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“NIDJA BOODJAR BINJARUP
NYUNGAR,
KURA, YEYE, BOORDA”:
THE GCALYUT RESEARCH
AND TRAINING PROJECT
MAY 1996
LEN COLLARD & DAVE PALMER
SOUTH METROPOLITAN YOUTH LINK
FREMANTLE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors of this report would like to thank a number of people for their co-
operation and input.
Firstly to members of the wider Nyungar Pinjarra and Mandurah communities. Our
special thanks go to committee and staff members of Murray Districts Aboriginal
Association, Winjan Aboriginal Corporation and Bibulman Aboriginal Corporation of
Mandurah for offering general support and the use of space and information.
We would also like to thank the Elders, Custodians and families involved in Gcalyut,
Mr Frank Nannup, Mr Joe Walley, Mr Ivan Walley, Mr Theo Kearing and Mrs Gloria
Kearing for their auspices of and involvement in this project.
The authors would also like to thank staff of the various libraries, archival facilities,
government departments and local Shire Councils who offered their expertise with
enormous grace. Special thanks to staff at Edith Cowan University Library, Battye
Library, the Aboriginal Affairs Department library and Aboriginal Sites section,
W.A. Museum’s Aboriginal Sites Department and Pinjarra Public Library.
Professor Geoffrey Bolton, Dr Neville Green and Mr Stan Richards for agreeing to
spend time with the research team and sharing their insights.
Thanks also go to Fred and Kathy Collard for kind permission to reproduce material
from “Land Need and Entitlements of Aboriginals in the Peel Region of W.A.”, to
Len Collard, Co-ordinator of Research at Kurongkurl Katitijin, Edith Cowan
University for permission to reproduce material from “A Nyungar Interpretation of
Ellensbrook and Wonnerup Homesteads” to Len Collard and Dave Palmer for
permission to reproduce material from “The Pinjarra Massacre and Binjarup
Nyungars” and to Dave Palmer for permission to reproduce material from “Clothed in
Some Uncertainty’: History and the Making of the Non-Aboriginal West Australian”.
CONTENTS PAGE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5
1. INTRODUCTION 7
2. PROJECT METHODOLOGY 8
i. Assessing participant’s training needs. 8
ii. Designing the training and research project 8
iii. Offering training 9
iv. Establishing Nyungar protocols with custodians 9
v. Collecting and processing of data related to the research
project
10
vi. Producing Nyungar interpretive maps 10
vii. The oral histories 10
viii. The family histories 11
3. THE TRAINEES - ASSESSMENT AND RECOMMENDATIONS
FOR FUTURE TRAINING 11
i. General comments about training assessment 11
ii. Karrie-Anne Kearing
12
iii. Maureen Pickett 13
iv. Tanya Pickett
13
v. Emily Nannup
14
vii. Natalie Mayer 15
4. DEVELOPING AN ARCHIVAL FACILITY 16
5. HISTORY AND BINJARUP NYUNGARS
17
i. Pre-Wedjela Contact and the Nyungar Occupation of
Boodjar (Land) 17
ii. Binjarup Nyungars and Boodjar (Land) Use in the Region 18
iii. Colonial Contact: Nyungar and Wedjela Relations 23
6. NYUNGAR SITES IN THE REGION. 25
7. THE MASSACRE AT PINJARRA 29
i. Introduction 29
ii. Peel and Nyungars 30
iii. Conflict in the colony
32
iv. 1834 Conflict between Wedjela and Binjarup Nyungars 33
v. Preparations for the attack 36
vi. The journey south 39
vii. From Peel’s to Pinjarra 40
viii. The attack 41
ix. Reported deaths 45
x. The graves. 48
xi. Planned or reactive attack?
50
xii. Speculation about the involvement of women, children
and older men
52
xiii. After the attack 55
xiv. Death to Binjarup Nyungars??????
57
8. GCALYUT AND OTHER IMPORTANT BINJARUP NYUNGAR
MOORT (RELATIONS) 63
9. BINJARUP NYUNGAR WANGINY (LANGUAGE) 80
10. RECOMMENDATIONS: 86
i. Recommendations for Ongoing Research 86
ii. Recommendations for Resources Needed to Establish a
Research Facility 87
11. LIST OF SOURCES 88
12. APPENDICES 105
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In October 1995 South Metropolitan Youth Link were approached by Practical
Consulting Company Pty Ltd to carry out a history training and research project
called Gcalyut. The purpose of the training and research project, as outlined in the
letter of agreement was to:
provide research training and supervision in an on the job environment for three
Aboriginal persons (later this number grew to five);
assist in the development of an archive facility;
provide a detailed assessment of the trainees and further training required;
provide a detailed report of the outcomes of the project; and
carry out historical research into the following areas:
1. the Battle/Massacre of Pinjarra and relevant details prior to and after this
incident;
2. the initiation of an oral history collection process with emphasis on
Nyungars in the Peel region;
3. the development of an Aboriginal interpretive map of the region
4. the life story of a Nyungar called Gcalyut.
Members of the research team included:
Len Collard Senior Researcher and Trainer
David Palmer Senior Researcher and Trainer
Jennifer Buchanan Research Consultant and Trainer
Lisa Collard Project Worker
Karri-Anne Kearing Research Trainee
Natalie Mayer Research Trainee
Emily Nannup Research Trainee
Maureen Pickett Research Trainee
Tanya Pickett Research Trainee
The research team developed a training and research process in conjunction with
members of the Gcalyut training project and after consultation with key members of
Murray Districts Aboriginal Association, Bibbulmen Aboriginal Corporation and
Winjan Aboriginal Corporation. The research process was designed to ensure that
local Nyungar custodians were actively involved in offering direction.
The report contains discussion of the methodology employed, an assessment of the
trainees, recommendations on the development of an Aboriginal archival facility in
the region, outcomes of the research, copies of the interpretive maps,
recommendations for future research, recommendations for resources needed for an
ongoing research facility in the region and an extensive literature list.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The project team recommends that:
The Gcalyut organisation develop a research facility to act as:
an Indigenous Australia Research Unit which focuses on the production of
historical and cultural knowledge which fosters and advances the intellectual,
cultural and economic interests of indigenous Australians in the region;
a clearinghouse of historical data and other cultural information that relates to
indigenous groups of the south-west of Western Australia; and
a training body which cultivates the development of research generation skills
amongst indigenous young people in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation establish a local Nyungar history group comprising
local Binjarup Nyungar custodians and other selected history and archival experts.
This group should:
work in consultation with the Librarian at the Pinjarra - Alcoa Library to
catalogue and secure the information collected during the course of this
project;
act as carers and keepers of the knowledge and information generated from
this project;
develop a set of principles and a plan for the collection of historical and other
cultural knowledge which relates to Binjarup Nyungars in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation undertake to secure the necessary resources to produce
educational and multi media material which presents information about the
‘Pinjarra Massacre’ and which is designed for use in schools, training
programmes, tourism enterprises and other economic ventures which might
benefit indigenous groups in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation develop similar research and training projects with a
view to both producing an extended data base and further analysing the historical
data already generated.
The Gcalyut organisation approach Len Collard and David Palmer with a view to
producing a book on the Pinjarra Massacre events.
The Gcalyut organisation support the longstanding efforts of Murray Districts
Aboriginal Association to have the Massacre site publicly recognised.
INTRODUCTION
Over the past few years indigenous families and communities as well as many
academic commentators have been calling for the commissioning of more history
work which reflects distinctly indigenous (be they Nyungar, Koori, Murri, Nunga or
Palawa) interpretations of history. Since early colonial contact between Binjarup
Nyungars (indigenous Australians from the Pinjarra, Mandurah and surrounding areas
of south-western Australia) and Wedjelas (non-indigenous Australians) much has
been written and spoken about the so called ‘Peel’ region of the south west of
Western Australia. The ‘Peel region’ which includes Mandurah, Pinjarra and the
surrounding districts have figured often in early colonial accounts. Particularly in the
earlier years of colonial contact relations between Nyungars and Wedjelas regularly
featured in official records. However up until this point there have been few attempts
to undertake a comprehensive analysis of how local Nyungars interpret this history.
Although there are some highly respects local histories which are thorough in their
analysis currently there is little documentation which draws together available
knowledge concerning the history of Nyungar interests in and cultural affiliations
with the region. For some time now this has been of growing concern to a number of
Binjarup Nyungar custodians given that the region is currently undergoing substantial
economic, environmental and cultural change and development.
What is often referred to by Wedjelas as the ‘Peel Region’ lies within the Karlkarniny
Regional Council of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission
boundaries and is situated approximately 60 kilometres south of the Western
Australian capital of Perth. Within this region are the towns of Mandurah, Pinjarra,
Waroona and Harvey. For many years the region has been a favoured place for
tourists, fishing enthusiasts, holiday makers and retirees who enjoy and make use of
the coast, large estuary systems and popular waterways. Mandurah, or the place of
trade exchange, is the largest of the centres in the ‘Peel region’ and has a population
of over 35,000 which trebles during the summer holiday making and tourist months.
It is estimated that over 320,000 tourists visit Mandurah and districts annually.
Without question the ‘Peel Region’ is one of the fastest growing areas in the state
with tourism and land development growing each year.
In October 1995 South Metropolitan Youth Link were approached by Practical
Consulting Company Pty Ltd to carry out a history training and research project
called Gcalyut. The purpose of the training and research project, as outlined in the
letter of agreement was to:
provide research training and supervision in an on the job environment for three
Aboriginal persons (later this number grew to five);
assist in the development of an archive facility;
provide a detailed assessment of the trainees and further training required;
provide a detailed report of the outcomes of the project; and
carry out historical research into the following areas:
the Battle/Massacre of Pinjarra and relevant details prior to and after this
incident;
the initiation of an oral history collection process with emphasis on Nyungars
in the Peel region;
the development of an Aboriginal interpretive map of the region
the life story of a Nyungar called Gcalyut.
The following report represents a detailed discussion of the results of this project.
The report contains discussion of the methodology employed, an assessment of the
trainees, recommendations on the development of an Aboriginal archival facility in
the region, outcomes of the research, copies of the interpretive maps,
recommendations for future research, recommendations for resources needed for an
ongoing research facility in the region and an extensive literature list.
PROJECT METHODOLOGY
The research team developed the training and research process in conjunction with
members of the Gcalyut training project and after consultation with key members of
Murray Districts Aboriginal Association, Bibbulmen Aboriginal Corporation and
Winjan Aboriginal Corporation. The research process was designed to ensure that
local Nyungar custodians were actively involved in offering direction.
Due to the nature of the project it was important to utilise a variety of research and
training methods.
Assessing participant’s training needs.
The greatest priority during the first two months was to work with trainees on
establishing training needs and levels of skill. As the report later demonstrates the
trainees chosen for this project have much to offer in the way of energy, commitment
and enthusiasm. At the same time all are young and have little experience in the area.
This will mean that training offered was practical and geared towards observational
and experiential learning.
Designing the training and research project
Based on our assessment of training and skills needs we planned a training
programme that involved offering a mix of work experience, trainer lead information
sessions, participant observation and self and group directed study. It was most
important that training and skill development was directly related to the practical
business of collecting historical material.
Offering training:
Training was offered in the following areas:
Genealogy work
Study skills
Reading and writing
Identifying biographical data
Using computers
Learning about Nyungar cultural protocol
Cartographic and nomenclature work
Nyungar language
Administration, filing and record keeping
Site visits
Presentation, dealing with the public and personal development
Working in teams and self direction
Work preparation
Research skills
Collecting archival material
Oral history work
Data processing training.
