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Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
51
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
Sanjay K. Singh1*
Indian Institute of Management Lucknow
Abstract
This paper will analyze crimes against women in India at the
national as well as the state and union territory levels. The crimes
will include kidnapping and the abduction of women, rape, and
dowry deaths. We will identify the major issues related to such
heinous crimes and discuss potential countermeasures. The pri-
mary source of data for the study is Crime Against Women in
India, 1991 to 2014, published by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB), Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of In-
dia, New Delhi.
Keywords: Heinous Crimes, Rape, Kidnapping and Abduction,
Dowry Death, Women’s Safety, India
Introduction
Women play a major role in the socioeconomic growth of society;
a nation can’t prosper until women are safe. Although women’s rights
are secured under the Indian constitution, their vulnerability hasn’t de-
creased over time. In fact, incidences of violent crime against women
that fall under the Indian penal code have increased by 46% over the
past decade. In 2014, the latest year for which data are available, every
day an average of 101 women were raped, 157 women were kidnapped
and 23 killed over dowry. Moreover, crime against women in India
goes underreported, especially in rape cases, due to social stigma at-
tached to it. Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are known for their extremely
underreported crime rate (Gupta, 2014). Moreover, many women do
not complain against crime because of family honor. Most of the time,
offenders are family members or friends. Often, police do not give a
fair hearing, particularly to women in weaker sections of society; even
if cases get registered, justice is delayed or denied due to lack of evi-
1* Professor, Economics and Business Environment Area, Indian Institute of
Management, Lucknow, India . Address for correspondence: sanjay@iiml.ac.in.
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
52 Sanjay K. Singh
dence, particularly in rape and kidnapping cases. Obstruction of justice
increases more if offenders are socially, economically, and politically
powerful.
The main aim of this study is to analyze the crimes against women
in India at the national as well as at the state and union territory levels. It
also attempts to identify the major issues related to crime against wom-
en and discuss countermeasures that would have potential to curtail the
crimes. The study primarily focuses on heinous crimes like kidnapping
and abduction, rapes, and dowry deaths. The primary source of data for
the study is Crime Against Women in India, 1991 to 2014 published by
the National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Govern-
ment of India, New Delhi.
The analysis shows that, from 1991 to 2014, the total for heinous
crimes against women in India grew 5.9% per year. During the same
period, kidnapping and abduction grew 6.9% per year, rape cases in-
creased 5.9% per year, and dowry deaths increased 2.2% per year. Ac-
cordingly, the incidence of heinous crimes per 100,000 women in the
country increased from 6.7 in 1991 to 17.1 in 2014. The heinous crime
rate varies across states and union territories; in 2014, it varied from 2.5
in Puducherry and Lakshadweep to 69.6 in Delhi. In 2014, there were 15
out of 35 states and union territories that faced a higher heinous crime
rate than the all-India average. Change in the rate also varies across
states and union territories; from 1991 to 2014, 15 out of 35 states and
union territories recorded a higher increase in the crime rate than that
in the country (4.2% per year). Nagaland (11%), Odisha (8.8%), Punjab
(8.0%), Bihar (6.9%), and Kerala (6.5%) are some of the states that
faced a rapid increase in their annual crime rate from 1991 to 2014.
However, four union territories of the country experienced a decrease in
their crime rate. In general, cities in India faced a higher crime rate than
that in the rural areas. In 2013, Delhi (61.5), Patna (48.0), Jaipur (40.7),
Indore (37.0), Lucknow (26.3), Varanasi (24.8), and Bhopal (24.2) are
some of the cities that faced a 50% higher crime rate than the all-India
average (15.8).
This study is organized into ve sections. The second section an-
alyzes heinous crimes against women at the national level. The third
compares heinous crimes against women across states and union ter-
ritories, and in selected cities. The fourth section discusses the way
forward to check the crimes. The conclusion is presented in the fth
section.
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
53
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
Analysis of heinous crimes against women at the national level
Crimes against women in India have increased rapidly over the
years. Incidences have increased at the rate of 5.9% per year from
27,250 in 1991 to 102,501 in 2014 (Table 1). From 1991 to 2014, inci-
dences of rapes, kidnapping and abduction, and dowry deaths increased
at the rate of 5.9%, 6.9%, and 2.2%, respectively. Moreover, the county
witnessed a very rapid increase since 2010; incidences of such heinous
crimes increased at the rate of 14.2% per year from 2010 to 2014. Inci-
dences of rapes increased at the rate of 13.5% per year and kidnapping
and abduction increased at the rate of 17.8% per year since 2010. How-
ever, the number of dowry deaths increased only marginally from 8,391
in 2010 to 8,455 in 2014, an increase of less than 1% in a span of four
years.
