarında Cumhur ittifakının, göç başlığında ise Millet İttifakının daha etkin bir dil kullandığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
Günümüzde 'ulus' olarak anılan siyasi aidiyet biçiminin geçmişini incelediğimizde, birbiriyle yakından bağlantılı görülen birkaç kavramın tercih edildiği görülür. Antik Yunan’da aynı site içerisinde yaşayan toplulukları ya da daha genel bir perspektifle aynı toprak parçasını paylaşan grupları ifade etmek için kullanılan ‘ethnos’ tabiri ve Yunanca konuşmayan, mutlak öteki anlamındaki ‘barbaros’ terimi bu kavramlardan en sık başvurulanıdır. Özellikle Orta Çağ'da bu konudaki literatürde, 'gens' ve 'natio' konseptleri fazlasıyla öne çıkar. Bu Latince terimler, kan veya doğum yoluyla birbirine bağlı insan gruplarını ifade etmek için çeşitli tarihçilerin başvurduğu öncelikli kavramlar görünümündedir. Öte yandan Orta Çağ kroniklerinde artık ‘ulus’ olarak tercüme edebileceğimiz bu iki kavram arasında rasyonel veya hiyerarşik bir ilişki kurmak oldukça zordur. Bugünkü meşru siyasal aidiyet kategorisi olarak ‘ulus’u önceleyen bu iki kavramın Orta Çağ metinlerindeki çalışma prensiplerini ya da hangi kapsamda kullanıldıklarını ortaya koymak, her şeyden önce çağdaş kimlik tartışmalarında ve milliyetçilik literatüründe önemli çıkarımlarda bulunmayı kolaylaştıracaktır. Bu çalışma, tam da bu konuyu sorunsallaştırarak etimolojik olarak ‘ulus’ kavramını önceleyen gens ve natio konseptlerinin tarihsel bağlamda kullanımlarını karşılaştırmayı, aralarında anlamlı bir ilişki kurmanın imkanını soruşturmayı ve etnik aidiyetin Orta Çağ’daki temsil biçimlerini detaylandırmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu doğrultuda çalışmada; her kimliğin bir öteki üzerinden anlam kazandığı prensibi üzerinden hareketle ‘ötekilik merkezleri’nin varlığı soruşturulacak ve Orta Çağ literatüründe oldukça önemli üç ismin (Prümlü Regino, Sevilyalı İsidore ve Bede) yapıtlarında bu merkezlerin hangi kapsamda ele alındığı, gens ve natio konseptlerinin belirli ötekilikleri ne şekilde ifade ettiği tartışması ele alınacaktır.
Who controls cyberspace? In Chap. 2, which dealt with the structure of cyberspace, it became apparent that while the West, specifically the United States, developed and nurtured cyberspace, it is now controlled by many entities. There are international organizations that are in charge of naming and addressing, such as ICANN and IANA, and others that are in charge of standardizations, like the ITU’s Telecommunication Standardization Sector and the IEFT. Such organizations consist of members from many countries, or of many member countries; thus, in theory, countries control the organizations that make and regulate cyberspace. However, if we consider every county as sovereign—and the starting point of this book is that countries strive to be sovereign—then we can conclude that a situation in which other countries can intervene in a country’s sovereignty is problematic.
¿Cómo sería una resolución pacífica de la guerra entre Rusia y Ucrania? Para empezar a responder esa pregunta este artículo mira a los orígenes del conflicto a través de una lente geográfica en lugar del marco histórico reduccionista que ha dominado a los expertos políticos en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido. Ubicado en la literatura comparada sobre nacionalismo que sugiere que las disputas territoriales son la norma y no la excepción en las zonas fronterizas postsoviéticas, explora cómo el conflicto de Ucrania demuestra una serie de cuestiones políticas geográficas a escalas local, regional y nacional. Siguiendo a Millar al adoptar una concepción transescalar de la interrelación entre la paz y el conflicto, se basa en ejemplos comparativos para sugerir formas creativas en las que estas cuestiones podrían abordarse en futuras negociaciones de paz.
