Metallurgy in Tanzania

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
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© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Metallurgy in Tanzania
Introduction
Compared to professional research on Stone Age technology, which started in the mid-1910s, professional
archaeometallurgical research in Tanzania started relatively late, in the 1970s, with the works of P. Schmidt, D. Avery,
and T. Childs in the western region (Childs, ; Schmidt & Avery, ). Observations and reporting onLake Victoria 1986 1978
the iron production process by travelers, explorers, and missionaries started long before the 1970s (Brock & Brock, ;1963
Greig, ; Lechaptois, ; Wise, ; Wychaert, ). Some of these early writers witnessed the process of1937 1913 1958 1914
producing iron especially in Ufipa, southwestern Tanzania, before the ore smelting process was halted in the 1950s
mainly because of (cf. Mapunda, ). The delayed start of professional research in archaeometallurgyexternal factors 2010
in Tanzania as well as other East African countries can be attributed to the dearth of trained experts from this part of the
continent.
The 1960s witnessed the emergence of anthropologists and ethnographers interested in and who wrote on iron
production (Wembah-Rashid, ; Willis, , ). Foreign nationals dominated the early period of professional1969 1966 1968
archaeometallurgical research (1970s to mid-1990s). Interests in training national archaeologists matured with the
establishment of the Archaeology Unit (now the Department of ) at the University of Dar esArchaeology and Heritage
Salaam in 1985. Today, along with foreign archaeometallurgists, there are two local archaeometallurgists in Tanzania, the
authors of this entry. Archaeometallurgical research in Tanzania has concentrated mainly on iron. This is because iron
production dominated indigenous technologies in the country. Although copper deposits have been noted in some areas
west of the country, no record of exploitation of the same scale is known so far.
Professional research into iron production in Tanzania has focused on various themes including origin and chronology,
technology (e.g., furnaces, tuyère ports, and tuyères), and culture (rituals, , and taboos) of producing iron andsymbolism
steel.
Origin and Chronology
One of the key questions for early archaeometallurgical research has been finding out whether iron production was
introduced or independently invented in sub-Saharan Africa. Tanzania is no exception. On the basis of the available
research evidence in Tanzania, it is extremely difficult to declare that iron production in Tanzania was introduced from
elsewhere outside Africa. The technology of Early Iron Age Tanzania is so different from the known European and(EIA)
Asian evidence, which makes it reasonable to suggest that the technology of iron production in Tanzania has an
independent origin in sub-Saharan Africa (cf. Schmidt & Avery, , p. 432). The absence of a three-stage process of1983
iron production in Eurasia also strengthens the proposition of independent of iron technology in sub-Saharaninvention
Africa. In terms of chronology, the metallurgy of Tanzania is conveniently divided into two phases, namely, EIA and Later
Iron Age (LIA). For the purpose of this entry, the first phase approximately covers the period between 500 BC and 1500
AD (Chami, ; Haaland, , ; Mapunda & Burg, ; Schmidt & Childs, ; Schmidt, ), while the1994 1993 1994/1995 1991 1985 1988
LIA covers . the period between 1500 AD and 1950 (cf. De Rosemond, ; Lyaya, ). From the oldest to theca 1943 2011
youngest, the archaeological sites with EIA iron technology in Tanzania include (i) Rugomora Mahe, KM2 and KM3 in the
Kagera Region; (ii) Limbo in the Coast Region; (iii) Dakawa in the Morogoro Region; (iv) Ntuha in the Mbinga, Ruvuma
Usambara mountains; and (vi) Magubike in the Iringa Region. There are many LIA archaeological sites inRegion; (v)
Tanzania in almost every region, although more research is needed to declare this position. The technology of iron
production spread widely during this period possibly because it was vital for socioeconomic and than incultural activities
any other time before (Mapunda, 1995; Lyaya, ).2013
Process of Iron Production
Generally speaking, the process of iron and steel production in sub-Saharan Africa either followed a two-stage or
three-stage process. The process of iron production especially in the southern highlands of Tanzania followed a
three-stage process including ore smelting, iron refining, and iron smithing (primary and secondary smithing) stages. It