Figure 1 presents incidences of heinous crimes per 100,000 wom-
en in India from 1991 to 2014. This Figure clearly reveals that the dow-
ry death rate per 100,000 women in India hasn’t changed signicantly
over the years. In fact, the dowry death rate in 2014 was the same as
it was in 2001 (1.4 per 100,000 women). However, one may note that
dowry in the form of a payment of cash or gifts from the bride’s family
to the bridegroom’s family upon marriage and dowry deaths of wom-
en who are murdered or driven to suicide by continuous harassment
and torture by husbands and in-laws in an effort to extort an increased
dowry are still prevalent in India particularly in its north and central re-
gions. On the other hand, the rape and kidnapping-and-abduction rates
per 100,000 women increased signicantly from 2.4 and 3.0 in 1991
to 6.1 and 9.6 in 2014, respectively. Moreover, the kidnapping and ab-
duction rate has tripled and the rape rate has almost doubled from 2001
to 2014. As a consequence, the heinous crime rate per 100,000 women
increased sharply from 7.6 in 2001 to 17.1 in 2014. It is amply clear
that, for women in India, chances of being victimized by heinous crime
increased far more in the 2010s than in the 2000s and 1990s.
Rape and sexual violence against women are endemic everywhere,
but India faces a worsening situation. While in many developed and de-
veloping countries, including Pakistan and the United States of Amer-
ica, the rape rate is generally decreasing, in India it is increasing rap-
idly, particularly during the 2000s and 2010s. Although India has been
characterized as one of the countries with the lowest per capita rates of
rape, a majority of rape cases in India, as elsewhere in the world, are
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
54 Sanjay K. Singh
never reported. Kark (2013) estimates that 54% of rape crimes in India
are unreported because the rape victims fear retaliation and humilia-
tion. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3) of India under the
stewardship of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government
of India, in 2006 estimated the lifetime prevalence of sexual violence
among women aged 15–49 years. The study sampled 83,703 women
nationwide, and found that 9% of them in the age group of 15-49 years
had experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. According to religion,
Buddhist/Neo-Buddhist and Jain women have the lowest prevalence
of sexual violence (3% and 4%, respectively) and Muslim women the
highest (11%), followed by Hindu women (8%). The prevalence of sex-
ual violence is somewhat higher for the scheduled castes (11%) and
scheduled tribes (10%) than for women not belonging to the scheduled
castes and tribes (7-9%). Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are
ofcial designations given to the most disadvantaged socio-economic
groups in India. Moreover, the prevalence is highest among women in
the poorest wealth quintile (13%) and declines steadily with increasing
wealth to a low of 4% among women in the highest quintile.
The vast majority of women who have ever been married experi-
enced such violence at the hands of a current or former husband (95%);
2% report sexual violence by a relative; 1% report sexual violence by a
friend; and about 0.5% report sexual violence by a boyfriend, an in-law,
a family friend, or a stranger. Never- married women who have experi-
enced sexual violence have most often been abused by a relative (27%),
a friend (23%), a boyfriend (19%), a stranger (16%), and a family friend
(8%). This shows that most of the rapes in India, almost 98%, are com-
mitted by someone known to the victim.
Table 3 presents rape cases by age group from 2003 to 2013. This
table shows that there were 33,764 victims of rape out of 33,707 report-
ed rape cases in the country during 2013. Moreover, 13.1% (4,427 out
of 33,764) of the total victims were girls under 14 years of age, 26.3%
(8,877 victims out of 33,764) were teenaged girls (14-18 years), and
46.1% (15,556 victims) were women of 18-30 years. In 2013, nearly 2
in 5 rape victims were minors (under 18 years of age). The rape risk to
minors has increased sharply in the 10 years from 2003 to 2013; minors
comprised 19.6% of all rape victims in 2003, but the corresponding
gure increased to 39.4% in 2013. That is why the number of minor
rape victims increased by 328% from 3,112 in 2003 to 13,304 in 2013,
signicantly higher than the corresponding increase in the total number
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
55
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
of rape victims (113%). By comparison, minors comprise only 17.4% of
total rape victims in the United States, much lower than the correspond-
ing gure for India, 39.4%.
Table1. Heinous crimes against women
statistics of India: 1991-2014
Year Women
population
(‘00,000)
Number of
rapes
Number of
kidnappings &
abductions
Number of
dowry
deaths
Total number of
heinous crime
against women
1991 4071 9793 12300 5157 27250
1996 4413 14846 14877 5513 35236
2001 4957 16075 14645 6851 37571
2006 5331 19348 17414 7618 44380
2010 5752 22172 29795 8391 60358
2011 5864 24206 35568 8618 68392
2012 5852 24923 38262 8233 71418
2013 5926 33707 51881 8083 93671
2014 5999 36735 57311 8455 102501
Figure 1. The heinous crime rate against women
in India over the years
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
56 Sanjay K. Singh
Table 2. Rape rate, number of rapes per 100,000 people,
across selected countries
C O UN TRY 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Pakistan 29.7 24.4 25.6 28.8 N.A.