The rejection of non-national Others by “welfare”—as opposed to “regalian”—institutions remains underexplored, despite the spread of border controls within national territories. Meanwhile, state and nation formation through schooling have hardly been explored from the perspective of othering directed at non-nationals. This chapter contributes to filling this double gap through researching what it refers to as the production of “institutional xenophobia” at school, with a focus on post-apartheid South Africa. This theorization builds on debates on “institutional racism”, while arguing for the need to differentiate between “racism” and “xenophobia” when studying state othering. Drawing on 13 months of ethnographic research in low-income schools in Johannesburg, in branches of the departments of Basic Education and of Home Affairs, and among activist organizations, it identifies three dimensions of institutional xenophobia at school that produce systemic exclusion and stigmatization of “foreign” Others with regard to accessing educational services, public job allocation, and pedagogy.
In this paper, based on our own recent sociological survey of more than 800 students of 15 Russian universities, we explore the views of Russian students regarding entrepreneurship as their possible choice of a future career. We are interested above all in the role of university education in shaping these views. However, in order to scrutinize this role to full extent, we place our study in the broader framework of national cultural traditions which constitute an integral contributing factor and underlying influence not only in educational, but also in the general existential realm. In this context, we argue that a substantial impact on the students’ future career choice is made by existing gender differences based on the stereotypes of the ‘typically male’ and ‘female’ employment fields. Our study demonstrates, in particular, that Russian students display—notably, just as the older generation of educated Russians too—a noticeable conservatism in their career choices (including entrepreneurial aspirations), by adhering to the traditional cultural values and gender perceptions. We also provide a nuanced analysis of the motivations and expectations associated with choosing an entrepreneurial career by our respondents. Our method of collecting information is chosen to be questionnaire-based—as most effective for descriptive research—which is then complemented by further qualitative analytics intended to reveal hidden causal connections. Our approach is interdisciplinary, as it combines sociological research methods with socio-economic and culturological analysis.
The article discloses the logic of populism and nationalism, presents the rationale: when and why these discourses historically arise, and what function they perform in modern politics. First of all, nationalism and populism are internally intertwined, have a common structural origin, they cannot be completely separated from each other, even if it is possible to distinguish the ideal–typical logic of these phenomena. Secondly, nationalism and populism manifest themselves in various forms: the vitality of "banal" nationalism is accompanied by the almost ubiquitous presence of "subtle" populism. Thirdly, the problem of the relationship of nationalism and populism to modern democracy is, in principle, intractable. Nationalism and populism are absolutely necessary for the functioning of modern democracy, as they offer a solution to the border problem and the problem of political representation. Accordingly, without a minimum layer of nationalism and populism, the modern democratic community would disintegrate before it could form.
As self-determination movements assert themselves throughout the world in places as diverse as Catalonia, Gilgit-Baltistan, Hong Kong, Kashmir, New Caledonia, the Palestinian Territories, Puerto Rico, Scotland, Xinjiang, as well as a multitude of other areas across the globe, it is worth inquiring about the benefits of autonomy arrangements that have distinct minority populations. The aim of this book is to examine whether partially independent territories in Northern Europe have managed to develop regional nation building and have enhanced the quality of government. Northern Europe provides an exceptional testing ground for examining such issues. Because it is characterized by high standards of living, liberal democracy, and a certain cultural resemblance, such factors are held relatively constant as compared to other parts of the globe so that quality of governance issues can better be examined.
Culture is constructed, negotiated, managed, and shared by various ideological, political, and moral reasonings which manifest themselves tangibly and intangibly in public monuments, architecture, memorial sites, theaters, museums, orchestras, and heritage associations. The contributions to this volume explore the intersection of cultural heritage and nationality in societies that are characterized by national, multi-national, and post-national concepts. They question the roles that cultural heritage plays in its various contexts, and the ways in which ideology functions to produce it.
In most accounts of peacemaking after World War I, “flawed” decisions at “Versailles” caused the ethnically mixed states of Central and Eastern Europe to descend into violent ethnic clashes, while the allegedly more homogenous Western European states faced few issues with minorities. This article challenges this simplistic view by examining the treatment of German-speaking minorities in the borderlands of Alsace-Lorraine, South Tyrol, and Eupen-Malmedy between 1918 and 1923 in the immediate post-war and the early interwar period. Building on an innovative comparative framework of five key variables, we find that, in all three cases, post-war borders generated incentives for the respective governments to suppress their new minorities, and that states used ethnic markers to target them. The strength of state institutions and liberal principles account for a reversal (Alsace-Lorraine), moderation (Eupen-Malmedy), or hardening (South Tyrol) of measures. International commitment to defend the new borders and the absence of a tradition of ethnic conflict also had a significant impact.