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SpringerReference
Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
16 Aug 2014 04:20http://www.springerreference.com/index/chapterdbid/382758
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
means that not all iron-producing societies followed the three-stage process; most of the iron-producing societies in
Tanzania and elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa followed a two-stage (ore smelting and smithing) process. So far the
three-stage process has been verified ethno-archaeologically and archaeometallurgically in Unyiha (Brock & Brock, )1965
and Ufipa (Greig, ) in the southern highlands of Tanzania. The two-stage process is popular in much of Tanzania1937
and in many other places across the globe. In extension, the three-stage process was practiced in Zambia, ,Malawi
Democratic Republic of Congo , NW , and Tanzania (Chaplin, ; Davison & Mosley, ; Killick, (DRC) Mozambique 1961 1988
; Mapunda, ; van der Merwe & Avery, ).1990 2010 1987
In terms of the end products, the second stage of the three-stage process, locally referred to as the process,vintengwe
aimed at producing carbon-rich steel through of the end product (soft iron) of the ore smelting stage (locallycarburization
referred to as the process). The end products of the first stage of the two-stage process were either soft ironmalungu
(bloom) or steel, while the end product of the three-stage process was the soft iron from the ore smelting stage and
carbon-rich steel from the second stage. The ore smelting and iron refining stages used furnaces, and thevintengwe
smithing stage used smithing hearths. The difference between the two processes can be discussed in relation to the
nature of the iron ore, because the furnaces utilized low-grade iron ore, but the relatively small and short oremalungu
smelting furnaces utilized iron-rich ores (Mapunda, ; van der Merwe & Avery, ).2010 1987
Furnaces
The ore smelting and iron refining furnaces can be described in relation to variable criteria such as (i) building material, (ii)
height, (iii) presence or absence of slag-pit provision, (iv) furnace morphology, (v) , and (vi) presence ordecoration
absence of a peep hole. The majority of furnaces were built using bricks or clay rolls, but with the exception of theEIA
Barongo furnaces that were termite slab-made, almost every LIA furnace was built using wet clay. The general change of
the building material can be associated with efficiency of the furnaces in terms of the effect of air in smelting the metal,
possibly because expansion and contraction due to heating and cooling loosens the fireclay cement between the bricks
and clay rolls, which in turn allows air to be drawn in and gas to escape at low levels (cf. Tylecote et al. ). The1971
furnaces in the EIA period were completely bowl furnaces, although it is difficult to completely verify this position on
account of the fragmentary nature of the furnace remains (Sutton, ). Some of the EIA furnaces have been referred to1985
as shaft-bowl furnaces (Schmidt & Avery, ). Generally speaking, the bowl and shaft-bowl furnaces had slag-pit1983
provision wherein liquid slag accumulated at the bottom of the furnace.
There is a group of furnaces especially during the LIA period that were clearly shaft furnaces: short shaft furnaces about 1
m and tall shaft furnaces about 1.5-3 m. Most of the shaft furnaces had no slag-pit provision; the liquid slag was tapped
out of the furnace through tuyères [a nozzle through which an air blast is delivered to a forge or blast furnace] or through
special holes dug below the tuyère level. The shaft furnaces are greatly variable in terms of morphology, which includes
truncated and globular, almost cylindrical, conical, and olpe-shaped furnaces (Figs. 1, 2, 3, and 4).