Establishing protocols with Nyungar custodians
Before a project of this nature can begin to proceed it is paramount that team
members engage in working through appropriate Nyungar protocols. We have spent
considerable time in this regard. Trainees have also been involved in establishing
Nyungar protocols. Some of these activities include:
Identified key Nyungar informants
Discussed project’s aims and objectives
Sought permission and input into the project
Identified potential areas where care may need to be taken
Started negotiating ownership, access and control of Nyungar knowledge
Collecting and processing of data related to the research project:
The project team has managed to collect a substantial range of information and data
relating to the various research objectives. Again it was most important that skill
development and learning be highly experientially based. As the project progressed
the trainees were encouraged to take on greater levels of autonomy as researchers.
However throughout the project at least one of the senior researchers worked closely
with the trainees. Information collected and generated includes:
Photocopies of articles
Biographical sources
Tapes and records from oral informants
Photographs, maps and other visual materials
Genealogical data and information in relation to key Nyungars
Information on Aboriginal sites of significance
A history of the Pinjarra massacre
Producing Nyungar interpretive maps
Data collection of nomenclature material was completed by cross referencing sources
from archives and oral histories. After consultation with the appropriate Nyungar
custodians Michael Hepworth and Michael Tassell from the Cartography Programme
at Wembley TAFE were retained to produce the two Nyungar interpretive maps
included in this report. After consultation with the appropriate Nyungar custodians it
was decided that because of the sensitive nature of Aboriginal sites maps would not
include precise details of registered Aboriginal sites in the region.
The oral histories
Five people acted as informants in the oral history project. Of those who participated
four would be best described as Binjarup Nyungar custodians and one could be
described as a knowledgable Wedjela with extensive family and cultural affiliations
with Nyungars in the region.
Each informant was involved in video recorded interviews were topics for discussion
included:
family background and regional affiliation;
Nyungars from the ‘Peel’ area;
important Nyungar places and names;
important Nyungar custodians, knowledgable people and identities;
what they know about the Pinjarra massacre, including where it was, what
happened, how Nyungars talk about it and where Nyungars were buried; and
Nyungars today.
Each participant signed a copyright agreement which guarantees their exclusive
copyright of the material but which also gives permission for the authors of this
report to reproduce one copy of the interview to be included in this report.
Information from the oral history project has been incorporated into the section on the
results of the research.
The family histories
Another task undertaken as a part of the research was the collection of material
related to Nyungar family history.
As well as each trainee preparing a small personal genealogy in the form of a family
tree old Binjarup Nyungars (from around the time of colonial contact and beyond)
were identified and details recorded.
Although much information is kept in old Government department records (for
example Native Welfare records) this information is not available for public
consumption. This makes the task of tracing family histories in more recent times
both difficult, highly personal and hence ethically sensitive. Clearly to undertake this
kind of work was beyond the scope of this research project.
Information from the family history project has been incorporated into the section on
the results of the research.
THE TRAINEES - ASSESSMENT AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
FUTURE TRAINING
GENERAL COMMENTS ABOUT TRAINING ASSESSMENT
There is much to report that is positive about the performance and commitment of all
of the young women involved in this project. Attendance, particularly during the first
half of the project, was outstanding. This was especially heartening when comparing
this with similar youth employment and training projects.
What the young women have been asked to become involved in and learn about is a
difficult and complex area. It is important to remind ourselves that in the main,
historical and cultural research of this kind is usually reserved for and controlled by
people with postgraduate university qualifications gained from many years of
experience. The area demands a high level of skill, particularly in relation to literacy
and writing. In our view it would be a considerable number of years before any of the
trainees would be ready to work autonomously as professional historians and
researchers. At the same time we are already convinced that if the trainees were given
the opportunity to work in collaboration with experienced researchers there is much
potential for dynamic work to be produced.
If Nyungar organisations are serious about developing Nyungar histories and cultural
information services that are controlled and serviced by local Nyungars then they
must commit themselves to a training and skill development plan over many years.
This would have to involve supporting trainees while they gained further education
and experience in appropriate higher education, preferably at the university level.
KARRIE-ANNE KEARING
Karrie-Anne is aged 16. Her attendance was very good throughout the project.
During visits to Perth archival facilities Karrie-Anne maintained a commitment to
continuing the work. Generally when asked to do something Karrie-Anne usually
carried it out well although reasonable regularly throughout the project, particularly
during more routine activities like data searching and collection, she spoke about how
difficult it was to maintain her interest. It is our view that this reflects less Karrie-
Anne’s lack of commitment than her age and the routine and repetitive nature of
historical research.
Karrie-Anne proved that she is a good reader of short texts with a reasonable capacity
for comprehension. She has had a basic high school training. She left school half way
during Year Eleven. We would estimate that she has a general year 10 standard of
literacy. Her computer skills are fair. Her key board skills are adequate with a basic
understanding of word processing.
She has been involved considerably around MDAA that has given her skills and
confidence in being able to communicate with people. We would suggest that Karrie-
Anne is amongst the most confident of the trainees. She possesses a strong capacity to
take on challenges and possesses solid judgement of people. We noticed that Karrie-
Anne often works at assisting other trainees with tasks.
Because of her family connections and training Karrie-Anne possesses good
knowledge of the Pinjarra area, Nyungar culture, Nyungar family networks and other
community information.
The areas that we feel Karrie-Anne could work more on include:
completing tasks unsupervised;
concentrating on tasks when confronted with small outside interruptions;
planning and preparation;
sustaining concentration while reading;
skills in oral history;
confidence in public presentation;
gaining some more work place experience.
We believe that Karrie-Anne is someone who could consider higher education
possibilities via a pre-tertiary programme. When we put this to her Karrie-Anne was
less than impressed stating that “I just left school because I got so bored ...now you
want me to go back to school for how many years?” In our view Karrie-Anne’s age
and present interests mean that it may be a number of years before she is really keen
on taking on a career in this area. This we see as the main obstacle to Karrie-Anne’s
future involvement in historical research. She is capable and possesses promising
potential. As with many of us, it is often a number of years before we decide to
commit ourselves to research work.
MAUREEN PICKETT
Maureen is currently aged 17. Maureen left secondary school in year nine. She
reported her best subjects as art, social studies and typing. At the same time she feels
her weakest subjects were Maths, English and Science. We would estimate that she
has a between a year 6 and 7 standard of literacy. She has had work experience in
gardening and child care jobs.
During her involvement with the project Maureen has shown that she will carry out
work when asked to do so. She has demonstrated that she is keen to become involved
in activities and learning situations.
Maureen has lived in Pinjarra for a considerable time and has much knowledge of the
area and substantial local family networks. She was especially keen to gain
knowledge in Nyungar history, especially in the Pinjarra area. However her capacity
to develop this knowledge was diminished because of her attendance.
The areas that we feel Maureen could work more on include:
Building up her literacy and numeracy levels;
Developing her confidence, especially in communicating with other people;
Work on reading skills.
Perhaps look at getting some work place experience.
Collecting oral history.
TANYA PICKETT
Tanya Pickett is currently aged 17. Tanya left Pinjarra secondary school in early year
nine. She reports that her favourite subjects were English, Art and Craft and Social
Studies. It is interesting to note that although she claims to have enjoyed English she
does not seem to have received fair training in the area. We would estimate that she
has between a year 7 to 8 standard of literacy which is not commensurate with her
intellectual potential and actual abilities.
Prior to her involvement in this project Tanya started a six month TAFE course in
Child Care. She passed the course, received a certificate and worked for three months
as a child care worker.
Throughout the project Tanya has been one of the most, if not the most, regular and
able attainders.
She regularly demonstrated very good observation skills. It is clear that although she
has not received good training in literacy she has spent considerable time practicing
her handwriting skills. Tanya possesses a very good memory - particularly in relation
to learning Nyungar language. She has been able to demonstrate that she is keen to be
involved in all aspects of the programme. All of this seems to indicate that it was not
Tanya’s failure to work or inability’s that have led to her having low levels of
literacy.
The areas that we feel Tanya could work more on include:
Building up her literacy and numeracy levels;
Developing her confidence, especially in communicating with other people;
Work on reading skills.
Getting some work place experience.
Concentrating her attention on learning Nyungar language.
Collecting information that is recorded orally.
We believe that if given sufficient educational opportunities Tanya could develop into
an exceptional achiever.
EMILY NANNUP
Emily Nannup is currently aged 18. Largely because of an injury Emily missed
around 5 days in the first half of the programme. As the second half of the
programme developed we began to see less and less of Emily. We believe that
probably the most important reason for this had to do with her father’s illness and
subsequent family obligations. This was unfortunate from the project team’s point of
view as Emily had proven herself to be one of the most able readers in the team.
Prior to her involvement in the project Emily had previously done secretarial courses
and some work experience with local councils and Aboriginal organisations. She
possessed good skills in being able to process information using a computer and was
bale to work well independently.
Emily has very good family and cultural affiliations and a sound knowledge and
involvement in the area and was very motivated when it comes to learning about
Nyungar culture, history and family.
The areas that we feel Emily could work more on include:
Work on reading skills.
Getting some work place experience.
Processing information onto computers.
Concentrating her attention on learning Nyungar culture and family history.
Collecting information that is recorded orally.
We believe that Emily could well consider higher education possibilities via a pre-
tertiary programme. This of course would demand sustained, consistent and long term
involvement in training by Emily. Whether Emily’s circumstances would allow this is
something that Emily would best know.
NATALIE MAYER
Natalie Mayer is currently aged 25 and has completed year eight schooling with some
involvement in Aboriginal pre-tertiary studies. Regularly throughout the project
Natalie spoke about a lack of confidence in relation to her level of education
particularly when it came to reading and writing skills.
Prior to starting this project Natalie has been involved in a “New Opportunities for
Women”, and “Woodwork” TAFE courses. She has some experience of work in
government departments, chiefly in administrative work.
Throughout the project Natalie maintained a consistent level of attendance missing a
small number of days usually because of child care commitments
As a member of the research team Natalie demonstrated that she can complete tasks
promptly, efficiently and with a minimum of supervision. Often Natalie showed good
initiative and arranged to take on extra tasks while working alone.
She possessed good observation skills because of her age and maturity and took on
work with considerable keenness.
In our view Natalie was probably the most productive member of the team during the
data collection phase. We believe that a person of her age and maturity will often
find it easier to see the relevance of undertaking the often routine and time consuming
tasks often involved in historical research. Natalie’s attention span was probably the
most sustained of all of the young women. This is a most important indicator that she
is the most able historical researcher in the team at this point in time.
The areas that we feel Natalie could work more on include:
Work on reading skills.
Getting some work place experience.
Concentrating her attention on learning mapping and nomenclature work.
Continue to develop her computing skills;
Learn a little more about Nyungar history and culture;
Collecting information that is recorded orally.
If offered practical support we believe Natalie could consider higher education
possibilities via a pre-tertiary programme. We certainly believe that, if she were
interested, in the not too distant future Natalie could take up a role as an assistant
working in other Nyungar research teams.
DEVELOPING AN ARCHIVAL FACILITY
The development of an archival facility is an activity that demands careful attention
and planning. There literally are as many approaches to setting up archives as there
are sets of archives. In fact during the course of this project the research team came
across a variety of systems for storing records and documents. How archives are
designed of course is largely determined by:
the kind of records kept;
the venue or location of the archival facility;
the quantity of records kept;
the form of the data (eg. books, computer packages, statistics, microfilm, videos,
artwork, artefacts, etc)
how the records are being stored;
the audience or likely needs of the retrievers; and
how often it is envisaged records will be retrieved.
However there are a number of key elements that ought to be considered when setting
up a comprehensive system for storing information. The following represents the
most important of these elements for a system of historical record keeping for
Gcalyute.
material needs to be made accessible to local Nyungars;
the archive must be secured and regulated with systems guaranteeing that original
copies never be removed;
strict copyright be policed;
a system of custodialship be established so that officers of Gcalyut retain absolute
control over access to records;
officers responsible for the security of material be accountable to local custodians;
and
a system wich includes the granting of letters for permission to access material.