Does nationalism increase beliefs in conspiracy theories that frame minorities as subversives? From China to Russia to India, analysts and public commentators increasingly assume that nationalism fuels belief in false or unverified information. Yet existing scholarly work has neither theoretically nor empirically examined this link. Using a survey experiment conducted among 2,373 individuals and 6 focus groups with 6–8 participants each, for a total of 50 individuals, we study the impact of nationalist sentiment on belief in conspiracy theories related to ethnic minority groups in Pakistan. We find that nationalist primes – even those intended to emphasize the integration of diverse groups into one superordinate national identity – increase belief in statements about domestic minorities collaborating with hostile foreign powers. Subgroup analysis and focus groups suggest that nationalism potentially increases the likelihood that one views rights-seeking minorities as undermining the pursuit of national status.
Using the tools of book history, media studies, and literary theory, Fixing Women examines the construction of a masculinist professional selfhood in male-authored midwifery textbooks during the long eighteenth-century. Ordinary birth events were cast as archetypal struggles between life and death that required the intervention of the “Hero-Accoucheur,” who fought valiantly to rescue the pregnant damsel-in-distress endangered by her own body. By casting themselves as literary heroes, medical men could present themselves as altruistic, disinterested professionals. Yet under the mask of altruism and scientific curiosity lurked a self-interested, hegemonic masculinity that justified the emerging medical specialties of obstetrics and gynecology—specialties that required the homogenization of white, bourgeois women as “the Sex.” By charting the development of and struggles of obstetrical discourse, Fixing Women sheds light on the gender politics of a biomedical model and practice that continues to reverberate in our own time.
La visión del pensamiento ético-político de Aristóteles procura la buena organización de la vida en común, o en la convivencia, y durante la realización, o el hacer en la vida individual o en colectivo (Estatal), ...y la Ética (en procura de la moral). Según este; el bien y la felicidad, son los fines de la dimensión social del ser humano, siendo social por naturaleza, no por razones históricas, económicas o culturales, sino por su esencia. En el marco de la Seguridad y Defensa Nacional, sugerimos políticas bajo un esquema interdisciplinario, y en este caso, bajo la reflexión filosófica aristotélica, en la que se pueda estudiar los conflictos éticos-políticos estatales desde las dimensiones económicas, sociales, ecológicas y culturales, y poder proporcionar un real giro de colonial eficiente, dejando atrás los prejuicios rancios que en nada ayudan en la eudaimonia entre ambos pueblos.
This chapter is about O Bom Europeu (The Good European), which could be described as the Portuguese representation of the American alt-right. Created in 2018, O Bom Europeu counts no more than 20 members. It reached more than 9000 subscribers on Facebook before being banned in 2021. Its online activities comprise proposing books and reading in the social web, and then debating online these contents. Thereby, the recommended books deal principally with biological, genetic, and paleoanthropological studies. O Bom Europeu has as ideological basis mostly the writings of Guillaume Faye—from Nouvelle Droite—and Friedrich Nietzsche. Moreover, it uses mostly theories from biology, evolution, evolutionary psychology, behavioral sciences, and genetics. For O Bom Europeu, all white people should be united in a political unit only for whites. This political bloc comprises Europe from Portugal to Russia and even other areas inhabited by whites. Although, it does not openly praise old-style Nazi-fascism, and avoids completely the term “Aryan,” it is the most extreme and racist group from all groupuscules studied here.
This chapter is about a groupuscule that sets itself out of the ethnonationalist line. Indeed, the ideology of Nova Portugalidade (New Portugality) is profoundly connected to the lusotropicalist worldview that comes from Brazilian intellectual Gilberto Freyre. There, the Portuguese are seen as more prone to mix with non-Europeans than any other people of Europe. It was created in 2016 and dedicates itself basically to internet activism and the organization of conferences. In spite of the low number of members, it has almost 60000 subscribers on its Facebook page. It is also the most institutionalized from all the groupuscules studied in this book, having a more direct contact with intellectuals and researchers from the academic mainstream, especially in the field of History. Thus, Nova Portugalidade could be considered a kind of Think-tank. According to its founders, the organization’s first goal was to fight what was regarded to be “political correctness” and the wiping out of Portuguese history and heritage. Importantly, it is radically different from Escudo Identitário or Portugueses 1. The Imperial Patriotism of Nova Portugalidade wants Portugal to organize a Commonwealth, a single political unit, with the nations of its old Empire (Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe, and East Timor).