South Africa 148.4 137.6 144.8 132.4 N.A.
Japan 1.7 1.5 1.3 1.0 1.0
Netherlands 11.1 14.6 11.6 9.2 N.A.
Germany 10.7 9.8 8.8 9.4 N.A.
USA 32.3 31.5 29.8 27.3 26.6
Canada 1.8 1.7 1.5 1.7 1.4
Source: Crime Statistics: Sexual Violence against Children and Rape, 2004 to 2012,
United Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime, Vienna, Austria.
The Table 3 gures reveal that teenaged girls are the most vulner-
able to rape in India. They comprise only 7.8% of India’s female pop-
ulation; however, they were 1 in 4 rape victims in 2013. From 2003 to
2013, the number of rape victims in the teenage group (14-18 years) in-
creased by nearly 400%. India is also facing a serious problem of child
rape; in 2003, only 8.3% of total rape victims were children (<14 years
of age), but the corresponding gure increased to 13.1% in 2013. From
2003 to 2013, the number of child rape victims increased by 235%,
the second highest rate of increase after the teenage group. Although
women in the age group of 18-30 years constitute the largest number
of rape victims, their relative vulnerability has declined over the years.
In 2003, 62.3% of total rape victims were women in the age group of
18-30 years; despite the fact that the number of rape victims in this age
group increased by 58% in a span of 10 years, they comprised only
46.1% of total rape victims in 2013. However, women in the age group
of 18-30 years are still quite vulnerable to rape. Almost 1 in 2 rape vic-
tims are women of this age group, though they comprise only 21.6% of
the female population of the country.
Women in the age group of 30-50 years are not as vulnerable as
women of the younger age groups. Although they comprise 25.7% of
the female population in the country, they constitute only 13.8% of total
rape victims in 2013. From 2003 to 2013, the number of rape victims in
this age group increased by 65%, signicantly lower than the increase
in the total number of rape victims (113%). That is why the proportion
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
57
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
of rape victims in the age group of 30-50 years has declined from 17.7%
in 2003 to 13.8% in 2013. The number of rape victims in the age group
of 50 years and above is negligible; in 2013, only 256 out of 33,764
victims belonged to this age group. Women from this age group are the
least vulnerable since they comprise only 0.8% of total rape victims,
though they constitute 16.6% of the female population in the country.
It appears that vulnerability to rape follows an inverted U-shaped curve
with age. Vulnerability to rape increases with age till the age of 18 years
or so.
Incest rape is one of the most extreme forms of abuse. Table 4
presents age group-wise victims of incest rape cases from 2003 to
2013. This table shows that 7 in 10 incest rape victims were minor
girls (under 18 years of age) during 2013. In 2003, only 4 in 10 incest
rape victims were minor girls, which shows that their vulnerability has
increased signicantly during the last ten years. From 2003 to 2013,
the number of minor incest rape victims increased by 141%, signi-
cantly higher than the increase in total number of incest rape victims
(37%). Moreover, the increase in number of child incest rape victims
(278%) is far higher than the increase in the number of teenage in-
cest rape victims (53%). That is why child incest rape victims, which
comprised 16.0% of all incest rape victims in 2003, now comprise
44.2%. Teenage incest rape victims proportionate to total incest rape
victims also increased from 24.8% in 2003 to 27.6% in 2013. Girls
under the age of 14 as well as teenaged girls are quite vulnerable to
incest rape; presently, girls under the age of 14 constitute 28.3% of the
female population but comprise 44.2% of the total incest rape victims,
whereas teenaged girls constitute only 7.8% of female population but
comprise 27.6% of all incest rape victims. Table 4 reveals that women
in the age group of 18-30 years which constitute 21.6% of the female
population in the country, now comprise only 21.4% of total incest
rape victims, signicantly lower than the corresponding gure in 2003
(51.5%). Women in the age group of 30-50 years have very low vul-
nerability as they make up 25.7% of the female population but con-
stitute only 6.6% of all incest rape victims. The number of incest rape
victims in the age group of 50 years and above is negligible; in 2013,
only 2 out of 548 victims belonged to this age group. Women from this
group are the least vulnerable, since they comprise only 0.4% of total
incest rape victims even though they constitute 16.6% of the female
population in the country.