Although this six month project has only generated a relatively small amount of data
(in relation to the amount of material that might be generated over the next few years)
it is still important that data be carefully and securely stored. Given that the actual
format or structure of Gcalyut has yet to be finalised it is recommended that a group
of local custodians be formed to act as carers and keepers of the knowledge and
information generated from this project.
The research team established preliminary discussions with the Librarian at the
Pinjarra - Alcoa Library in relation to cataloguing and securing the information
collected during the course of this project. During the project members of the
research team spoke with the Librarian at the Pinjarra library and secured a
commitment to assist local custodians through Gcalyut in establishing and managing
a secure but accessible archival system. Ms. Carol Talbot, the librarian at Pinjarra-
Alcoa Library, has agreed to make herself available to members of the local custodial
Nyungar families specifically to look at ways to house the data. It is our
recommendation that this person be invited to work in conjunction with information
custodial group.
THE RESEARCH
HISTORY AND BINJARUP NYUNGARS.
Of recent years there have been a number of studies commissioned to investigate land
and cultural issues in Binjarup Nyungar boodjar (country). However currently there is
little documentation which draws together available knowledge concerning the history
of Nyungar interests in and cultural affiliations with land in the region. This is of
growing concern to a number of Nyungar custodians of the area given that the Peel
region is currently undergoing substantial economic, environmental and cultural change
and development.
The following section of the report surveys a range of historical, archaeological,
ethnographic and sociological accounts which provide a context in which to discuss
Nyungar involvement in what has come to be known as the ‘Peel region’.
PRE-WEDJELA CONTACT AND THE NYUNGAR OCCUPATION OF
BOODJAR (LAND)
Prior to colonisation the south-west corner of Western Australia was a well watered,
fertile and consequently densely populated region occupied by thirteen socio-dialectal
groups who generically self identified as Nyungars, Nyoongahs or Noongars.
The term Nyungar (man or people), as it is used today, delineates those people of
indigenous Australian descent whose forebears occupied and controlled Nyungar
boodjar (Nyungar land) throughout the south-west corner of Australia. Nyungar boodjar
extends eastward approximately half way to Esperance, north-west close to the small
wheat belt town of Nyoongah and west-north-west towards Cooroow and across to the
coast. More specifically Nyungar boodjar referred to in this report mostly incorporates
areas under the custodianship of Wardarndi (sea people), Darbulung (estuary people)
and Bilagur (river people) Binjarup Nyungars (Bates in White, 1985, p. 47).
Knowledge of Nyungar boodjar has, from time immemorial, been passed on to Nyungar
koorlangka (children) by Nyungar custodians and is well supported by other forms of
documents collected by Wedjelas since the early 1800s. Peel Nyungars might say of
these accounts: nidja Binjarup Nyungar boodjar wer wangkiny (this is Binjarup Nyungar
land and stories).
The precise number of Nyungars living in the south-west prior to Wedjela invasion and
settlement is unknown. However early approximations indicate that Binjarup Nyungar
boodjar (land) would have been amongst the most able to sustain the largest population
sizes. Historical material also indicates that during the early years of colonial occupation
between 200 to 300 Nyungars would regularly gather at various sites in the region for
community meetings and economic exchange (Hammond, 1933, p. 26; Gibbs, 1987, p.
51b).
BINJARUP NYUNGARS AND BOODJAR (LAND) USE IN THE REGION
The use of boodjar by Binjarup Nyungars both before and after Wedjela contact is well
documented. Clearly local Nyungar families have always been highly dependant on their
capacity to utilise and guarantee the sustainability of the country's natural resources. To
assist in ensuring economic survival Nyungars have always taken a great deal of care in
conferring responsibility and obligations to local descent or family groups. Binjarup
Nyungars in the area were and continue to be responsible for a number of ritually
significant places, rights of access, knowledges and ceremonial duties.
Protocol and rights over specific tracts of boodjar had to be, and indeed continue to be,
respected by visiting Nyungars. Breaches to these protocols, in the form of illegal
trespassing, vandalism to the environment or theft of local resources were and continue
to be taken very seriously.
If for social, spiritual or economic reasons a neighbouring Nyungar groups needed to
travel through Binjarup Nyungar boodjar the onus was on them to comply with certain
obligation and regulations. Part of these conditions included the expectation that visitors
announce their arrival, bring enough daadja (meat) mereny (food) and goods for
exchange for their travels and generally honour and respect the country and local
Nyungars.
These obligations both guaranteed the preservation of Nyungar economic and ecological
systems as well as affirming the pivotal role of reciprocity in Nyungar life.
Nyungar knowledge, as it is communicated through Nyungar means of education, and
Wedjela records demonstrates that highly intricate and sophisticated land management
skills have been practised by Binjarup Nyungars. Both in early colonial as well as very
recent times Wedjelas have taken a great deal of interest in these Nyungar forms of land
use. For example Lieutenant George Grey noted in the 1840s that:
in his district a native....knows exactly what it produces, the proper time at which
several articles are in season. According to these circumstances he regulates his
visits to the different portions of his hunting ground.
Through the combining of 'fire stick farming' methods and other hunting and food
gathering techniques Binjarup Nyungars have been able to maximise their access to a
vast range of material resources without overly exploiting or damaging on-going food
sources.
History particularly shows techniques Binjarup Nyungars are amongst the most
accomplished of fishing people's. Food collected from the rich estuary and river systems
in what now is known as the Peel Inlet area included a wide variety of reptiles as well
as birds, eggs, frogs, fish, tortoise, marron, jilgies and coonacs. Nyungars used a
combination of techniques ranging from gidgining (spearing), netting and hand seizing
to secure their catch.
So rich was the fish and other food stock that every year many Nyungars from the
surrounding areas (such as Perth, Brooton, Pingerly, Bunbury and Collie) would come
to the district to share the harvest and attend local Nyungar meetings (see for example
Gibbs, 1987 & Hammond, 1933). There is some evidence that contrary to conventions
which would make such interactions brief large numbers of Nyungars from surrounding
groups would often stay for extended periods in Binjarup Nyungar boodjar (Hammond,
1933, p. 23). According to Bates (1985, p. 251) neighbouring Nyungars may spend as
long as two to three months in the region.
The very word Mandurah, which is derived from the Nyungar word Mandjar, pays
testament to the magnitude of trading and interaction in the area. According to George
Fletcher Moore, an early colonial story teller, Nyungars referred to Mandjar as "a sort of
fair which takes place among the aborigines (sic) where the inhabitants of different
districts meet to barter with each other the products of their respective countries."
Amongst the many significant sites with respect to Binjarup Nyungar boodjar use is the
old mungah located in the Barragup area. Hammond (1933) provides early Wedjela
documentation which supports local Nyungar knowledge of the significance of the
Barragup fish-traps or weirs.
These Nyungar constructed and maintained fish harvesting traps were designed in such
as way as to maximise the catching of fish such as sea salmon as they migrated between
the ocean and Lake Goegrup. During the summer months Goegrup Lake acted as a
nursery for spawning fish. As the fish grew into adults and the salinity levels in the lake
decreased they were forced to pass through the mungah (traps) in order to migrate down
the river into the estuary and ocean. Each year Nyungars would rebuild the mungah in a
narrow neck of the Serpentine River where the water depth was round the four foot
mark. The following account from Hammond (1933, p. 46) describes how the trap was
constructed:
A wicker fence was built across the stream, completely closing it from bank to
bank, except in the centre, where a small opening was left. Through this opening
a race was constructed by driving two parallel rows of stakes in the river bed.
The bottom of this race was filled with bushes, until there was only about eight
inches of clear water above the bushes for the fish to swim through. On either
side of the race was built a platform, about two feet six inches below the top of
the water. On these platforms the natives stood to catch the fish as they swam
through the race. The fish were caught by hand as they passed over the bushes
and were thrown to natives who were waiting on the bank to receive them.
Gibbs (1987) estimates that attendance at Barragup would have been between 200 to
300 during these community meetings. According to Hammond, 1933, p. 46):
At Barragup....Hundreds of natives from the eastern and northern districts, as
well as from the South West, would gather there to live on them.
The practice of annually harvesting fish in the Barragup area provided conditions which
promoted regular meetings for spiritual, trading and educational purposes.
Visits to the ngarri boringur (brothers of the salmon) also involved the performing and
sharing of various ceremonies and rituals. Daisy Bates (in White, 1985, p. 324-326)
provides the following account of the Kalda Kening (sea mullet dance) and the Ngarri
Maia (Salmon song). This ceremony would have been performed and shared by
Nyungar boodier (leaders) at Barragup just prior to the annual harvest of fish from the
mungah.
When the red gum was in blosom' a kald kaaning (sea mullet dance) was
performed by the Vasse and Capel natives. This dance was in a sense totemic, as
its objects appeared to be the increase of the sea mullet (kalda) and salmon
(melok). It can scarcely be called dancing as the performers were seated
throughout the progress of the song and accompanying movements. It took place
at the beginning of the spawning season, when a beedawa, jalgoo or other large
ceremony had been arranged, and a large gathering expected. At certain times in
the year the rivers and estuaries of the south western districts warm with sea
mullet and salmon which come in for spawning, and great assemblages coincide
with this period. Only sea mullet and salmon totem people took part in the kalda
kaaning.
The evening before the gathering of the fish from the weirs (which had been
prepared in readiness for shoal) the elders among the performers obtained a
ngoonjook (a species of interwoven wire grass used as a 'net', also used in the
construction of the weirs) which they placed on the ground and all those whose
totem the mullet and salmon were, sat around the ngoonjook and sang for fish.
They 'called the demma goomber (great grandparent) who sat on the Capel hill
to come and help them catch many fish'. Sometimes one or other of these fish
has been caught and it was laid on the ngoonjook and stroked and 'fondled'
during the singing which lasted throughout the night. The singing was
accompanied with all the motions the fish made when spawning, shoaling and
feeding, the mimicry of these forming the dance. As they sang, the singers
related that when the fish came into the estuaries and rivers, salmon and mullet
wanted to hide under the water so that they should not be seen, and they called
out 'gabba, gabba, gabba (water, water, water)', and tried to get under the waves.
Demma goomber watched from the hill and when he saw them he left his cloak
on the hill and went and speared the salmon and mullet. The fish called out:
'ngana ngamana doweera yoolurt yoo-ongool yoolburt yool'. (My father Doweer
come, come, Yoo-ongool come, come.) The mullet and salmon called their
totemites to their assistance, but Doweer and Yoo-ongool paid no heed to them,
only speared them. The phosphorescence in the sea was supposed to be the fire
of the mullet and salmon which they always carried with them in the sea, but
when they came into the estuaries they blew out the fire so that they could not be
seen, but the demma goomber, Doweer and Yoo-ongool showed where they
were and many were caught in the ngoonjook, and also with spear and weir.
While the recitative progresses, the singers perform all the actions of the fish as
they move in the estuaries towards their spawning grounds. Those whose totems
were salmon or mullet refrained from eating the fish until the 'singing' had been
concluded and the visitors had received their portion, when everyone partook of
the fish.
Sometimes when the visitors have all arrived for the fishing, an old totem man
will sing the following:
ngaija been yaan, naara beenyaan woordoomanoo yaan,
I come, dancing come, brothers come,
naara been yaan.
dancing come.
yandaara gwabeen marra yanga gooling, beerart gwabeen
white ashes or pipeclay good, food going to give, fur ornaments good
This song is a reminder that the food must be paid for in native product, white
fur for example.
In the performance of these ceremonies the assistance of spiritual ancestors are requested
to assist in the harvesting of fish. It is most important that nyarri boringur (brothers of
the salmon) or the appropriate local custodians co-ordinate these activities by doing the
actual singing and fishing lest the fish be frightened by the smell of outsiders.