In this chapter, it is described how the book at hand addresses the study of small groups of the Portuguese extreme right as acting mostly in the internet due to their radical opinions. The landscape of Portuguese metapolitics comprises groups that defend a commonwealth between Portugal and its former colonies, i.e., Imperial Patriotism. Second, at the same time, exists a network of ethnonationalist groupuscules, a fact that goes against the traditional linkage of Portugal to the Catholic Church, and its distance to biological racialism. These latter, ethnonationalists groupuscules use biological terms in their online communications and include biological elements into their worldframe. The groups analyzed were chosen based on their ideologies and number of subscribers on social web platforms, specifically on Facebook. Portugueses Primeiro (Portuguese First), Escudo Identitário (Identitarian Shield), Nova Ordem Social (New Social Order / Mário Machado), O Bom Europeu (The Good European), and Invictus Portucale (Undefeated Portugal) represent the ethnocultural and racial field. Nova Portugalidade (New Portugality) and Notícias Viriato (Viriato News), in turn, represent supporters of Imperial Patriotism.
Tehnološki napredak duboko je utjecao na evoluciju odnosa s javnošću, mijenjajući modele i praksu u tome području. Započeto je s pamfletima, lecima i plakatima u press-agenturi. Phineas Taylor Barnum bio je začetnik i „otac“ modela press-agenture i publiciteta te je znao kako iskoristiti pamflete za promociju svoga posla. Iako se pamfleti, letci i plakati nikada nisu prestali koristiti, razvoj tiska omogućio je brže širenje poruka i veće mogućnosti publiciteta i promocije. Dolazak radija dodao je novu dimenziju komunikaciji, a televizija je šezdesetih postala dominantna u vizualnome oblikovanju poruke. Razvojem interneta 1990-ih odnosi s javnošću suočili su se s potrebom prilagodbe. Internet je donio brže i nove načine širenja poruka, a društvene mreže i interaktivnost postale su ključne za uspješne odnose s javnošću. Odnosi s javnošću suočili su se s izazovom promjena. Te se promjene s internetom događaju svakodnevno. Rastu društvene mreže i oblikovanje stavova javnosti. Interakcija je postala naglašenija, a dvosmjerna komunikacija uvjet bez kojega se ne mogu primjenjivati moderni i uspješni odnosi s javnošću. Umjetna inteligencija daje nove mogućnosti. Prilagodba na sve ove promjene zahtijeva stalno učenje, educiranje i osposobljavanje. Samo oni koji uspiju integrirati sve tehnološke mogućnosti uspjet će ostati i opstati u promjenjivome tehnološkom i društvenom okružju. Cilj je rada analizirati i razumjeti utjecaj tehnologije na razvoj odnosa s javnošću te kako se praksa i modeli u ovome području mijenjaju uslijed napretka tehnologije. Metodologija ovoga istraživanja temeljit će se na kvalitativnome pristupu, fokusirajući se na analizu i sintezu relevantnih informacija. Analizirat ćemo utjecaj tehnološkoga napretka na modele i prakse odnosa s javnošću te istražiti kako su se ti odnosi mijenjali tijekom povijesti. Ključne riječi: razvoj tehnologije, pamfleti, televizija, umjetna inteligencija
Resumo: Por muito tempo, a antropologia foi definida pelo exotismo de seu objeto de estudo e também pela distância (mais cultural do que geográfica) que separa o pesquisador do grupo pesquisado. No entanto, após a chegada do novo milênio, muitas coisas mudaram radicalmente e muitos antropólogos passaram a aplicar suas antigas técnicas etnográficas profissionais para estudar suas próprias culturas, utilizando termos como "alteridade" em vez de exotismo e "reflexividade" em vez de objetividade. O termo cosmopolitismo também foi aplicado excessivamente em vez de multiculturalismo, carregado de conotações políticas do que poderia ser considerado 'politicamente correto' sob os valores ocidentais. Ao mesmo tempo, a antropologia é agora também exercida pelos representantes dessas 'culturas diferentes', que exercem de suas maneiras originais a influência inversa aos valores ocidentais. A diferença cultural adquiriu seu significado mais complexo nos dias de hoje e o objetivo deste artigo é apresentar, por meio do exemplo do turismo, alguns casos de encontros interculturais sob uma suposição paradigmática que implica não apenas a autocrítica antropológica, mas também a consideração de que essa autocrítica prescrita pela antropologia é também moral e originalmente direcionada. A mudança social deve ser analisada objetivamente e, ao mesmo tempo, sob todos os pontos de vista, e isso constitui o desafio da antropologia em nossa era.
