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... REDD might usefully focus on secondary and agroforests, but so far most carbon offsets have emphasized standing old growth forests with conservation support, such as Noel Kempff Mercado National Park in Bolivia and the Juma Reserve in Amazonas [53,55,56,57,58]. Brazil's "Bolsa Florestal" program and Ecuador's "Socio-Bosque" program provide a modest subsidy to forest dwellers to conserve forests and alleviate poverty. ...
... Such REDD+ programs have raised many questions about tenurial arrangements (who owns and who has rights to occupy and use the land and other resources), distribution of economic benefits, inclusion, competition among governance strategies and institutions, and compliance and monitoring. All of these questions have significant climate justice implications [58,59,60]. While many actors are trying to build flexibility into the programs, REDD runs the risk of being excessively overarching and falling prey to the vice of becoming a "development fad," abandoned and reviled a few years later. ...
... Global policies may be unable to deal with resistance on the ground; in part, this results from the importance of forest goods in people's livelihoods and to their wellbeing. Article Five of the Paris Accords helped draw global attention to forests, but most of the language revolves around "wildlands," rather than working landscapes, and many complexities remain [58,61,62]. Such working woodland areas are crucial for livelihoods and livelihood supplements in rural and urban economies throughout the world, where an estimated billion people are forest-dependent to some degree [33,63,64,65,66]. ...
In the developed world, discussions of climate change mitigation and adaptation tend to focus on technological solutions such as decarbonizing electric grids and regulating emissions of methane, black carbon, and so on. However, an often overlooked strategy for reaching greenhouse gas reduction targets in much of the developing world is rooted, not in new technologies, but in vegetation management. Trees and other vegetation absorb carbon as they grow and release carbon when they are burnt, so landscapes function as carbon sinks and carbon storage sites when forests are growing, on one hand, and as carbon sources when forests are cleared, on the other. Since greenhouse gas emissions from such land use changes rival emissions from the entire transport sector, trees and vegetation are essential to efforts to slow and adapt to climate change. Under the right circumstances, vegetation recovery and its carbon uptake occur quickly. Moreover, carbon uptake can be strongly affected by human management of forests; the right kinds of management can improve rates of recovery and carbon sequestration substantially. This chapter reviews carbon dynamics in mature forests, secondary forests, agroforests and tree landscapes in urban areas to point out the variability of these systems and the potential for enhancing carbon uptake and storage. Furthermore, vegetation systems have many additional benefits in the form of other environmental services, such as improving livelihoods, subsistence insurance habitat, microclimates, and water systems. Finally, by managing forests better, we can also make significant contributions to climate justice because most global forests and forested landscapes are under the stewardship of small holders.
... The choice of payment by actions or results, together with the optimal level of conditionality and monitoring, will depend on the context: the strength of the connection between actions and results, the ease of monitoring each, and the level of risk aversion of sellers and buyers ( Gibbons et al., 2011). Asset-building PES may therefore require a mixture of results-and actionbased payments over time to cover high initial costs whilst ensuring tree retention ( Wunder et al., 2014). Payments are often frontloaded and gradually decreased once private benefits from planted trees were available to participants, but this is best suited to productive species ( Hegde et al., 2014). ...
Aim of study: Incentivising landowners to supply ecosystem services remains challenging, especially when this requires long-term investments such as reforestation. We investigated how landowners perceive, and would respond to, distinct types of incentives for planting diverse native trees on private lands in Lebanon. Our aim was to understand landowners’ attitudes towards hypothetical Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) contracts options; their likely participation; and the potential additionality they would provide.
Area of study: Highland villages situated within eight of Lebanon’s 20 Important Plant Areas
Materials and methods: Mixed-methods surveys were conducted with 34 landowners to determine past, present and future land-use strategies. Study participants were presented with three differently structured reforestation contract options (or schemes). The three schemes (results-based loan, action-based grant, and results-based payments) differed in their expected risks and benefits to landowners. Qualitative debriefing questions followed each of the schemes presented.
Main results: Although the results-based loan did deter uptake relative to the lower risk action-based grant, results-based payments did not significantly increase uptake or planting area, suggesting asymmetric attitudes to risk. Qualitative probing revealed economic, social (e.g. trust) and institutional factors (e.g. legal implications of planting forest trees on private land) that limited willingness to participate in the results-based contract option.
Research highlights: This study demonstrates the importance of combining qualitative and quantitative methods to better understand landowner perceptions of incentives and risks, particularly in challenging socio-political contexts.