There is also evidence of other ceremonies taking place at sites around the Barragup
mungah during these community gatherings. These include the exchange of karla (fire);
'marriage' preparation and betrothal observance; initiation ceremonies; educational
exchange; recreational activities such as the playing of a team game involving the use of
red gum nuts and bent sticks; and other public demonstrations of etiquette such as
'babbin' (friendship compacts between ngoon or brothers), moonya (where special yoks
or women had the title of Moyan conferred upon them) (McGann et. al., 1994. p. 16)
Clearly material from the Peel area was traded to Aboriginal people from some distance.
As Moore's accounts imply Nyungars often supplied neighbouring groups with some
important implements. He claims for example that Nyungars would prepare for trading
local goods such as:
Nulbarn which is a girdle made from possum hair. The Nulbarn which is tied around
the waist, is used to carry the kylie (boomerang), tabba (knife), kodga (axe) and
dowak (throwing stick). Rope used to construct Nulbarn is also used in the healing
of wounds
Burdun which is a light weight and highly elastic kitj, gidgee or spear;
Tabba which is a sharp knife made from quartz (later chipped glass) attached to a
short wooden handle using kodja (xantheria gum);
Durda-dyer which is a forehead ornament made from the skin of a dingo tail;
Wilgi which is an ochre, applied dry or with grease, as a ceremonial paint and to
protect Nyungars from environmental irritants such as insects, wind and sun;
Ngow-er which is an ornamental and ceremonial article made from feathers and
worn in the hair; and
Niggara which is a waist girdle made from human hair.
According to Moore (1884) and Grey (1840) items traded from the Murray area include:
oppossum hair girdles;
spears;
knives;
dog-tail ornaments;
feather ornaments;
ochre;
human hair girdles; and
shields.
Indeed many early colonial accounts reveal that Murray Binjarup Nyungars were
particularly renown for their capacity to fashion strong and straight throwing Gidgee-
borryl (quartz edged spears).
Many other implements would have been produced, exchanged and traded with
neighbouring Nyungars. These included the wonna, or women's digging stick; wunda,
shields made from sheoak; burdun, a light framed spear; tangul, used for cleaning and
softening animal skins; miro, or spear thrower; weja, or emu feathers used for
ceremonial ornamentation; boka, a kangaroo skin garment; and choota, skin bags used
by women for the carrying of children (cited in Collard, 1994, p. 30-32).
The quality of the implements produced by Binjarup Nyungars was especially high as is
evident from Hammond's discussion of their popularity.
While in the Gascoyne, in 1873-74, I found evidence of exchange with the
South-West natives. The natives on the Gascoyne had blackboy gum and red tail
feathers and white tail feathers of the red tail cockatoo, which I had never seen
or heard of north of Perth. They also had spears which I am sure were made in
the South-West of the sort of spearwood that only grows along the South-West
coast, in dense thicket between Mandurah and Bunbury. This spearwood makes
a much lighter and straighter spears than the wood further north, and is much
easier to work....We also saw several koilies of the South-West on the Gascoyne,
and this left us with no doubt that some sort of exchange was carried on....I
much inclined to think that the blackboy gum we saw in the Gascoyne was also
taken north from the South-West with the spears, koilies and feathers
(Hammond, 1933, p. 24).
Due to the abundance of fish and the prolonged periods of social interaction sites in the
Peel area were and, in many ways continue to be, important as centres of
communication. The chief means of communicating with other groups of Nyungars was
by the sending of a message or letter stick. Usually a message stick would be sent
through the various Nyungar areas to announce events such as a death, invite neighbours
to an approaching cultural event (such as ceremonies at the Barragup fish trap), to warn
other groups of Nyungars who had breached various laws, and to organise the
distribution of Nyungars across various areas in order to ensure the conservation of food
supplies. Message sticks would be sent along various paths in order to reach as many
areas as possible. The wooden torpedo shaped sticks, of about six inches long and
fashioned to a point at each end, had hundreds of engraved marks which were
identifiable to Nyungars. The sticks would be marked in such as to be able tom
communicate quite complex and detailed messages. Once the message had been
received a reply would be cut into the stick and returned along the same path to its
originator. Due to their economic, cultural and geographic location sites around Pinjarra,
Barragup and Mandurah were of central importance in relation to the exchange of letter
sticks between Nyungars.
COLONIAL CONTACT: NYUNGAR AND WEDJELA RELATIONS
After the 1820s the permanent settlement of Wedjelas in Binjarup Nyungar boodjar
resulted in enormous change to both the ecological make up of the area and family and
social interaction between groups of Nyungars.
Soon after the establishment of the Swan River settlement Wedjelas began arriving in
the Peel region. In November of 1829 Preston and Collie led an expedition to ascertain
the potential for agricultural development in what we now recognise as the Mandurah
and Murray areas. Within a short time land had been 'granted' to the Wedjela Thomas
Peel and a syndicate of developers. Peel's plan was to arrange the settlement of 10,000
Wedjelas over a four year period to engage in various agricultural activities. The plan
fell through but Peel himself was granted 81,000 hectares of land which he began
exploiting with some 400 indentured workers. Although Peel's enterprises in the Murray
district struggled the rapidity of contact and sheer weight of Wedjela numbers rapidly
caused enormous transformation in both environmental and social terms. As was the
case in much contact, initially Nyungar - Wedjela relations were cordial. This perhaps
largely reflected the fact that local Nyungars were well accustomed to regular visits
from 'outsiders'. However as it became evident that Wedjelas had neither any intention
of respecting local protocol, following Nyungar legal obligations, nor of leaving
relations often deteriorated. Instances such as the beating of Nyungars by Wedjela
settlers and workers, the subsequent killing of one of Peel's workers in reprisal and of
course the now famous Pinjarra massacre all serve as early examples of the effects of
Wedjela colonisation to the Mandurah and Pinjarra region.
Local Nyungars neither simply embraced nor merely accept the imposition of Wedjelas
into their boodjar. For example, along with a number of his relations during the early
days of colonial intrusion Gcalyut, a Binjarup Nyungar warrior high standing in the
region, posed something of a regular threat to the security of Wedjelas (Green, 1984, p.
88, 92-94, 98, 105, 106). The capacity of Gcalyute to act in political resistance to the
Wedjela authorities is still celebrated by local Nyungars. Despite having sustained
injuries from bayonet attacks, endured at least on two separate occasions 60 lashes with
a knotted rope and forced to mourn the loss of members of his family in the Pinjarra
massacre Gcalyute survived to be an old man who actively sought to challenge and call
into question Wedjela leaders and officials.
Unfortunately well before the end of the 1800s, chiefly due to violence, introduced
diseases and the loss of economic sustenance as a result of the large scale appropriation
of land, the numbers of local Nyungars living in the region had severely declined. Given
these circumstances survival tended to become much more important than resistance and
defiance.
Although they had to endure tremendous difficulties brought about by Wedjela
disrespect and inequity Binjarup Nyungars have been able to sustain themselves and
their families constantly throughout contact with Wedjelas. Despite draconian practices
designed to restrict the movements and opportunities available to them Binjarup
Nyungars were able to find employment as shepherds, milkers, land clearers, domestic
servants, fishers, labourers, rabbit and other pest controllers. Although regular and
permanent work was often not available Nyungars were able to develop adaptations of
earlier economic practices to sustain themselves and their families. Often they were able
to maximise their capacity to subsist by including Wedjelas in their sharing and trading
practices. According to McGann et. al. (1994, p. 17) in return for goods such as tea,
sugar and flour and permission to camp on Wedjela acquired land Nyungars often
provided game and labour.
Hammond (1933, p. 46) claims that in the early days of contact:
The settlers used to go to buy the fish from the natives at Barragup; and I have
seen them get a cartload of fish for a few pounds of flour and tea and sugar and a
couple of three penny sticks of tobacco.
It seems that at one time sites around the Barragup fish trap were a hive of trading
activity with Wedjelas exchanging supplies for fish which they used for purposes such
as the fertilising of their gardens.
During the 1920s and 30s many Aboriginal people from other area in Western Australia
were moved down to the south-west to institutions and as a source of 'cheap' (in many
cases free) labour. Many of these people settled permanently in Nyungar country and
were themselves adopted into complex interfamilial Nyungar groups. Today Binjarup
Nyungar families are now intricately connected and combined with other Nyungar
groups as well as having welcomed other Aboriginal people and Wedjelas into their
community.
Another feature of Wedjela practices which had a major impact on the capacity of
Binjarup Nyungars to maintain their associations with land was the insistence on
enacting legislation which restricted Nyungar movement. Legislation, such as the 1886
Aborigines Protection Act and the 1905 Aborigines Act, restricted the availability of
land to Nyungars. These pieces of legislation, with a strong emphasis on the forced
separation of Nyungar children from their parents, resulted in large numbers of
Nyungars being institutionalised in areas sometimes hundreds of miles away from their
boodjar. The 1905 Act and subsequent policy which was carried out enforced curfews
which made it more difficult to carry out familial and economic obligations. Early in the
century legislation which discriminated against Nyungars who applied for government
loans and land acquisition also resulted in those Nyungars who were able to acquire land
having to relinquish ownership of it.
Notwithstanding the attempted imposition of social and economic dislocation there
continues to be a strong collective identity which reflects those which existed prior to
Wedjela contact. Despite the highly erroneous, if not popular, idea that Binjarup
Nyungars have been the victims of acculturation they, along with other Aboriginal
people and Wedjelas affiliated with them, maintain much cultural knowledge and
practices that are explicitly Nyungar. Into the 1990s a core of distinct Nyungar family
values, languages, beliefs and knowledge is still respected and continue to be practised
in the Mandurah area. Indeed elders among Binjarup Nyungars continue to be
acknowledged as custodians of the area.
There is no doubt that the invasion and subsequent occupation of Binjarup Nyungar
boodjar led to Nyungars losing significant legal and social jurisdiction over land, land
management, familial responsibilities and cultural practices. However the evidence
leaves no doubt that despite this Binjarup Nyungars have enjoyed continuity of access to
a range of sites throughout the region.
NYUNGAR SITES IN THE REGION.
Given its unique geographical and cultural location within the south-west there is ample
evidence that Binjarup Nyungar boodjar (land) is of outstanding cultural, archaeological,
ecological and economic heritage value to both Nyungars and Wedjelas. According to a
study completed by McDonald, Hale and Associates (1993) there are 83 identified
Aboriginal sites recorded within the region. There is also growing evidence that,
although as yet unrecorded, other Aboriginal sites exist throughout the region.
Some of the registered Aboriginal Site areas which are situated within the region include
the following:
Goegrup Lake/Willys Lake Sites
This area is an old fishing and camping area. The narrow creek joining Goegrup Lake to
the smaller south-eastern lake was blocked by a Mungah or fish trap. Camps spread 200
metres to the south-west and north-east of the Mungah. The area is known as
Nambeelup.
Barragup Fish Trap Sites
This site is located near the present Barragup Bridge. Hammond’s (1933) description of
this fish trap and its importance to Nyungars is in earlier sections of this report.
Coodanup Camping Sites
The tip of the Coodanup Peninsula is an old camping ground. Two sites are known to
have existed in this area. One on the eastern side of the Serpentine River and one the
entire angle of land between the mouth of the Serpentine and the Wargoorloop branch of
the Murray River. Apparently much spear fishing took place here.
Peel Inlet
It has been reported that there exists of a freshwater spring bubbling up through the salt
water of the Peel Inlet. Exactly where this is has not been recorded in the documents.
Serpentine River
According to Binjarup Nyungars this river system was created and maintained by a
Waugal. Upper sections of the river, near the Darling Ranges, are winnaitch or to be
avoided.
Waugal Cave Avoidance Area
Near this winnaitch site, located at Joweelingup near Ravenswood, is an underwater
cave inhabited by the Waugal.
Adam Road Camping Areas
This is an old favoured Nyungar camping place popular because of a freshwater soak
which runs into the Murray river.
Waugal Swamp
Upstream from where the Dandalup River fills into the Murray the land levels into a
swamp system. Binjarup Nyungars believe that this is a resting place for a Waugal and is
hence a winnaitch or avoidance place.