Palavras-chave: Antropologia Reflexiva, Cosmopolitismo, Alteridade, Diferença Cultural, Modelos Culturais, Hermenêutica.
Theories of intense national emotions have focused on affection for the home nation and antagonism for national others but overlooked antagonism for fellow nationals. The article introduces a comprehensive theory of intense national emotions. It first discusses the sources of the potential energy stored in national identities, pointing to a combination of two factors: the nation is at once potent due to its capacity to shield against existential threats and precarious due to its dependence on the reproduction of contested narratives. The article then explains that events that—through a construction process elaborated in the text—seem to threaten or promise to alter perceived core elements of the nation (i.e., “nation-disrupting events”) evoke intense emotions. Next, the article explains why some periods of "hot" nationalism increase national division rather than unity. The conclusion proposes a promising direction for future research on intense national emotions as a mechanism of eventfulness.
Technological advances have profoundly influenced the evolution of public relations, changing models and practices in the field. It started with pamphlets, leaflets, and posters in the press agency. Phineas Taylor Barnum was the originator and "father" of the press agency and publicity model and knew how to use pamphlets to promote his business. Although pamphlets, leaflets, and posters have never ceased to be used, the development of printing allowed for faster dissemination of messages and greater opportunities for publicity and promotion. The arrival of radio added a new dimension to communication, and in the sixties, television became dominant in the visual design of the message. With the development of the Internet in the 1990s, public relations faced the need to adapt. The Internet has brought faster and new ways of spreading messages, and social networks and the interactivity of mail are essential for successful public relations. Public relations has faced the challenge of change. These changes with the internet happen every day. Growing my social networks and shaping public attitudes. Interaction has become more emphasized, and two-way communication is a condition without which modern and successful public relations cannot be applied. Artificial intelligence gives new possibilities. Adapting to all these changes requires constant learning, education, and training. Only those who manage to integrate all technological possibilities will manage to stay and survive in the changing technological and social environment. The work aims to analyze and understand the impact of technology on the development of public relations and how practice and models in this area change due to the advancement of technology. The methodology of this research will be based on a qualitative approach, focusing on the analysis and synthesis of relevant information. We will analyze the impact of technological progress on the models and practice of public relations and investigate how these relations have changed throughout history.
Relevance. The article focuses on the issue of preserving national identity. Purpose. The concept of identity, which takes place in the context of globalization, first of all considers the fundamental role of cultural identity, which forms an independent identity, that is, a stable understanding of a person as a member of society and a sense of identity of the people, allowing him to find his own place in the interethnic space. Methodology. The main element of each national identity is a single semantic integrity or cultural identity, which is perceived as a characteristic of the nation. Results. In this article, the authors come to the conclusion that semantic integrity is based on the unbreakable unity of the whole system from the inclusion in the unity. Thus, it comes to the conclusion that it is impossible to change uniqueness without changing its main ideas. Conclusions. The article concludes that globalization seeks to destroy national identity, destroy global processes of its democratization, standardization of culture, economy, universalization of values and informatization.