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
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© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Fig. 1
Globular ore smelting furnace (Adopted from Mapunda, , p. 131)2010

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
16 Aug 2014 04:20http://www.springerreference.com/index/chapterdbid/382758
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Fig. 2
Cylindrical iron refining furnace (Adopted from Barndon, )Kitengwe 2004b
Fig. 3
Conical ore smelting furnace from Ufipa (Adopted from Lyaya, )2013

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
16 Aug 2014 04:20http://www.springerreference.com/index/chapterdbid/382758
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Fig. 4
Olpe-shaped ore smelting furnace (Adopted from Kapinga, )1990
It should be noted that for the sake of stability and maintenance of the reduction temperature in the furnace, almost all the
shapes were designed such that the furnaces were wider at the base diameter and tapered toward the top (see Fig. 1).
Some furnaces were , for example, with breasts and wood punches, while others were undecorated (e.g.,decorated
Kapinga, ; Mapunda, , p. 114; Sutton, ). Most of the smelting furnaces had peep holes for monitoring1990 2010 1985
progress in them, but some smelters used short tuyères ( ) for this purpose.kikolombi
Tuyères and Tuyère Ports
Generally, the iron production furnaces had about two to ten tuyère ports, where the smelting furnaces of Umatengo,
southern Tanzania, had the minimum number of two tuyère ports (Kapinga, ) and the furnaces of Ufipa and1990 malungu
Unyiha represent the maximum number of tuyère ports, 10 (Mapunda, ). Generally speaking, the number of tuyère2010
ports relates to the mode of draft a particular iron production process employed. Low numbers, say 2-5, were associated
with forced draft whereas high numbers with natural draft. Often, tuyère ports of the former mode housed a single tuyère
each, although cases of twin tuyères have also been reported, for example, among the Matengo of southern Tanzania (cf.
Kapinga, ; Lyaya, ). The smelting furnaces with eight ( ) to ten tuyère ports ( ) housed multiple1990 2013 katukutu malungu
tuyères and were natural-draft furnaces. The mode of draft bears some relationship to the height and size of the furnaces.
For example, the internal base diameter of a furnace with two or three tuyère ports is . 40-60 cm, while the(IBD) ca
internal base diameter (IBD) for the is . 130-160 cm.malungu ca
The individual or multiple tuyères were placed horizontally, one beside another or one on top of another. While the main
function of tuyères was to supply air into the furnace (for examples, see Childs, ; Schmidt, ), in Ufipa, tuyères1996 2006
were also used for slag tapping (cf. Mapunda, , ). Tuyères used for such a purpose would be placed in such a1995 2010
way that they were sloping downwards outwardly, while those used for air supply alone were inwardly inclined (Mapunda,
, p. 154). In terms of length, the longest tuyères from Ufipa (Fig. 5) measure . 40-50 cm, and the shortest tuyères2010 ca
from Iringa (Fig. 6) measure . 10-15 cm.ca

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
16 Aug 2014 04:20http://www.springerreference.com/index/chapterdbid/382758
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
Fig. 5
Longest tuyères from Ufipa (see Mapunda, , p. 126)2010
Fig. 6
Shortest tuyères from Kalenga (see Lyaya, )2013
Morphologically, tuyères are either flared proximally or having the same diameter tip to tip. The former shape is
associated with forced air supply and hence could be used for smelting, refining, or smithing, while the latter is associated
with natural-draft combustion system and is therefore not associated with the post-smelting process of smithing.
Rituals, Symbolism, and Taboos
The process of iron production in Africa was fully associated with ritualistic and taboos, and Tanzania is nosymbolism
exception (cf. Lyaya, ; Mapunda, ; Schmidt & Mapunda, ; Schmidt, ). Metaphorically, the ore smelting2011 2013 1997 1997
process was equated to the human (re)production system. The furnace was regarded as a pregnant woman, and that is
why some smelting furnaces in the southern highlands of Tanzania were with breasts (Kapinga, ; Sutton, decorated 1990
). The furnace "rake hole" was considered as the "mother door" in Ufipa (Mapunda, ), and for this reason, the1985 2010
metal produced was regarded as the child. Because of the importance attached to a childbirth event and the risks
involved, no wonder that the process was accompanied with ritualistic medicines and symbolism to guarantee a safe child
delivery. Similarly, the process of iron production used ritualistic medicines to symbolically ensure successful production
of the metal. Most of the plant and animal species used for the ritualistic medicines in the iron production process had
similar sociocultural uses in societies including curing or protection against , diseases caused by witchcraft andwitchcraft
spirit possession, epidemics threatening the community, that reduce fertility, and symbols of fertilityvenereal diseases
(Mapunda, , ; van der Merwe & Avery, ). It therefore follows that the use of such medicines in iron2010 2013 1987
production was related to the belief of the smelters that because these medicines worked efficiently in child conception,
pregnancy, and delivery, they could have worked effectively to ensure successful bloom production (Lyaya, , ;2012 2013
Mapunda, , ).2011 2013
Most of the iron production ritualistic medicines have been found buried at the bottom of smelting furnace floors. Some of
the medicines were covered with ritual pots, which were sometimes perforated to supply breathing throughout the furnace