Waugal Site
Upstream from Beamalup a bend in the Murray is a winnaitch - avoidance area. This
area, avoided by Pinjarra Nyungars, is an area of influence by the Murray River Waugal.
Any who stray there must throw dust in the water to let the Waugal know they are
passing.
Pinjarra Massacre Site
The registered “Battle of Pinjarra Site” extends from the present Pinjarra Bridge just
behind St John’s Anglican Church to the public open space south of the Murray District
Hospital, where Oakley Brook flows into the Murray River. The deep pool near where
Oakley Brook meets the Murray River is a resting place of the Waugal. The corroboree
ground situated in the area where Pinjarra Senior High School is now situated was
associated within this site.
Mills Road Site
This site is a swamp which is located near the Old Bunbury and Mills Roads. The
swamp was used as a turtle, gilgie and wildfowl hunting place by Nyungars.
Nine Mile Site
This site is a lake which is located near the Old Bunbury and Herron Point Roads.
According to Nyungar knowledge a Djingga, or devil kangaroo inhabited this lake It
must be avoided by children.
Peel Inlet/Harvey Estuary
Warrangup Spring, Stony Point and Island Point are old Nyungar camping places. It is
likely that there are a number of sites in this region.
Other sites are included on the Nyungar interpretive maps produced as a part of this
project.
Many of these sites demonstrate that key areas within the region have been important
centres for Nyungar cultural exchange and history, family meetings and economic
development. For example there are over 7 recorded sites which can be regarded as part
of the Barragup fish site complex. This set of Aboriginal sites have long been
recognised, by local Nyungar custodians, the scientific documentation and within
legislation, as amongst the most important traditional meeting places for Nyungars from
the Swan, Peel and Darling Ranges areas.
Senior Nyungar custodians have identified additional sites of significance on Lots 215,
216 and 217 (Hart, 1993). According to one of these informants:
These areas have been very important in our grandfather's time and there are still
artefacts scattered around the lakes where my father and grandfather camped and
carried out their business. The Barragup Lakes have many places where our
people met to trade and have ceremonies, as well as for hunting and gathering
(cited in Collard & Collard, 1995).
The principle reason for the significance of this area to Nyungars is its proximity to
Barragup mungahs (fish weirs) which were regularly used up until at least late in the last
century and probably into the early 1900s.
In colonial documents it would seem as if the Barragup sites ceased to be used by
Nyungars after the 1870s. However other oral history sources and Mandurah Nyungars
provide evidence of the continued use of the mungah as late as 1910. Actual evidence of
the fish traps remained certainly up until 1937 when the Department of Marine and
Harbours 'snagging' operation destroyed them. In 1989 a team of divers from the
Western Australian Maritime Museum found evidence of a wooden stake believed to be
used in the construction of the Barragup mungah. Mr. Frank Nannup and Mr. Joe
Walley who are both direct descendants of Nyungar family groups who acted as
custodians of the area have both consistently and strongly asserted that the Barragup and
Geogrup wetlands were of central importance as fishing and camping sites during their
grandparent's lives. They also contend that the area has continued to be regularly fished
and utilised by several Nyungar people until the present time. One of the consultants
responsible for this report recalls that his father, a Ballardong Nyungar elder, often
recounts making regular camping visits to this precise area. In the view of Dortch
(1993), this tradition of fishing and economic use of land demonstrates a remarkable
case of Nyungar cultural continuity. This is particularly extraordinary given that:
1. these practices likely began in the region 5000 years ago, not long after the present
river and estuary system formed;
2. the history of colonisation which saw large numbers of Mandurah Nyungars
dispersed and devastated during the latter half of the 1800s and
3. Wedjela government measures during most of this century which severely regulated
Nyungar movement and access to land. Evidence of continuity such as this is now
uncommon in the south-west of Western Australia.
Clearly it is indisputable that living Nyungar custodians, such as Mr. Frank Nannup and
Mr. Joe Walley, have intimate knowledge of and associations with sites falling within
the lots in question. There is also no doubt of the primary importance, in terms of
Nyungar history, economic sustainability and cultural maintenance, of these three tracts
of land.
In Frank Nannup's words:
The environment around the lake has all the plants and animals that have been
important to the way of life and beliefs of my father and grandfather. There are
very few places left where the land, water, plants and animals have not been
spoilt by development. The history of my ancestors is everywhere around and in
these lakes.
THE MASSACRE AT PINJARRA
Introduction
“One hundred and fifty years ago”, wrote Frank H. Goldsmith in 1952, “at the then
tiny centre of Pinjarra, 53 miles south of Perth W.A. there took place on the banks of
the Murray River, an armed conflict between punitive white forces and a tribe of
aborigines responsible for the murder of a number of white settlers”. The incident,
claimed Goldsmith, was a “turning point in the development of the western state” and
has since come to be mythologised in a range of ways in local and even national
historical accounts.
So it is that in tradition and legend, the “Battle of Pinjarra” has had local
attention focussed upon it, until it has grown in magnitude in historical annals
to a degree probably exceeding its real importance (Goldsmith, 1952, p. 344).
Goldsmith’s paper is one of many Wedjela historical accounts motivated by a desire
to ‘set the colonial record straight’ through the use of formal historical scholarship. In
his paper Goldsmith sets out to balance historical accounts by making reference to the
then recent rediscovery of personal records kept by the Surveyor General, Captain
J.S. Roe. One of the most striking features of Goldsmith’s paper is that he, quite
humorously, believes his account to be the first attempt to set the facts straight.
During the course of this research we ‘discovered’ over two hundred pieces of written
documentation which in one way or another relates to early colonial events in and
around Binjarup Nyungar boodjar (land). Most of these documents make similar
claims to those of Goldsmith, namely that theirs is the one true and correct account.
While many of the details of each account tends to reflect similar events each tells its
story in a slightly different way. The ‘affair’ at Pinjarra on the morning of the 28th of
October 1834 has gone by many names and described in many ways. Until more
recent times most Wedjelas have referred to the event as the ‘Battle of Pinjarra’.
Thanks to the consistent and longstanding voice of Binjarup Nyungars increasingly it
has been described as the Pinjarra Massacre. Alexandra Hasluck (1965, p. 156) liked
events to a “small scale exercise in manoeuvres”. Stirling spoke about the duplicity
and unprovoked ferocity of Nyungars who deserved punishment. Roe seems to have
suggested that the actions of the Wedjela party is best described as “sufficient
punishment”. More critical accounts describe events as a “blot on the escutcheon
(token of office) of Western Australia (Cooper, 1957) or “the first of many attacks on
the human rights of Nyungars”. It is also interesting how the language used in many
of the colonial accounts includes words familiar to those of us following more recent
western military interventions in places like Kuwait, Vietnam, Central Africa and the
Faulkland Islands. The descriptors used by many to describe serious military
exchanges which involve significant loss of indigenous Pinjarra includes:
“skirmishes, reprisal raids, battles, dispersions, police actions, bringing to account,
inspecting the country and advancing towards the natives”.
In this section of the report we will seek to review this documentation and in so doing
probably offer another slightly different account. Our account focuses on times
during the very early years when what Nyungars thought were djanga, or returned
spirits of dead relations, came to stay. The events that we speak about started
happening in and around the area Nyungars knew as Derbal Yaragan. Nyidiyang,
(Wedjelas, as they were later to be known) these new white relations, called all this
country the Swan River colony. To the Wedjelas this seemed a sensible enough name
given the abundance of malyi (swans) right throughout the wetlands areas. Nyungars
probably found this a strange use of language. To name such a huge section of
boodjar, or land, after such a small bird demonstrated that the Wedjelas had a serious
disregard for Nyungar nomenclature or were confused, illequipped or direspectful.
During these early times there were a number of things that became very clear to both
Nyungar and Wedjelas alike. Before too much time had elapsed both groups began to
see the other as fundamentally different. This was perhaps less important for
Nyungars who had sophisticated social systems to deal with incorporating outsiders.
However for the Wedjela, difference was largely equated with inferiority and
ineptitude.
By 1834 the Swan River settlement was in serious crisis. Since arriving Wedjela
settler/invaders had been let down by supply ships and found their knowledge of the
country inadequate to carry out successful farming. Crops had failed a number of
times, sheep were not increasing and some strategic settlements had been badly
mismanaged. By this stage many Nyungars had decided that those who they once saw
as djanga, or returned white relatives, were rather more like evil jennoks, or spirits.
By 1834 the Wedjela found themselves and their economic ventures under increasing
pressure from Nyungars. 1834 became the year of the greatest number of armed
clashes between Wedjela and Nyungar.
There is some evidence that what happened in Pinjarra in October 1834 involved
much premeditation on the part of Wedjela authorities. Many accounts, particularly
‘first hand’ ones from those Wedjela involved, would suggest that the authorities
acted responsibly, out of necessity, in a humane fashion and after constant and
incessant provocation by Nyungars. There is almost no argument that, in terms of
human costs, the ‘exchange’, as it is often described, was very much one sided. Even
if we choose to accept the claims of Captain James Stirling, the leader of the Wedjela
party, we are still looking at 15 times more Nyungars than Wedjelas lost. However as
we examine the records closer it becomes clearer that the official Wedjela story
suffers from an enormous lack of credibility.
Peel and Nyungars
The early years for Thomas Peel were difficult ones. By the early 1830s Peel’s
Cockburn settlement had already failed and it was clear that his second attempt at
working a successful land grant at Mandurah was on the verge of abortion.
Unfortunately for Peel and his plans for economic success he had chosen for his
Mandurah settlement land that was proving to not be terribly productive. Like most
other Wedjela settlers Peel’s were clearly too ambitious given the economics
association with transportation of labour and suuplies and the difficulties of farming
the area.
Indeed Peel had not started well. By the time the British Government had agreed to
establish the Swan River settlement Peel had already lost most of his money and was
merely working as an agent for Solomon Levey (Richards, 1978, p. 2). By the time he
arrived in Perth it was too late for Peel to obtain the land that he had hoped for near
the centre of Perth. He instead took up a land grant from Cockburn Sound to the Peel
Inlet (this included the right bank of the Murray to Pinjarra). His attempts at
establishing a settlement at Clarence (near the present sit of Woodman’s Point) were a
complete failure. After much illness and 30 deaths amongst his workers he was forced
to move south to Mandurah. Many of his contemporaries saw this as a serious fault
and a dereliction of duty (Richards, 1978).
However not all was bleak for Peel. He had the good fortune to have been granted
some land that possessed genuine potential particularly in relation to pastoral
endeavours. Early in 1834 it was reported that large numbers of stray cattle had began
grazing on rich land east of his Mandurah settlement. The land, it was found ,
included “a plain of the richest grass and the finest loam ...in the Colony, comprising
an area of about 4,000 acres, the whole of which ...could be turned up with a plough,
without the outlay of one shilling for clearing” (Perth Gazette, 1 March 1834). Peel
was understandably overjoyed for this land fell within his grant. For some time Peel
had made plans to develop this area however one obstacle was in his way (Richards,
1978, p. 80-81).
Almost from the moment that Wedjelas entered Nyungar boodjar (land) it was the
Binjarup Nyungars who made their name as the strongest, most able and least willing
to relinquish their control. As history now demonstrates
Binjarup Nyungars, with their well crafted gidgis (spears), solid and able bodied old
and young fighters and knowledge of their boodjar (country), were indeed a most
capable group of people who would not easily be intimidated.
This meant that Peel, who by the early 1830s had already gained a reputation for
being less than capable and far from organised, could do little while Nyungars
remained a force. Peel could not develop the Murray region until Binjarup Nyungars
had been ‘pacified’.
There are reports that soon after his arrival in the colony Peel developed a distinct and
strong dislike for Nyungars. Clearly by the time his settlement at Mandurah was
facing closure Peel detested Nyungars even more. Nyungars, according to Peel, were
the single most important cause of settler’s failures. They destroyed stock, crops,
equipment and buildings with their strategically lit fires. If their fires didn’t get the
stock then often they would gidjal (spear) or drive them away. According to Peel
Binjarup Nyungars seemed to be hell bent on preventing Wedjela settlement and
development.