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
58 Sanjay K. Singh
Table 3. Age group-wise victims of rape cases: 2003-2013
Year < 14 years 14-18 years 18-30 years 30-50 years ≥ 50 years Total
2003 1320 (8.3%) 1792 (11.3%) 9873 (62.3%) 2811 (17.7%) 60 (0.4%) 15856 (100%)
2008 1893 (8.9%) 3421 (16.2%) 12182 (57.5%) 3552 (16.8%) 128 (0.6%) 21176 (100%)
2013 4427 (13.1%) 8877 (26.3%) 15556 (46.1%) 4648 (13.8%) 256 (0.7%) 33764 (100%)
Table 4. Age group wise victims of incest rape cases: 2003-2013
Year < 14 years 14-18 years 18-30 years 30-50 years ≥ 50 years Total
2003 64 (16.0%) 99 (24.8%) 206 (51.5%) 31 (7.7%) 0 (0.0%) 400 (100%)
2008 77 (24.9%) 75 (24.3%) 117 (37.9%) 32 (10.4%) 8 (2.5%) 309 (100%)
2013 242 (44.2%) 151 (27.5%) 117 (21.3%) 36 (6.6%) 2 (0.4%) 548 (100%)
Analysis of heinous crimes against women at the state and union
territory levels
Figure 2 presents state and union territory-wise distribution of
heinous crimes against women in India in 2014. This gure reveals
that the total reported incidences in 2014 were highest in Uttar Pradesh
(16,562), followed by Madhya Pradesh (11,497), Rajasthan (8,588),
Bihar (7,260), West Bengal (6,943), and Delhi (6,283). However, ad-
justed for population, the heinous crime rate per 100,000 women in
2014 was highest in Delhi (69.6), followed by Assam (39.1), Mad-
hya Pradesh (31.7), Arunachal Pradesh (28.7), Chandigarh (28.1), and
Haryana (27.6). Figure 3 shows that there is a huge variation in the
heinous crime rate across states and union territories, ranging from 2.5
per 100,000 women in Puducherry to 69.6 per 100,000 women in Delhi
in 2014. During the same year, fteen out of thirty ve states and union
territories faced a heinous crime rate more than the all-India average
(17.1), while six of them faced a 50% higher rate than the all-India av-
erage. From 2004 to 2014, the rate increased in all the states and union
territories except one (Puducherry); Sikkim (647%) faced the highest
increase in the rate, followed by Mizoram (450%), Karnataka (231%),
Delhi (215%), and Haryana (209%). During the same period, the rate in
thirteen states and union territories increased at a higher rate than that in
the whole country (120%).
In 2014, Madhya Pradesh reported the highest number of rapes
(5,076), followed by Rajasthan (3,759), Uttar Pradesh (3,467), Maha-
rashtra (3,438), and Delhi (2,096). However, the rape rate per 100,000
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
59
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
women in 2014 was highest in Mizoram (23.53), followed by Del-
hi (23.21), Sikkim (15.67), Arunachal Pradesh (13.61), and Madhya
Pradesh (13.31). Figure 4 shows that there is a huge variation in rape rate
across states and union territories, ranging from 1.33 per 100,000 women
in Tamil Nadu to 23.53 per 100,000 women in Mizoram in 2014. During
the same year, eighteen out of thirty one states and union territories faced
rape rates more than the all-India average (6.12), while twelve of them
faced a 50% higher rate than the all-India average. It is noted that six out
of eight northeast states of India have a higher rape rate than the all-India
average; only two states, Manipur and Nagaland, have lower. Among the
big states, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat have a rape rate lower than half of the
country average. From 2004 to 2014, the rape rate increased in twenty
eight out of thirty one states and union territories; Sikkim (1288%) faced
the highest increase in its rape rate, followed by Mizoram (436%), Kar-
nataka (307%), Rajasthan (209%), and Delhi (197%). During the same
period, rape rate in eighteen states and union territories increased at a
higher rate than that in the whole country (76%).
As far as kidnapping and abduction is concerned, in 2014 Uttar
Pradesh reported the highest number in the country (10,626), followed
by Madhya Pradesh (5,688), West Bengal (4,976), Bihar (4,760), Ra-
jasthan (4,421), and Delhi (4034). However, adjusted for population,
the kidnapping and abduction rate per 100,000 women in that year was
highest in Delhi (44.7), followed by Assam (25.1), Chhattisgarh (19.3),
Haryana (15.6), Arunachal Pradesh (14.9), and Madhya Pradesh (14.5).