... Although some recent studies have highlighted the importance of specific aspects of PES design and some common design flaws (Hanley and White, 2013;Kinzig et al., 2011;Naeem et al., 2015;Sattler and Matzdorf, 2013;Wunder et al., 2014), there is to my knowledge no systematic review synthesizing the lessons learned on the complete range of PES design features. The purpose of this paper is to provide such a review in a manner accessible to both academics and practitioners. ...
Payments for environmental services (PES) have become a popular approach to address environmental degradation. However, evidence on its effectiveness is scarce and rather mixed. PES is not a panacea, but there are many cases where PES can be a promising tool. Yet, poor PES design translates into poor performance of the instrument. PES design is a complex task; the devil is in the detail of a number of PES design features. The purpose of this paper is to provide guidance in dealing with this complexity through a comprehensive review of PES design that is accessible to both academics and practitioners. Practitioner guidelines on deciding whether PES is the best approach and for selecting among alternative design features are presented. PES design has to start from a careful understanding of the specific ecological and socio-economic context. We now know a lot about which design features are best suited to which context. It is time to put these insights into practice.
... Although some recent studies have highlighted the importance of specific aspects of PES design and some common design flaws (Hanley and White, 2013;Kinzig et al., 2011;Naeem et al., 2015;Sattler and Matzdorf, 2013;Wunder et al., 2014), there is to my knowledge no systematic review synthesizing the lessons learned on the complete range of PES design features. The purpose of this paper is to provide such a review in a manner accessible to both academics and practitioners. ...
Payments for environmental services (PES) have become a popular approach to address environmental degradation. However, evidence on its effectiveness is scarce and rather mixed. PES is not a panacea, but there are many cases where PES can be a promising tool. Yet, poor PES design translates into poor performance of the instrument. PES design is a complex task; the devil is in the detail of a number of PES design features. The purpose of this paper is to provide guidance in dealing with this complexity through a comprehensive review of PES design that is accessible to both academics and practitioners. Practitioner guidelines on deciding whether PES is the best approach and for selecting among alternative design features are presented. PES design has to start from a careful understanding of the specific ecological and socio-economic context. We now know a lot about which design features are best suited to which context. It is time to put these insights into practice.
... In response, we attempt in this section to answer econometrically a more limited sub-question: What key PES design factors may predict whether a PES scheme achieves at least some environmental additionality? An emerging literature on the principles of environmentally effective PES design points to particularly three critical factors of high potential [44][45][46][47][48]: ...
Assessing global tendencies and impacts of conditional payments for environmental services (PES) programs is challenging because of their heterogeneity, and scarcity of comparative studies. This meta-study systematizes 55 PES schemes worldwide in a quantitative database. Using categorical principal component analysis to highlight clustering patterns, we reconfirm frequently hypothesized differences between public and private PES schemes, but also identify diverging patterns between commercial and non-commercial private PES vis-à-vis their service focus, area size, and market orientation. When do these PES schemes likely achieve significant environmental additionality? Using binary logistical regression, we find additionality to be positively influenced by three theoretically recommended PES ‘best design’ features: spatial targeting, payment differentiation, and strong conditionality, alongside some contextual controls (activity paid for and implementation time elapsed). Our results thus stress the preeminence of customized design over operational characteristics when assessing what determines the outcomes of PES implementation.
... PES initiatives in Latin America have already accumulated considerable experience on the ground (Pagiola, 2008;Kosoy et al., 2008;Corbera et al., 2009;Alix-Garcia et al., 2012;Arriagada et al., 2012;Porras et al., 2013;Costedoat et al., 2015). Much scholarly work on PES has focused on identifying criteria for efficient PES design (Jack et al. 2008;Armsworth Paul et al., 2012;Wunder et al. 2014); case-study literature also increasingly features conditions under which PES schemes may fail to fully achieve their objectives. However, we know surprisingly little about the motivations and contextual constraints Contents lists available at ScienceDirect journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ecoser ...
... For example, modelling additional PES transaction cost components, such as contract negotiation and other administrative costs, would further reduce the cost-effectiveness of a C&C with PES policy mix. On the other hand, PES could be modelled as a more cost-effective policy component by accounting for critical design factors, such as (1) Spatial targeting of contracts (excluding areas with low deforestation pressure and environmental service values) or (2) Differentiated payments (according to varying levels of opportunity costs), and (3) equity effects [34][35][36]. Modelling these dimensions of environmental policy instruments at sub-district spatial scales requires more detailed information about the spatial distribution of property rights and welfare levels that is only slowly emerging in our study area [37,38]. On the other hand, having to pay in reality also for some non-additional (i.e. ...