In this article, we develop a computational measure of firm-level rhetorical nationalism. We first review the literature and develop a four-dimensional theoretical framework of nationalism relevant to firms: national pride, anti-foreign, dominant agenda (national revival), and corporate role. We then use machine-learning-based text analysis of over 41,000 annual reports of Chinese public firms from 2000 to 2020 and identify a dictionary of words for each dimension. Using a weighted ratio of nationalism-related words, we describe the overall picture of Chinese public firms’ rhetorical nationalism and provide the first empirical evidence regarding rising rhetorical nationalism among Chinese firms. Firms’ demonstration of rhetorical nationalism is related to both strategic and socialization factors; firms that are state-owned enterprises, older, larger, more profitable, consumer-facing, with more individual investors, and lower sales from overseas demonstrate a higher level of nationalism. Firms that demonstrate more rhetorical nationalism also have a better future financial return. Our study provides a theoretical framework for the organizational study of nationalism and a new measure for firms’ rhetorical nationalism, and demonstrates that rising rhetorical nationalism among Chinese firms is more strongly driven by firms’ motivations to appeal to domestic investors and consumers than to obtain government subsidies. Our dataset is publicly available at: https://sites.google.com/view/firms-rhetorical-nationalism
Türkiye ve Yunanistan arasında imzalanan Lozan Barış Antlaşması’nın ek protokolü kapsamında, din esasına dayalı şekilde gerçekleştirilen Nüfus Mübadelesi sürecinde Mübadele’den muaf tutulanlar haricinde, gitmesi gerekirken farklı sebeplerden dolayı mübadeleye dahil olamamış, gidememiş, gitmek istememiş ve Anadolu’da yaşamaya devam etmiş insanlar olmuştur. Çoğunluğunu kadınların ve çocukların oluşturduğu ve kaçırılma, kaybolma, evlenme, evlatlık verilme, besleme alınma gibi farklı sebeplerle Mübadele’ye katılmamış ya da katılamamış bu kişiler zaman içerisinde Müslümanlaş(tırıl)mış ve bu dönüşüm hikâyelerini uzun yıllar farklı sebepler dolayısıyla gizlemek durumunda kalmışlardır. Bu makale, sözlü tarih yöntemiyle gerçekleştirilen görüşmelerden hareketle, Müslümanlaş(tırıl)mış Rumlarda belleğin aktarımına, neden bunca zaman sustuklarına, susmak istediklerine ve daha sonra neden hatırladıklarına, hatırlattıklarına ve konuştuklarına, kimliklerinin değişimine ve dönüşümüne, çok-kimlikli yaşam mücadelesine, hikâyelerinin ortak noktalarına, dünden bugüne değişen bakış açılarına, kısacası bu zamana kadar haklarında fazla bilgi sahibi olunmayan, hem Türkiye’nin hem de Yunanistan’ın resmi ve milli tarih yazımında nerdeyse hiç yer almamış, unutulmuş ya da saklı tutulmuş Müslümanlaş(tırıl)mış Rumların dünlerine ve bugünlerine odaklanmaktadır. Ulus-devletin homojen toplum yaratma ideali içinde uzun süre sessiz kalan ve asimilasyon stratejisini benimsemek durumunda kalan Müslümanlaş(tırıl)mış ilk gruptan ziyade az ve eksik de olsa aile hikâyesini bilen diğer nesillerin kimliklenerek entegrasyon stratejisini benimsediği, bireysel de olsa etnik yeniden canlanma ile tanınma mücadelesine girdikleri, bu doğrultuda belleği ve kimlik stratejilerini kullandıkları yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmelerle kayıt altına alınmıştır.
Централни интерес овог рада представља истраживање феномена националног идентитета из угла његовог конструкционог карактера. С тим циљем најпре је дат синтетички приказ кључних модернистичких и постмодерних теоријских полазишта и идеја који подржавају ову линију његове концептуализације. На тај начин продубљен је увид у развој комплекса идеја и аналитичких позиција који је створио претпоставке за настајање савремених концептуално-аналитичких модела. Тиме је уједно и показана научна утемељеност модела дискурзивног конструисања националног идентитета насталог у оквиру савременог дискурзивно-историјског приступа, чији приказ представља друго тематско средиште овог рада.