Figure 5 shows that there is a huge variation in the kidnapping and
abduction rate across states and union territories, ranging from 0 per
100,000 women in Lakshadweep to 44.7 per 100,000 women in Delhi
in 2014. During the same year, ten out of thirty one states and union ter-
ritories faced a higher kidnapping and abduction rate than the all-India
average (9.6), while six of them faced a 50% higher rate. From 2004 to
2014, the kidnapping and abduction rate increased in all the states and
union territories except three (D & N Haveli, Puducherry, and Kerla);
Madhya Pradesh (703%) faced the highest increase, followed by Goa
(579%), Haryana (457%), Odisha (424%), Karnataka (356%), West
Bengal (343%), and Bihar (313%). During the same period, the rate
in fourteen states and union territories increased at a higher rate than
that in the whole country (222%). The main reason of kidnapping and
abduction of women in India is marriage followed by illicit intercourse
and unlawful activities. Abductions of women for marriage accounted
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
60 Sanjay K. Singh
for about 45% of all cases in the country during 2014. Girls and wom-
en between 15 and 30 are most vulnerable to abduction for marriage,
according to NCRB data. The most sizable proportion of abduction for
marriage happens in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Assam. Abduction of
women for marriage is also increasing rapidly in the country — by 71%
between 2010 and 2014. However, gures for this should be read with
caution, as parents in India sometimes go to police with complaints of
abduction if their son or daughter marries against the parents’ will in
what is known as a ‘love marriage’. Most marriages in the country are
arranged by the bride and groom’s parents.
“Dowry deaths” occur in response to a bride’s family’s not com-
plying with demands made by her husband and his family for high
dowry payments and gifts. Figure 2 also presents state and union ter-
ritory-wise distribution of dowry death cases. This gure reveals that
in 2014 Uttar Pradesh reported the highest number of dowry deaths in
the country (2,469), followed by Bihar (1,373), Madhya Pradesh (733),
Andhra Pradesh (504), and West Bengal (501). The problem of dowry
deaths is alarmingly serious in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar; 45% of all cas-
es of dowry deaths happen in these two states, whereas their share of
the Indian population is only 25%. That is why the dowry death rate per
100,000 women in these two states is 50% higher than the all-India av-
erage (1.4). However, the dowry death rate per 100,000 women in 2014
was highest in Haryana (2.4), followed by Uttar Pradesh (2.3), Odisha
(2.1), and Bihar (2.1). Figure 6 shows that there is a huge variation in
the dowry death rate across states and union territories, ranging in 2014
from 0 per 100,000 women in Himachal Pradesh, D & N Haveli, Dam-
an & Diu, Goa, Lakshadweep, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Sikkim to 2.4
per 100,000 women in Haryana. During the same year, seven out of the
thirty one states and union territories, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha,
Bihar, Tripura, Delhi, and Madhya Pradesh, faced a higher dowry death
rate than the all-India average. However, from 2004 to 2014, the dowry
death rate increased signicantly only in a few states; Assam (124%)
faced the highest increase in the dowry death rate followed by Tripu-
ra (46%), Odisha (26%), Uttar Pradesh (21%), Bihar (15%), and West
Bengal (15%). These six states faced an increase higher than that in the
whole country (12%). All other states and union territories either expe-
rienced a decline or an insignicant increase in their rates. Chhattisgarh,
Puducherry, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh, and Goa experienced sig-
nicant declines in their dowry death rates between 2004 and 2014.
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
61
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
Figures 2A-D. State and union territory-wise distribution
of heinous crimes against women in India in 2014
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
62 Sanjay K. Singh
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
63
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
Figure 3. Heinous crime rate, number of heinous crimes per 100,000
women, in Indian states and union territories in 2004 and 2014
Figure 4. Rape rate, number of rapes per 100,000 women, in Indian
states and union territories in 2004 and 2014
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
64 Sanjay K. Singh
Figure 5. Kidnapping and abduction rate, number of kidnapping
and abductions per 100,000 women, in Indian states
and union territories in 2004 and 2014
Figure 6. Dowry death rate, number of dowry deaths per 100,000
women, in Indian states and union territories in 2004 and 2014
Heinous crimes against women in many Indian cities are a seri-
ous and growing problem. Although, there is a huge variation in the
heinous crime rate against women across cities of India, ranging from
3.2 heinous crimes per 100,000 women in Chennai to 61.5 in Delhi in
2013, most of the north and central Indian cities face a higher crime rate
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
65
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
than the cities located in other parts of the country (Figure 7). In 2013,
Delhi (61.5), Patna (48.0), Jaipur (40.7), Indore (37.0), Lucknow (26.3),
Varanasi (24.8) and Bhopal (24.2) faced more than a 50% higher hei-
nous crime rate against women than the all-India average (15.8). From
2003 to 2013, the heinous crime rate increased in all the sample cities
except Hyderabad; Varanasi faced the highest increase (613%) followed
by Patna (527%), Bangalore (466%), Pune (233%), and Delhi (210%).