By 1834 things were more than desperate for Peel and his settlement. Since he had
arrived he had been pouring his capital into sustaining the Mandurah settlement. It
seems he had been desperately waiting for things to improve between Nyungars and
Wedjelas. By 1834 most of his capital had been exhausted. In Peel’s view there was
but one answer to this problem - military force to break the Nyungar stronghold.
Conflict in the colony
The few years preceding 1834 were to prove most conflictual in terms of armed
exchanges between Nyungars and Wedjelas. Farms on the Upper Swan came under
attack from Nyungars who were growing impatient and angry with, what they saw as,
rude, ungracious and unjust behaviour. As Nyungars came to the realisation that
Nyungar hospitality was rarely being reciprocated and Nyungar protocols were being
ignored and violated the incidence of reprisals increased. ‘Careless’ and malicious
attacks on Nyungars had always been followed by Nyungar reprisals. Attacks on
Nyungars prompted retaliations.
Even before Wedjela settlement in the Binjarup Nyungar or Murray region had begun
there were clashes between Nyungars and the newcomers. The first death in the
colony caused by clashes between Nyungars and Wedjelas is thought to have
occurred when a young Wedjela called MacKenzie was killed near the Murray River
(Hasluck, 1929, p. 17).
In 1830 on the Murray River colonial soldiers mounted a most serious and direct
attack on Nyungar economic and ceremonial life when that broke down mungah (fish
traps) on the Murray and Serpentine Rivers. As earlier discussions demonstrate these
were the very same traps that were at the centre of some of the south west Nyungar’s
most populated and important ceremonial meetings. Not only did Wedjelas commit
this insensitive and destructive act on one of the most sophisticated pieces of
technology in the country but they followed it up by firing indiscriminately on
Nyungars as they approached the soldiers to ask for an explanation for thei vandalism
(Tilbrook, 1990).
Wedjelas beleived that the way to deal with this was a show of military strength. For
example in response to his frustration with Nyungar systems of reprisals which
resulted in what Wedjelas saw as petty pilfering Captain Frederick Irwin, one of the
colonial leaders, arranged a punitive raid against Fremantle Nyungars which resulted
in the killing and wounding of several Nyungars to “impress a salutary dread of our
superiority and arms” (in Tilbrook, 1990, p. xiv & Bennell, 1991). Clearly Wedjela
settlers had but one main method of dealing with difference, demonstrate armed
superiority.
Between 1831 and 1833 hostility increased as exploration was extended. Resistance
by local Nyungars was met with an increasing level of violence with Nyungar leaders
like Migegooroo and Yagen singled out, criminalised and murdered for taking
Wedjelas to task (Tilbrook, 1990). In August of 1833 a party of about three hundred
Nyungars camped around Peel’s settlement (Mercer, 1960, p. 5). Although they
offered no real threat to Peel the enormity of the group clearly frightened many
Wedjelas. The fear that Nyungars could easily rally forces to challenge Wedjela
settlement, although based in fiction rather than reality, was often fuelled by such
meetings between Nyungars.
In 1833 in an attempt to negotiate more peaceful and equitable arrangements
Nyungars of the Lower Swan requested a hearing with Wedjela leaders to express
their concern over the number of Nyungar deaths and the impact of settlement on
Nyungar life. This request was met with amusement by the Lieutenant Governor and
his entourage who refused to take it seriously. Instead they chose to continue their
policy of using military force to settle what were cultural and political differences.
1834 Conflict between Wedjela and Binjarup Nyungars
There is little doubt that 1834 proved to be the worst year for the new settler
colonialists of the Swan River. Attempts to establish settlements, introduced crops
and other agricultural developments had all but failed. Likewise the idea that the new
Wedjela colony represented huge potential to breed sheep and other animals was
proving to be misguided. Despite attempts to entice large numbers of settlers from
Britain after five years there were only 1800 British who had made the journey to
settle on the west coast of Australia (Green, 1984, p. 89).
Amongst the most influential of decisions to affect both Wedjelas and Nyungars
occurred when flour rations to settlers was considerably reduced by Captain Stirling
who arrived back in the colony in 1834 after an official visit to England. Almost
immediately Captain Ellis the Superintendent of Police withdrew Nyungar’s quota of
flour. This immediately prompted a response from Binjarup Nyungars who brazenly
entered Thomas Peel’s property to demand what they considered to be their fill of
flour. The Nyungar group marched up to Peel’s son, Fred, pointed a gidgi (spear) to
his chest and held soldiers at bay through the threat of violence (Fletcher, 1984, p. 3).
Captain Byrne, who was stationed at Mandurah House (Peel’s settlement)
immediately warned the Lieutenant Governor that Nyungars were bound to prove
more troublesome if the flour rationing continued. Soon after Byrne’s warning proved
to be well founded. Conflicts reached a head for the Wedjelas when a group of
Binjarup Nyungars, reputedly lead by Gcalyut, raided Shenton’s Mill in South Perth.
Shenton himself was held at bay and finally captured by the group of Binjarup
Nyungars who then ‘stole’ a large proportion of the flour. A Wedjela armed force
quickly set off to capture those who were thought to be the offenders. The main
Binjarup Nyungar leaders were caught and along with Gcalyut ere publicly flogged in
the streets of Perth. Gcalyut was finally released in June when he made his way back
to his karleep or home fire in the Murray area.
George Shenton’s account of the incident at his mill reads thus:
George Shenton, of Point Belches, Near Perth, in the said Colony, gentleman
being sworn, saith on Thursday last, the twenty fourth instant, about nine
o’clock in the forenoon, a party of natives at least thirty in number came up to
the Mill, at Point Belches in which I reside. I was then entirely by myself, no
other person being on the same side of the river within some miles, to my
knowledge. I was in the Mill when I saw them coming, and as I recognised
them to be Murray River natives (they themselves having told me so a day or
tow before) I shut the door of the Mill. They came up and wanted me to call
Captain Ellis, for the purpose of taking them across the river in his boat, but
as I suspected they merely wanted to get me out of the Mill and then to rob it,
I did not move. By promising two of them some flour if the others went away,
I persuaded them all to leave the door except two, but I found shortly after
that they did not go away further from one hundred yards from the Mill, when
they concealed themselves behind the bushes. I gave the two who remain
some flour, one of them went away to get some water, I then went out of the
Mill and shook hands with the one who remained. He wanted me very much
to sit down with him, this I declined, and had just turned around to get into the
Mill again when I saw several other natives with their heads just above the
grass, as if in ambush. I immediately jumped into the Mill; the man with
whom I had shaken hands tried to catch hold of me, and jumped up to the Mill
door after me, but I jabbed his fingers between the door and door frame, and
he let go. The two, to whom I had given flour, sat down at a fire close to the
Mill, making dampers, and continued, for the space of half an hour, trying to
persuade me to leave the Mill, and go and sit down with them. At length the
others, who had been concealed, to the number of about thirty, came up to the
door, and began to very riotous, making attempts to get in at various parts of
the Mill, and in one place pulled off part of the weather boarding. I kept them
at bay by closing the door, for full half an hour, and then promised them, if
they went away I would give them all some. I began to give them all a small
portion through a narrow framed window, but while my attention was
engaged at the window, they forcibly broke open the door, by breaking the
hasp, and a strong piece of cord by which the door had been secured. Several
entered the Mill together, and immediately one of them seized the only gun in
the Mill (which was unloaded, there being no ammunition in the Mill) and
handed it one to the other; while the rest of those who had entered surrounded
me, and pushed me out among the main body outside. Some of them cried out
‘gidgul’ (meaning to spear me) and others said “No, no” but laid hold of me
and made me lie down on the ground where they kept me until the had carried
way every article of flour and pollard, and where beginning to take the wheat
when I cried out that the white men were coming (but there was not in reality
any boat or assistance in sight) to frighten them, and they then desisted. They
carried away eight bags, two baskets, several pots and pans, and in short,
every vessel about the Mill which could hold flour. The whole quantity of
flour carried by them amounts to nine hundred and eighty pounds weight.
Every one of them carried off as much flour as he appeared able to carry. I am
quite confident that I could recognise without the least hesitation, several of
those most active in the robbery; in particular the two who so long tried to
persuade me to leave the Mill, and also the individual who first entered the
Mill by force and seized the gun, and also, I believe, was the person who
called out to spear me.
Immediately the natives let go of me, and were making off into the bush I ran
down to the water’s edge, and called across to Captain Ellis, who very soon
came over, and shortly after him, the Reverend Mr Wittenoom and Mr
Armstrong, who at my request went back to the Perth side, and brought back
two of the Swan River natives, who examined the footsteps in the Mill among
flour spilled on the floor, and they immediately gave me the names of several
of the Murray Rive men, whose footsteps they pointed out. Mr Wiitenoom,
who was they present, took down the names so given. A party of military
under Captain Bette of the 21st soon arrived and accompanied by Captain
Ellis pursued the track of the Murray River men from some hours, without
coming up with them (CSO Vol 31, Letter 202).
On July 16th of 1834 an event was to take place that Wedjelas believed confirmed
their ethnocentric view that Binjarup Nyungars were brutal savages with no respect
for human life. In many official documents it was this event that was to be used as the
main justification for the attack on Nyungars at Pinjarra.
Edward Barron (who may have been a negro from North America), a retired army
Sergeant Major who had shot a Nyungar in the earliest of conflicts between Wedjelas
and Binjarup Nyungars, came to Mandurah to buy one of Peel’s most prized mares
only to discover that the horse had escaped into the bush. Next morning when two
Nyungars, Monang and Unah, came into Peel’s settlement for rations Barron asked
about the horse’s whereabouts. The two Nyungars agreed to search for the mare but
returned claiming that they could not find it. Keen to buy the horse Barron asked if
Monang and Unah would accompany him in search of the horse. The Nyungars
agreed but only if Peel would also join them. Peel refused to do this but one of
Lieutenant Armstrong’s servants, the 19 year old Hugh Nesbitt, offered his services
instead. Apparently, according to later Nyungar reports, the mare had already been
killed and an elaborate plan was made to attempt to lure Peel into the bush and spear
him.
After travelling about a mile towards Lake Goegrup a number of extra Nyungars,
including Gcalyut, joined the small search party. By the time they had made it to the
lake, and after Barron and Nesbitt had divided up, there were over twenty Nyungars
involved. Later Barron reports that his suspicions had been aroused for some time but
when his attention was disrupted by the sound of Nyungar spears being placed into
their throwing sticks he knew that there was to be trouble. According to Barron three
spears hit Nesbitt and struck him to the ground. Barron also took a spear in his
kidneys but was able to quickly retreat back to the Peel settlement.
The following day a party of soldiers went out in search of Nesbitt’s body. The Perth
Gazette had this report:
“The soldiers in search of the body, were directed to the spot where the corpse was
found by the howling of the deceased’s favourite terrier dog, which had gone out with
its master, and had stopped by his lifeless remains during the night”. Nesbitt’s body
had been ritually mutilated with countless spear wounds inflicted on it apparently
after death. According to Reg Cooper (1957), a Wedjela from old Murray settler
stock, there is no doubt that Nyungars “were in fact after Peel’s blood; that is why
they wanted him to accompany Barron”.
The killing of Nesbitt prompted a fearful and angry reaction throughout the colony.
Although Wedjelas had been injured and killed by Nyungars before it was thought
that this was the first time it had happened to a Wedjela known to be on friendly
terms with Nyungars (Green, 1981, p. 83). Otherwise more humanitarian and
‘responsible’ Wedjelas now began to call for punitive action.