Editorial, por Adrián Hugo Maldonado Dossier 1. Presentación del Dossier: El factor religioso en la construcción de la identidad europea durante la Edad Contemporánea, por Guillermo Vicente y Guerrero (pp. 1-4). 2. Laicidad en Francia: el establecimiento de la escuela republicana (1879-1905), por Roberto Ceamanos Llorens (pp. 5-37). 3. Con ictos en torno a la libertad religiosa en España: de la Restauracióna la Segunda República, por María Pilar Salomón Chéliz (pp. 39-88). 4. Por el bienestar de la patria: antijudaísmo e identidad nacional en Dinamarca, Noruega y Suecia en los inicios de la Edad Contemporánea, por Guillermo Vicente y Guerrero (pp. 89-131). 5. Del antijudaísmo al antisemitismo alemán en la Edad Contemporánea, por Marcos Arjona Herraiz (pp. 133-192). Notas 1. ¿Vive la liberté? Un futuro incierto para la libertad religiosa en Francia, por Alexis Artaud de La Ferriere (pp. 195-202). 2. ¿Un paso demasiado lejos?, por Nicolás P. Miller y Alan J. Reinach (pp. 203-218). 3. ¿Libertad para tuitear?, por Jason Thacker (pp. 219-227). Sumarios (pp. 231-236). 2023 · Volumen VIII Editorial Hubo un tiempo, no hace mucho, en que la idea de la libertad religiosa era vista como algo bueno. Existía un amplio consenso respecto de que se trataba de un derecho humano fundamental, merecedor de contar con respeto, protección y promoción. Ahora, el consenso que existía parece erosionarse frente a nuestros ojos. En el con-texto de la creciente polarización de nuestras sociedades, la libertad religiosa se ha convertido en una bandera que se disputa desde los extremos del espectro ideológico. Ella se encuentra en el centro de múltiples "batallas culturales" que se libran en torno a temas que resultan cada vez más divisivos: la laicidad del Estado, la sexuali-dad humana, la enseñanza de la religión en la escuela pública, la inmigración, la li-bertad reproductiva, la autonomía y la libertad de expresión de las comunidades religiosas, el comienzo y el final de la vida, entre otros. A medida que la polarización se profundiza, se endurecen las posturas y se exacer-ban los sentimientos negativos, parece cada vez más difícil lograr un entendimiento. Desde Revista DER, tenemos el objetivo de constituir un espacio que contri-buya a la reflexión, al diálogo y a la comprensión. Procuramos explorar nuevas formas de hablar sobre la libertad religiosa y generar conversaciones que nos acer-quen. ¿Hablamos?
This article examines the Indonesian films Si Pintjang (1951) and Djenderal Kantjil (1958) to explore how they use the portrayal of children to articulate notions of Indonesian nationalism post-independence. Directed by prominent Indonesian filmmakers Kotot Sukardi and Nya Abbas Akup, these films are believed to represent different political ideologies amidst the political polarization of the 1950s. Through a careful analysis of the films’ texts, this article reveals how these films use the role of adults to represent the power of the state, implying the state’s authority in restoring order from disorder. The films illustrate the directors’ idealization of the newly established Indonesia after colonialism. Both showcase chaotic situations in which children are initially held accountable, but which eventually show them as requiring guidance and education. This power dynamic highlights the imbalance between children and adults, thus representing the state’s connection with its citizens and emphasizing the citizens’ responsibility to the nation as a form of nationalism.
This paper deals with the historical strength and goes further to bring out different views and interpretation of what entails effective mechanisms in the reaching the desire emergence of a Nation-State with the respect of relevant applicable natural patterns and cultural stance. It brings out examples from different continents and specific countries which have undergone are still facing the challenges of their natural multicultural and bilingual settings like Cameroon. It is clear that recent misinterpretation of the country’s natural diversity relations to various ethnic groups with cultural differentiation was fabricated by the colonial masters of the territory as well as in other part of Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe when looking at the situation of both minorities and majorities in terms of the population which were placed under alien subjugation, domination, hegemony, torturing, slavery, intimidation, extra-judicial killings including massacred, slaughtering and corporal punishment. However, some citizens still believe that these issues are of multiculturalism, bilingualism and multilingualism are only political slogans which are having no place in the emergence of Cameroon. At the same time, historical truth and objectivity have proven that other countries successfully walk their way out of such conflicting views and misinterpretations by consolidating them as pertinent advantages towards nation-building and emergence of their countries in different sectors of the economy. In fact, Africans were never consulted for the partitioned of the Continent, nor invited in the mapping of their frontiers with arbitrary demarcation of the existing boundaries. To those effects, people of the same or similar cultural affinities were forced to remain where the European decided either within the same national territory or as new colonial territories. This did not however reject the idea of reunified or unification which Cameroon used this opportunity to once more .......
Scholars of nationalism generally acknowledge that what counts as ‘a language’ and what as ‘a dialect’ is determined by historical and political circumstance, that both notions are idealisations of linguistic practice rather than objective entities and that the reality of language is fuzzy and complex. However, they nevertheless continue to talk about (and analyse) ‘linguistic entities’ in the same way nationalists do: as homogenous, closed systems. Paralleling Brubaker's groupist language , this paper proposes the notion of totalising metalanguage to signify all ways of talking about linguistic phenomena that reify them into unproblematically existing objects. I analyse the historical development of dialectology in Croatia and Serbia from the 19th century until today to show how dubious linguistic taxonomies have been presented in the discourse as objectively existing linguistic entities. The paper invites scholars of nationalism to seek alternative approaches to the language‐dialect dichotomy than that offered by the outdated model of Joshua Fishman.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.