During the same period, the rate in ten out of fteen sample cities in-
creased at a higher rate than the all-India average (132%).
Figure 7. Heinous crime rate, number of heinous crimes
per 100,000 women, in selected Indian cities in 2003 and 2013
The way forward
Heinous crimes against women are, to a great extent, preventable.
The best way to prevent crimes against women is to address their root
causes. The persistent and increasing burden of poverty on women, un-
equal access to education, inadequate access to direct participation in the
economy and policy making processes, inequality in sharing power and
decision making, insufcient mechanism to promote the advancement
of women, ineffective implementation of existing rules and regulations
to protect women from violence, and inadequacy of ill-equipped, some-
what insensitive, and understaffed police and investigative machinery
are some of the important reasons why Indian women are so vulner-
able. Table 5 reveals that the states and union territories having lower
participation of women in wage employment, higher unemployment,
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
66 Sanjay K. Singh
lower female to male ratio, lower literacy rate, and larger proportion
of people living below the poverty line are likely to face higher rate of
heinous crime against women. In general, the rape rate is higher in those
states and union territories where unemployment rate is higher, the fe-
male to male ratio is lower, and illiteracy is higher. The kidnapping
and abduction rate is higher in those states and union territories where
female participation in wage employment, female to male ratio, and lit-
eracy rate is lower, and unemployment and proportion of people living
below poverty line is higher. Although the dowry death rate is higher
mainly in Northern and Eastern Indian states, six out of seven states
having a higher than all-India average rate are the ones having lower
(than all-India average) participation of women in wage employment.
Most of these states have a lower literacy rate and female-to-male ratio,
along with a higher level of unemployment and larger proportion of
people living below the poverty line. However, Table 5 also reveals that
only economic and demographic factors such as women’s participa-
tion in wage employment, the unemployment rate, the female-to-male
ratio, literacy rate, and proportion of people living below the poverty
line can’t explain the variation in heinous crimes against women across
states and union territories of India. For example, Gujarat, Jharkhand,
Nagaland, Uttarakhand, D & N Haveli, Daman & Diu, and Lakshad-
weep experience lower (than the all-India average) female participation
in wage employment, but none of them face higher (than the all-India
average) rate of dowry deaths, kidnapping and abduction, and rape of
women. Similarly, there are a number of states and union territories
having a lower female-to-male ratio (such as Gujarat and Nagaland) or
higher unemployment rate (such as Tamil Nadu and Puducherry), but
that face a lower heinous crime rate against women. Then, what does
explain the disparities and the rapid increases in rate? what should be
the way forward? Will more stringent laws help? Some people demand
new stringent laws, legislative reforms, and amendments ton existing
laws relating to gender issues. On the other hand, some people fear that
strong laws are more prone to be misused; there may be a surge in ling
false cases. Since the perpetrators of crimes against women are most
often known to the victims, if penalty is very harsh, victims may face
tremendous pressure from their family or social circle not to report the
crime. Therefore, stringent laws may have perverse consequences; it
may increase the vulnerability of victims. Instead, India needs honest
and effective enforcement and implementation of already existing laws.
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
67
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
Table 5. States and union territories having higher or lower than
all-India average rate of different variables during the year 2014
States & UTs higher
heinous
crime
rate
higher
rape
rate
higher
kidnap-
ping &
abduc-
tion rate
higher
dowry
death
rate
lower %
of females
in wage
employment
(2011-12)
higher
unemploy-
ment rate
(2013-14)
lower
female
to male
ratio
(2011)
lower
literacy
rate
(2011)
higher
% of
people
below
poverty
line
(2013)
Andhra Pradesh Ö
Arunachal Pradesh Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Assam Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Bihar Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Chhattisgarh Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Goa Ö Ö Ö
Gujarat Ö Ö Ö
Haryana Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Himachal Pradesh Ö
Jammu & Kashmir Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Jharkhand Ö Ö Ö Ö
Karnataka Ö
Kerala Ö
Madhya Pradesh Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Maharashtra Ö Ö
Manipur Ö
Meghalaya Ö Ö
Mizoram Ö Ö
Nagaland Ö Ö
Odisha Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Punjab Ö Ö Ö Ö
Rajasthan Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Sikkim Ö Ö Ö Ö
Tamil Nadu Ö
Tripura Ö Ö Ö
Uttar Pradesh Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Uttarakhand Ö Ö
West Bengal Ö Ö Ö
A & N Islands Ö Ö Ö Ö
Chandigarh Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
D & N Haveli Ö Ö Ö
Daman & Diu Ö Ö
Delhi Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö Ö
Lakshadweep Ö Ö Ö
Puducherry Ö
Table sources (page 67): (1) Crime Against Women in India, 1991 to 2014, National
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
68 Sanjay K. Singh
Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. (2) Key Indi-
cators of Employment and Unemployment in India, 2011-12, NSS 68th Round Survey,
National Sample Survey Ofce, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementa-
tion, Government of India. (3) Census of India 2011, Ofce of the Registrar General &
Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. (4) Report on
Fourth Annual Employment - Unemployment Survey, 2013-14, Labour Bureau, Minis-
try of Labour & Employment, Government of India. (5) National Family Health Survey
(NFHS-4), 2015-16, International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai. (6) Re-
port of The Expert Group to Review the Methodology for Measurement of Poverty, June
2014, Planning Commission, Government of India.