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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
Metallurgy in Tanzania
16 Aug 2014 04:20http://www.springerreference.com/index/chapterdbid/382758
© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
(Kapinga, ). The use of smelting medicine was critical for the smelters; smelting could not be conducted without it1990
(Barndon, ; van der Merwe & Avery, ). The smelting magic functioned to increase the seriousness of the2004a 1987
performers (rewards or punishment) and to increase confidence to cope with the unknown. The legacy of iron production
medicine is evident in some iron-producing societies for they use the smelting sites for ritualistic healing, because people
believe that the smelting medicines were strong and eternal (Mapunda, , p. 160). Others in the southern highlands of2010
Tanzania collect and keep smelting memorabilia in their houses.
The process of ore smelting in Tanzania was governed by serious taboos, including the following. First, among most
communities, smelters were not allowed to take showers for the entire smelting season! Second, they were required to
maintain during the entire period. Third, in most iron-producing societies, women especially those menstruatingcelibacy
were not allowed to come close to the smelting site or any smelting raw materials. For the same reason, in some cases,
women already in menopause were allowed to come close to the smelting sites. Fourth, the smelting activities were
isolated from the general public eye and especially from the strangers. Lastly, smelters were required to stay peacefully at
the smelting camp. If one of these taboos was violated, then there was a big chance that the smelt would fail. Anyone
who was identified to have violated the taboos was punished including chasing them from the smelting exercise (for
details, see Bandon , ); Mapunda, , , ; Schmidt & Mapunda, )!2001 2004b 2002 2011 2013 1997
Conclusion
We have noted that archaeometallurgical research in Tanzania started relatively late when compared with other
archaeological themes such as Stone Age technologies, human evolution, pottery ware and traditions, and coastal
archaeology. Nonetheless, expansion of research in this subject both spatially and thematically has been comparatively
impressive. Almost 50 % of the country is sufficiently surveyed through staff and postgraduate research or undergraduate
field schools program and its archeometallurgical information is confidently known. Efforts continue to cover the remaining
area so as to gain a comprehensive understanding of the metallurgical history of the entire country within the next 10
years. Thematically, research interests have covered issues related to technological variations (both stylistic and spatial),
origins, composition, , bio-metallurgy, metallography, and elemental analysis.symbolism
There are efforts to train more practicing local archaeometallugists. Various archaeometallurgical courses have been
introduced in both undergraduate and MA levels for students interested in metallurgy. These have proven to be quite
interesting to students. For example, since the establishment of an MA (archaeology) degree program in 2003-2004, with
an average of six students every year, a total of seven students have conducted their dissertation research on
archaeometallurgy. We continue encouraging and supporting colleagues from outside Tanzania to work both
collaboratively or independently in this subject matter for the interest of global science. In terms of future research
directions, we see it that a purposive employment of archaeometry methods to the study of the archaeometallurgy of
Tanzania is vital, in order to improve our understanding of the archaeometallurgy of Tanzania. In line with this there is a
need to establish a BSc and MSc in archaeological science programmes at the University of Dar es Salaam.
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Bertram Mapunda and Dr. Edwinus Chrisantus Lyaya
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© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
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© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014
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Metallurgy in Tanzania
Bertram Mapunda Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Dr. Edwinus
Chrisantus Lyaya University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
DOI: 10.1007/SpringerReference_382758
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