... For example, modelling additional PES transaction cost components, such as contract negotiation and other administrative costs, would further reduce the cost-effectiveness of a C&C with PES policy mix. On the other hand, PES could be modelled as a more cost-effective policy component by accounting for critical design factors, such as (1) Spatial targeting of contracts (excluding areas with low deforestation pressure and environmental service values) or (2) Differentiated payments (according to varying levels of opportunity costs), and (3) equity effects [34][35][36]. Modelling these dimensions of environmental policy instruments at sub-district spatial scales requires more detailed information about the spatial distribution of property rights and welfare levels that is only slowly emerging in our study area [37,38]. On the other hand, having to pay in reality also for some non-additional (i.e. ...
Annual forest loss in the Brazilian Amazon had in 2012 declined to less than 5,000 sqkm, from over 27,000 in 2004. Mounting empirical evidence suggests that changes in Brazilian law enforcement strategy and the related governance system may account for a large share of the overall success in curbing deforestation rates. At the same time, Brazil is experimenting with alternative approaches to compensate farmers for conservation actions through economic incentives, such as payments for environmental services, at various administrative levels. We develop a spatially explicit simulation model for deforestation decisions in response to policy incentives and disincentives. The model builds on elements of optimal enforcement theory and introduces the notion of imperfect payment contract enforcement in the context of avoided deforestation. We implement the simulations using official deforestation statistics and data collected from field-based forest law enforcement operations in the Amazon region. We show that a large-scale integration of payments with the existing regulatory enforcement strategy involves a tradeoff between the cost-effectiveness of forest conservation and landholder incomes. Introducing payments as a complementary policy measure increases policy implementation cost, reduces income losses for those hit hardest by law enforcement, and can provide additional income to some land users. The magnitude of the tradeoff varies in space, depending on deforestation patterns, conservation opportunity and enforcement costs. Enforcement effectiveness becomes a key determinant of efficiency in the overall policy mix.
In Payment for Environmental Services (PES) systems, environmental service providers receive compensation for a conservationist action that implies the preservation of natural resources. The objective of this systematic mapping was to identify and discuss scientific articles that address the theme 'Payment for Environmental Services - PES for Waste Pickers Organizations', to understand the state of art of hiring these workers as environmental service providers. The study was developed using the method of systematic mapping of literature, from 2009 to 2019, considering qualitative and quantitative aspects. Results indicated that the countries that most investigate this theme are Brazil, China, India, and Indonesia. The articles portray the informal work of waste pickers, working conditions and the transition from informal systems to waste management in public services. The relationship between payment for environmental services and the work of waste pickers is not yet evident. Furthermore, research on PES and recycling are developed along distinct lines, without interdisciplinarity. However, PES shows itself as an important socio-environmental management tool that has the potential to solve relevant problems of recyclable waste management, because it presents congruent characteristics with the public procurement systems for waste pickers.
This book describes and analyzes the transformation that occurred in retailing in the last half of the twentieth century and demonstrates that this transformation has substantially changed the global economy. This transformation is both obvious and largely unrecognized. It is obvious, because the transformation is a part of our everyday lives. In the United States, in 1954, there were only 500 shopping centers across the country, most of which were by today's standard very small. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the shopping centers in the USA alone number over 50,000, many of which are gargantuan. This same expansion is happening throughout the world. In fact, the largest shopping centers are no longer in the USA, but are scattered around the globe. Many of the newest and largest of them are now in Asia. As pervasive and obvious as these changes are, there has been surprisingly little research on the global effects of retailing. This book is among the first books to address this important topic in a systematic and highly readable manner. The authors demonstrate that retailers and merchandisers increasingly organize the global economy by developing two types of markets, consumer markets and supplier markets. Using point-of-sales information, retailers anticipate and try to create consumer markets for the goods they sell. Based on this information, retailers also create and maintain supplier markets for the goods that they buy from manufacturers and that they in turn sell to consumers. Retailers attempt to "make" both types of markets, by setting prices and the terms and conditions of exchange. The extraordinary success that retailers and merchandisers have enjoyed in making both types of markets has had far-reaching consequences on how all national economies perform in an age of global retailing.