The editor of the Perth Gazette, MacFaull, wrote on the 26th of July 1834,
We earnestly and bitterly lament that another is added to the list of the
murdered at the hands of the natives - and, although we have ever been the
advocates of a humane and conciliatory line of procedure, this unprovoked
attack must not be allowed to pass over without the infliction of the severest
chastisement; and we cordially join our brother colonists in the universal call -
for a summary and fearful example. We feel and know from experience that to
punish with severity the perpetuators of the atrocities will be found in the end
an act of the greatest kindness and humanity.
At around the same time the colony’s Advocate General G.F. Moore, often thought to
be a more rational and sobering influence on more reactive types, claimed that there
were but two options for the Wedjela leadership. He argued that because of the
actions of Binjarup Nyungars it was necessary for Wedjelas to either terminate their
plans for settling the area or take immediate military action. He said:
The destruction of European lives and property committed by the Murray
River Tribe was such that they considered themselves quite our masters, and
had become so embolded that either that part of the settlement must have been
abandoned or a severe example made of them (cited in Hasluck, 1929, p. 18).
Peel lobbied Stirling to increase military protection, demanding a “complete and
satisfactory lesson [be made] to these desperate offenders”. Charles Bussell, a
contemporary of Peel’s from Busselton to the south, later said that it would be
“absurd to hope to dwell in peace in that country, until the aboriginal inhabitants have
been subdued” (Mulvaney 1989).
Preparations for the attack
In August 1834 Governor Stirling secretly formed a special unit of mounted police
designed to ‘deal with incidences of Native trouble’. For two months they trained
hard in clandestine fashion (Green, nd). In mid October of 1834 this new mounted
force received their uniforms (green), weapons including singlebarrel and
doublebarrel shotguns and an allocation of 300 rounds of ammunition. Captain Ellis
carefully supervised training drills and prepared his troops for the launching of a
military style attack on Gcalyut and other Binjarup Nyungars.
Stirling was later to imply that the ‘conflict’ with Nyungars was made necessary after
his party was confronted with Nyungar violence at Pinjarra. However it is more than
clear from his own records that Stirling had prepared himself
for a carefully orchestrated attack on the ‘Murray Natives’. As this section of one of
his despatches shows the party’s main objectives were clearly punitive.
The Duplicity and unprovoked Ferocity, of the Aborigines, on that occasion,
were in accordance with the practices of the same tribe, throughout the last
five years, in the course of which they have murdered 4 white men, and
dangerously wounded 2 others; independent of sundry robberies of valuable
horses, and of a mill near Perth. The distance of their usual abode had made it
impossible, to bring the members of that tribe, to any account, for their
atrocities, and grown hold of impunity, and by the smallness of the force at
that remote station, they threatened after the murder, in July to burn the
barracks and houses on the Murray, and destroy all the whites in their district.
There was a danger, that their success in this species of warfare, might tempt
other tribes, to pursue the same course, and eventually combine together for
the extermination of the whites. It therefore became of the most urgent
necessity, that a check should be put upon the career, of that particular tribe.
Perceiving this, I availed myself, of the first occasion, to proceed to that
quarter, accompanied by a party of the new Corps, of Mounted Police, and by
the Surveyor General, for the purpose of inspecting the country, at the same
time, and having arrived at Mr Peel’s station, on the 25th Ultimo, we
proceeded thence, on the day following reinforced, by a Corporal’s Party of
10 soldiers and Mr Peel. In the forenoon of the 27th, we reached the upper
ford of Daulgannup, on the Murray, and had just crossed the river, when we
heard the natives, shouting, keeping the party out of sight, Capt. Ellis, the
Superintendent of Mounted Police, was sent with Mr Norcott, for the purpose
of ascertaining whether they were the offending tribe. This he accomplished
with great celerity, and on his approach towards them, he recognised several
of them, to be those who were present at Nisbett’s murder, and amounting in
all to about 60 or 70. He accordingly made a preconcerted signal to me, and
advanced towards them. The natives very resolutely stood their ground, as I
am informed, and threw a volley of spears, by which Captain Ellis was
wounded in the head, and one of his men in the right arm, and another was
unhorsed, stunned, and dismounted by the blow, and having his horse speared.
Captain Ellis’s party was thus put into great peril, but at this critical moment,
the men with me in position, and commenced firing, and threw the natives
into confusion, they fled to a ford about 100 yards, below the other, but being
headed then, by the Corporal’s party, they were forced back into the bed of
the stream. The upper ford being also occupied by Mr Roe, as well as the two
banks they were thus completely surrounded and overpowered, the number
killed amounted probably to 15 men. The women were kept, until after our
company had been collected round the two wounded men, they were then
informed that the punishment had been inflicted, because of the misconduct of
the tribe, that the white men, never forgot to punish murder, that on this
occasion the women and children had been spared, but that if any other
person, should be killed by them, not one would be allowed, to remain alive
on this side of the mountains, upon this, they were dismissed, and after a long
march, we succeeded in getting the wounded men back to the station. I trust
Captain Eliss’ wound, will not prove to be of serious import to him, and beg
leave to state that I cannot too much commend his conduct, on the occasion,
as well as that of all the persons, engaged in this skirmish.
I have been thus particular, in the detail of these circumstances, because
doubtless, this affair will have considerable effect, upon our communications
in future, with the native tribes. My hope is, that it may impress them, with
the conviction of our power, to defend ourselves and to avenge violence, and
restrain them from practices, which have repeatedly threatened, the existence
of the settlement. But if unfortunately,. the effect be otherwise, the most
decisive measures, must be resorted to, for the protection of life and property.
In the meanwhile, I have reinforced the post at the Murray and have given
orders, for the frequent examination of the country around, by patrolling
parties, and for the apprehension, of those other natives who were concerned
in Nisbett’s murder and not present on the 27th Ultimo (Stirling to Stanley,
letter No. 14, 1 November 1834).
Stirling’s decision to attack the Pinjarra Nyungars on the morning of 28th of October
was neither accidental nor taken after Ellis had approached the camp. It was, in the
words of Grassby and Hill (1988, p. 192) a major military action carefully planned
and initiated by James Stirling for the purposes of surprising and braking the
resistance of Binjarup Nyungars. As the above dispatch to the Colonial Office
demonstrates he had been planning for some time to:
halt the activities of the Binjarup Nyungar groups;
punish them for the actions of Gcalyut and his colleagues;
prevent Gcalyut and company from carrying out their threats to burn barracks and
houses and kill settlers and their stock in the Murray districts;
secure a line of garrisons between Perth and Albany.
thwart any attempts by Nyungars to plan any organised and collaborative
resistance; and
give Nyungars throughout the south-west the clear message that if they proved to
be trouble to Wedjelas then swift and brutal military action would be taken
against them.
It was most important that Stirling plan the operations of his Pinjarra ‘tour of duty’
very carefully. Well before he led his group on the now infamous project he knew of
the dangers and recognised the importance of strict silence and secrecy. Records show
that he believed it necessary to develop a covert plan to surprise Gcalyut and the
Binjarup Nyungar groups. According to Green (1984) Stirling originally intended
leaving Perth, together with his mindfully drilled band of soldiers and other fighters,
on the 17th of October of 1834. However for the couple of days prior to this time a
number of Wedjelas thought they had seen one of Gcalyut’s relations in Perth town.
Fearing that this Nyungar was a spy ‘lurking’ around, collecting information on
Stirling’s military movements, Stirling decided to rearrange his plans. Immediately
Stirling redeployed his men into small groups, sent each group in different directions
with instructions to reassemble at pre-arranged times and places on route to the
Murray (Green, 1984).
This very much indicates that Stirling and his minders were keen to make sure their
plans for a surprise attack on the Murray were not discovered. Stirling’s plans were
carefully monitored, informed by the best intelligence available, kept in the strictest
confidence, and cleverly designed to throw anyone suspecting off the trail. Official
documents imply that for most of 1834 Stirling received regular reports from military
intelligence carefully established to provide the information necessary for a successful
surprise attack (Grassby and Hill, 1988, p. 192).
Clearly the attack on Nyungars at Pinjarra on the morning of the 28th of October
1834 was carefully motivated by political and military imperatives. It was important
for Stirling to secure his settlements so that economic developments could proceed
and settlers could attempt their developments with the least possible hindrance. At
that time it was immensely important that a number of strategic military and
economic sites be secured quickly. It was also important that a number of key
indigenous populations be quelled quickly. Pinjarra proved to be a logical and
important place to begin because of its proximity to the Swan River settlement, the
struggling Peel settlement and other prime country. It also proved an important place
to institute military interventions because it was where one of the most ‘difficult’ and
fierce group of Nyungars were based. All the evidence suggests that Stirling and his
advisers approached their plans as would any other colonial operators, in a carefully
planned and military fashion.
The journey south
On Saturday the 25th of October Sir James Stirling and Surveyor John Septimus Roe
rode out of Perth towards Fremantle. The Perth Gazette reported Stirling leaving in
this fashion:
His Excellency Sir James Stirling left Perth early this morning with the
Exploring Party. It is expected they will return in about ten days. The Pinjarra
District in the neighbourhood of the Murray River, will first come under their
observation; when, we believe, it is in contemplation, as we have before
stated, to proceed in the direction of Mount William (Gazette, 25th October,
1834).
Stirling and Roe rode without pack horses, seemingly to allow no-one to know they
were embarking on a journey of length or substance. They had prearranged to meet
Mr George Smythe and Corporal Delmidge at Preston Point Ferry, three kilometres
east of Fremantle. Smythe and Delmidge had been made responsible for ferrying a
boat load of one week’s supplies and pack horses from Perth. Rather than travel
through Fremantle, one would assume to avoid being noticed, the group of four
skirted Fremantle town and headed towards the Robb property at Hamilton Hill where
they waited to be joined by Captain Ellis, five of his specially trained mounted police
and, later in the afternoon Captain Richard Meares and his son Seymour. They carried
on to Woodman’s Point to a hut erected by an agent of Mr Robb’s. At this place the
party stopped again for refreshments in the form of freshwater and some food before
continuing on south towards Mandurah. The trip seems to have been slow for it was
not until about 6.00 pm on Sunday the 26th of October that they arrived at Thomas
Peel’s house in Mandurah. On the following morning they were joined by yet another
group of soldiers, a detachment of the 21st Regiment consisting of two corporals and
eight privates (Green, 1984).
The total number of Wedjelas in the punitive military action expedition was twenty
five. They included:
Sir James Stirling Mr. Septimus Roe.
Captain Meares Mr Seymour Meares
Mr. Thomas Peel Captain Ellis
Mr. James Norcott Mr Smythe
Five mounted police Mr. Peel’s servant
Two Corporals A soldier leading a pack horse
8 Privates of the 21st Regiment
Again, it is worth noting that Stirling and his militia’s movements seemed to be
carefully shrouded in secrecy and crafted to cover up their objectives. It is also worth
noting that by this stage the group was extremely well armed and had several weeks
supplies. It is most likely the case that Stirling intended to try and re-establish a
garrison in the area after recently being forced to withdraw men from Dandalup to the
east of Pinjarra due to fear of attack from Gcalyut and his relations. What is clear is
that every man in the party, apart from Roe, was well armed and equipped with
enough ammunition and supplies for a campaign of several weeks (Grassby and Hill,
1988, p. 193). Indeed it is most likely that each man would have been equipped with
somewhere around the order of 2 to 3 guns with 300 rounds of ammunition.
From Peel’s to Pinjarra
On the morning of the 27th of October Stirling and the party headed from Peel’s
settlement, east, along the north bank of the Peel Estuary and within the hour across
the Serpentine and Murray Rivers towards Pinjarra. At the delta of these rivers sand
banks make it possible to cross the river at low tide. As they were crossing the
various river mouths the party noticed the tracks of a group of Nyungars, who less
than an hour before had been heading south-east towards Pinjarra (Green, 1984).