There is an urgent need for police reform in the country; police in
Indian states and union territories need to be insulated from extraneous
pressures to be able to enforce the rule of law. Currently, women consti-
tute only 6% of the police force in India, varying from 1% in Assam to
12% in Tamil Nadu. This needs to be changed; central as well as state
governments should ensure that women constitute at least 33% of the po-
lice force in all states and union territories. A sizable presence of women
in the police force is likely to have great impact. Besides increasing the
number of women in the police forces, law enforcement agencies should
be made accountable to ensure that crimes against women are curtailed.
In general, women face less violence if they are economically in-
dependent and have bargaining power over household budgets and fam-
ily decisions. Table 5 shows that six out of seven states and union terri-
tories which face higher than the country average dowry death rate and
nine out of eleven states and union territories which face higher than the
country average kidnapping and abduction rate are the ones which are
having lower than the country average proportion of women in wage
employment. Therefore, a key goal of public policy should be to focus
on training and education of women along with creating job opportuni-
ties for them. The female literacy rate in every state and union territory
in India is lower than the male literacy rate. In states like Rajasthan,
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Bihar,
and Uttar Pradesh, the difference between the male and female litera-
cy rates is in excess of 20 percent. The difference between the male
and female literacy rates is in excess of 10 percentage points in twenty
seven out of thirty ve states and union territories. Therefore, there is
an urgent need to promote women’s education throughout the country,
particularly in those states and union territories where the gap is sig-
nicantly high, say more than 15 percentage points. Also, governments
should exercise their power to open the labor market to women, and try
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
69
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
to create channels for them to gain positions of importance. Clearing
the way for women to enter the workplace would increase their safety.
India has only 943 women for every 1,000 men, and in many states
and union territories, the decit of women is very severe. Nine out of
thirty ve states and union territories including Haryana, Punjab, Chan-
digarh, Jammu & Kashmir, and Sikkim have less than 900 women per
1,000 men. Overall, the Indian average gender ratio is far behind the
global average of 984 women for every 1,000 men, and is the second
lowest in the world, beforeChina (Gender Statistics Highlights from
2012 World Development Report). Urban India is on par with China,
though, with 926 women per 1,000 men. In India, the preference for
sons has led families to abort female fetuses and reallocate resources
from girls, decreasing their survival rate. Hudson and Boer (2002) has
shown that a shortage of marriageable women results in higher rates
of crime, including rape, committed by young unmarried men. In other
words, violent crime against women increases as the decit of wom-
en increases. Right now, the statistics are worrying. According to 2011
census data, India has 37 million more men than women, and about 17
million excess men in the age group that commits most crimes, up from
7 million in 1991. In a marriage market where women are scarce, certain
characteristics of young surplus males are easily and accurately predict-
ed. They are liable to come from the lowest socioeconomic class, be
un- or underemployed, live a fairly transient lifestyle with few ties to the
communities in which they are working, and generally live and socialize
with other bachelors. In sum, these young surplus males may be consid-
ered, relatively speaking, losers in societal competition. Marital status
affects more than just social standing for these men. In general, levels of
testosterone decline for married men which thwart potentially antisocial
male behaviour (Mazur and Booth, 1998). If we have more men in the
society who are unable to marry, even though they would be willing to
marry, society will face greater level of violence and crimes particularly
against women. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, Min-
istry of Home Affairs, Government of India, of all the people arrested for
rape crimes during recent years, almost 60 percent were men between
the ages of 18 to 30 years and nearly 30 percent were men between the
ages of 30 to 45 years. Although, India’s total sex ratio, number of fe-
males per 1,000 males, has increased over the past 20 years, the number
of extra men is still growing due to population growth and the prevalent
practice of female foeticide. And among India’s youngest population,
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
70 Sanjay K. Singh
the gender ratio is still getting worse. India’s child population, dened
in the national census data as all children between the ages of 0 and 6
years, was almost 160 million as of 2011. The overall sex ratio for this
age group is 914 female children for every 1,000 male children, and it
is even more skewed in the urban areas, at 902. Such gender imbalance
in the sex ratio could be a silent demographic disaster in the making
in India. Central as well as state governments need to take appropriate
steps including enforcing existing laws against dowry and sex-selective
abortion to avoid more serious consequences of gender imbalance.
Effective responses to crime against women depend on clear un-
derstanding of the social norms and the preferences of the involved par-
ties. Altering conventions such as inheritance laws, for example, creates
winners and losers, which may lead to domestic conict and violence.
Similarly, various policies that would enable gender equity, such as re-
serving positions for women, may bring turmoil in society in the short-
run. Such policies are good for society in the long-run. Short-run turbu-
lences should be checked by strengthening the criminal justice system
and involving public representatives at local levels to change antiquat-
ed social norms. Unfortunately, presently, in the Indian criminal justice
system, many crimes are unreported; if reported, often not registered;
if registered, true perpetrators not found in many cases; if found, usual-
ly not prosecuted; if prosecuted, often not charged; if charged, usually
not convicted; if convicted, generally not punished adequately; if pun-
ished, too much time is lost in the whole process. In other words, justice
is often delayed or practically denied. Therefore, India badly needs to
strengthen its criminal justice system to make it effective and efcient.
Governments, non-governmental organizations, media, and edu-
cational institutions have to play an important role in spreading aware-
ness and changing the mindset of people. Interventions from these
institutions can increase knowledge, challenge attitudes, modify behav-
ior, and alter social norms and values. Governments should take the
initiative to start a number of campaigns targeting men specically,
aiming to challenge traditional concepts of masculinity associated with
violence. Messages such as ‘violence towards women is unacceptable’,
‘masculine man is not a violent man’, ‘my strength is not for hurting’,
‘end gender violence’, ‘end violence against women’, ‘stop violence
against women’, etc. should be propagated through print and electron-
ic media to sensitize people to inuence their attitude towards gender
norms and consequently check their violent behavior. Raising public
Volume 41, Number 3, Fall 2016
71
Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
awareness and gender sensitization has been quite successful in curtail-
ing violence towards women in many countries such as South Africa,
Nicaragua, Australia, and United States; therefore, central as well as
state governments of India should now step up a vigorous campaign for
gender sensitization throughout the country.
Conclusion
The analysis shows that heinous crimes against women in India
have been increasing at an alarming rate of close to 6% per year since
1991. We have found that there is a huge variation in the heinous crime
rate across states and union territories.
Heinous crimes against women are, to a great extent, preventable.
The best way to check crime against women is to prevent it from hap-
pening in the rst place by addressing its root and structural causes.
In general, crime against women is rooted in gender-based discrimi-
nation and social norms and gender stereotypes that perpetuate such
crime. That is why prevention should start early in life, by educating
young boys and girls to have respectful relationships and gender equal-
ity. Disproportionate burden of poverty on women, unequal access to
education, inadequate access to direct participation in the economy and
policy making processes, inequality in sharing power and decision mak-
ing, and ineffective implementation of existing rules and regulations to
protect women from violence are some of the important reasons why
women in India are so vulnerable. Therefore, public policies and inter-
ventions should focus on promotion of gender equality, women’s em-
powerment and their enjoyment of human rights. It also means making
the home and public spaces safer for women, ensuring their economic
autonomy and security, and increasing their participation and decision
making powers in the home, as well as in the ofces and public life.
In general, if we have more men in the society who are unable to
marry, even though they would be willing to marry, society will face
greater level of violence and crimes particularly against women. In oth-
er words, violent crime against women increases as the decit of wom-
en increases in society. According to 2011 census data, India has 37
million more men than women and about 17 million excess men in the
age group that commits most crimes. Therefore, central as well as state
governments in India need to take appropriate steps including enforcing
existing laws against dowry and sex-selective abortion to avoid more
serious consequences of gender imbalance.
The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
72 Sanjay K. Singh
Last but not the least, awareness raising and community mobiliza-
tion is another important component of an effective prevention strategy.
Governments, non-governmental organizations, media, and educational
institutions have to play an important role in this regard. Interventions
from these institutions can increase knowledge, challenge attitudes,
modify behavior, and alter social norms and values. Current efforts in
this regard in India are not sufcient in comparison to what should be
done. Along with non-governmental organizations, media, and educa-
tional institutions, central as well as state governments of India should
now step up a vigorous campaign for gender sensitization throughout
the country.
Acknowledgment
I would like to thank Prof. Roger Pearson and anonymous referees
for their helpful comments and valuable suggestions which consider-
ably improved the exposition of this work.
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Heinous Crimes Against Women in India
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