That afternoon the party made camp at what was known as ‘Jim Jam’, close to what
now is known as Ravenswood. The fact that Stirling’s force decided to make camp so
early and that their ride had been so casual suggests that Stirling had a careful plan to
arrive at Pinjarra early in the day. This decision very much indicates that Stirling and
his minders had carefully planned to be close enough to the Nyungar camp to be able
to carry out a fresh strike in the early hours of the morning. Peel’s house is less than
20 kilometres from Pinjarra and at a conservative estimate only four hours horse ride.
According to Peel’s intelligence, a sizeable band of Nyungars were camped on the
river near the present site of Pinjarra. Arriving early in the morning would be the
most opportune time to surprise sleeping Nyungars who would be at their most
vulnerable (Green, 1984).
Early on the morning of October 28th all riders in the party were up and prepared
well before dawn. Soldiers had been fed and horses packed and ready in the dark
before 5.30 am.
Neville Green (1984, p. 101) makes mention of the regularity of Moodjar, or south-
west Christmas trees, along this part of the journey.
The Christmas trees growing here had special significance for the Nyungar:
when a brittle limb inexplicably broke off, the Aborigines attributed it to the
weight of the spirit of someone recently dead resting before continuing the
long westward journey across the sea. Later in the day these trees would bear
the burden of many spirits.
Today astute motorists driving along the Pinjarra Road between Ravenswood and
Pinjarra at this time of the year can easily notice the abundance of flowering Moodjar.
By 8.00 am Stirling’s force had negotiated the swampy country between Jim Jam and
Pinjarra and had crossed the Murray near the present town site of Pinjarra. The river,
at that time of the year flowing swiftly, was twenty to thirty metres across at the ford.
According to John Septimus Roe, the Surveyor General who accompanied Stirling’s
party and took extensive notes of his involvement, on that morning it had been very
wet. There had been, “heavy dew and fog over the water during the previous night. At
5.50 after breakfast started towards Pinjarra. At 7 came across the Murray again.
Crossed over a three foot deep ford with the aid of a fallen tree - 25 yards wide with
banks about 2 feet high sloping to the river”.
The attack
It is at this point that many of the Wedjela accounts start to differ, contradict each
other, offer little detail or miss key events. For example the picture that is painted by
Roe and Stirling, although missing many details, tries to suggest that the Wedjela
party acted slowly and with restraint. On the other hand many Nyungars, and indeed
other Wedjelas writing about the event later, talk about full scale charges and
carefully planned massacres.
However it is clear that the Stirling military expedition next continued upstream from
the crossing and at 8.35 am crossed Oakley’s Brook. From here they proceeded south
east on the east bank and in less than a kilometre heard the sound of Nyungars
camped on the west side of the Murray.
It is claimed by Roe that Peel, who went to investigate, saw a large encampment of
Nyungars and tried, unsuccessfully, to yell to them. Both Roe and Stirling’s accounts
imply that there were conciliatory attempts made by members of Stirling’s group to
make contact and establish the whereabouts of certain Nyungars know to have proven
a problem for Wedjelas. As Roe put it, “heard the call of natives to the northward.
Being close at hand we made for them. Mr Peel who was acquainted with many of the
natives of this part, advance for the purpose of bringing about an interview”.
Roe continues:
On approaching some abrupt rising ground, the rest of the party halted out of
sight. At the time it began to rain, heavy clouds having been rising from the
southward since 6 o’clock.
Finding that the natives, although making much noise amongst themselves,
would not answer the calls to them, Capt. Ellis and Mr Norcott with three of
the mounted police were despatched across the ford to ascertain if the party
belonged to the tribe of Kal-yute (which had recently committed some great
outrages, and for which purpose, jointly with that of protection if the present
exploring party, the mounted force had accompanied us).
At this point in Roes account it is worth making a cautionary comment. Wedjela
recollections make it sound as if Peel was attempting to make contact with Nyungars
for the purposes of announcing the party’s presence and negotiating peaceful
discussions. While this of course is possible the only evidence of this comes from
those involved in carrying out the attack and whose best interests would be served by
painting themselves as conciliatory, reasonable and, above all else, human and fair in
their actions. However by Roe and Stirling’s own accounts most in the Nyungar camp
were still asleep or keeping warm in the mia mias out of the cold south west wind and
falling rain at this time and were only stirred by the attacking Wedjela party. As
Grassby and Hill (1988, p. 194) argue, it is more likely that Peel was interested in
establishing who was in the camp and tricking Nyungars into a dangerous position.
Comparing the Pinjarra attack with other standard anglo military interventions they
explain:
The force was deployed out of sight as Peel went forward. In a tactic which
was tried with tragic success at the Battle of Vinegar Hill thirty years before,
Peel was to attempt to entice the leaders away from the main party; he lacked,
however, the flag of truce and the services of a priest that had been employed
to trick the leaders of the Irish rebels to come forward in good faith to parley,
only to be shot and captured.
By Roe’s own admission Peel returned having been close enough to ascertain that
there were 70 Nyungars in the camp. One is left to wonder how Peel could have been
able to get close enough to the camp to count Nyungars yet too far away to make his
presence known. An outsider need not be a sceptic to suspect that Peel’s mission was
the collection of military intelligence rather than constructive reconciliation with
Nyungars. Stirling’s response to this situation also does not give us reasonable
grounds to assume that he was keen for a peaceful encounter. Immediately upon
receiving Peel’s information Stirling sent Ellis, Norcott and three of his troopers
across the river, around to the west of the Nyungar camp. This was an ideal location
for the setting up of an ambush.
Roe continued:
In a few minutes the loud shouting and yelling of the natives told us the
whites were discovered; and firing immediately commenced on the left bank.
Not having a gun, I was directed to take charge of the ford with the baggage
and four soldiers, while the remainder of the force followed the Governor
upwards. The firing continued and followed the retreating voices of the
natives for upwards of an hour. This is explained as follows: On the approach
of the police towards the natives, they started up from their fires, about 70 or
80 in number and began retreating. So soon however, as it was ascertained
that they were the obnoxious tribe, the firing commenced at a full charge, in
which the chief, Capt Ellis was wounded in the temple and knocked off his
horse by a spear thrown at four or five yards distance. The same native
wounded one of the police (P. Heffron) in the right arm, so as to completely
disable him. The native was however, almost instantly shot dead.
After the first charge, which killed four or five, the natives retreated to the
river, intending apparently to cross over by another ford about half a mile
lower down.
It is there that they were completely frustrated, by meeting the remainder of
the armed force headed by the Governor, just as part of them were ascending
the bank. In this dilemma they took to hiding themselves among the bushes
and dead logs of the river banks, and were picked off by the party on either
shore. This was not however, done without much resistance on the part of the
natives, who although crouched in very small and scarcely discernible holes
and places, and in many instances had immersed themselves in water, having
only their nose and mouth above water, nevertheless threw numerous spears
with amazing precision and force. In this way, between 15 and 20 were shot
dead, very few wounded being suffered to escape, until at length it being
considered that the punishment of the tribe for the numerous murders it had
committed was sufficiently exemplary, the firing ceased and the party secured
eight women and several children prisoners.
In the meantime, Capt. Ellis and Heffron had arrived across the ford to the
right bank, and everything was done for them which our very limited means
would admit. Although a perfect novice in the art of surgery, the
circumstances of the case required immediate and prompt measures, and with
the assistance of another man I extracted Heffron’s spear, which was hacked
and had penetrated about seven inched above the elbow. No time was lost in
crossing the party over to the left bank, and as the idea of prosecuting the
object of our expedition was now at an end, on account of the severe example
made of the natives, at 10.35 a.m. we remounted and proceeded towards the
mouth of the Murray.
Part of Stirling’s account differed little from Roe’s story. Although many of the
details are repeated it is worth reproducing Stirling’s official records of the event:
In the forenoon of the 27th, we reached the upper ford of Daulgannup, on the
Murray, and had just crossed the river, when we heard the natives, shouting,
keeping the party out of sight, Capt. Ellis, the Superintendent of Mounted
Police, was sent with Mr Norcott, for the purpose of ascertaining whether they
were the offending tribe. This he accomplished with great celerity, and on his
approach towards them, he recognised several of them, to be those who were
present at Nisbett’s murder, and amounting in all to about 60 or 70. He
accordingly made a preconcerted signal to me, and advanced towards them.
The natives very resolutely stood their ground, as I am informed, and threw a
volley of spears, by which Captain Ellis was wounded in the head, and one of
his men in the right arm, and another was unhorsed, stunned, and dismounted
by the blow, and having his horse speared. Captain Ellis’s party was thus put
into great peril, but at this critical moment, the men with me in position, and
commenced firing, and threw the natives into confusion, they fled to a ford
about 100 yards, below the other, but being headed then, by the Corporal’s
party, they were forced back into the bed of the stream. The upper ford being
also occupied by Mr Roe, as well as the two banks they were thus completely
surrounded and overpowered, the number killed amounted probably to 15
men. The women were kept, until after our company had been collected round
the two wounded men, they were then informed that the punishment had been
inflicted, because of the misconduct of the tribe, that the white men, never
forgot to punish murder, that on this occasion the women and children had
been spared, but that if any other person, should be killed by them, not one
would be allowed, to remain alive on this side of the mountains, upon this,
they were dismissed, and after a long march, we succeeded in getting the
wounded men back to the station. I trust Captain Eliss’ wound, will not prove
to be of serious import to him, and beg leave to state that I cannot too much
commend his conduct, on the occasion, as well as that of all the persons,
engaged in this skirmish.
I have been thus particular, in the detail of these circumstances, because
doubtless, this affair will have considerable effect, upon our communications
in future, with the native tribes. My hope is, that it may impress them, with
the conviction of our power, to defend ourselves and to avenge violence, and
restrain them from practices, which have repeatedly threatened, the existence
of the settlement. But if unfortunately,. the effect be otherwise, the most
decisive measures, must be resorted to, for the protection of life and property.
In the meanwhile, I have reinforced the post at the Murray and have given
orders, for the frequent examination of the country around, by patrolling
parties, and for the apprehension, of those other natives who were concerned
in Nisbett’s murder and not present on the 27th Ultimo
According to Stirling and Roe’s account, after unsuccessfully ascertaining which
Nyungars they were dealing with Stirling ordered Ellis, Norcott and three mounted
police to recross the river and cautiously approach the camp from the west. John Roe
was sent across and down the river to guard the ford which they had just previously
crossed. Stirling and the remainder of the party took up strategic positions on the
eastern bank of the river at the ready.
According to these accounts Ellis saw 20 or so beehive shaped huts which he claimed
were inhabited by 70 or so Nyungars (Green, 1984). If we accept Jessie Hammond’s
description of the organisation of campsites in the region then it would appear that
Ellis’s estimates are rather small or that possibly a considerable number of Nyungars
were missing from the campsite at the time of the attack. According to Hammond
(1933) mia-mias (or the beehive shaped huts described by Ellis) would normally
house up to seven Nyungars. If it were true that around 20 mia-mias were set up in
the camp then one would expect in the order of one hundred or more Nyungars to be
present.
As Ellis, Norcott and the others approached the camp Nyungars and their dogs
sleepily came out to investigate the charge. When Nyungars noticed the horsemen
approaching the camp the men gathered up spears and the women and children
withdrew towards the river. When the horsemen showed no indication of slowing
down Nyungars began retreating towards the river. At this moment Ellis gave the
order for his troops to charge on Nyungars. According to Green (1984) at least five
Nyungars were killed in the first charge prompting the remainder of the camp to race
towards the river in the hope that they could cross it and seek refuge in the hills. This
was not to be for fourteen of Stirling’s troops had been carefully positioned in line
abreast on the eastern bank prepared to step in and fire upon Nyungars as they neared
the river. As they attempted to slide down into the Murray Stirling and his troops
opened fire from the opposite bank. Some died as they approached the river, others
were shot as they attempted to swim to safety, still others were shot as they reached
the shallow waters of the ford, other survivors scattered into the bush and were
hunted down for an hour by Stirling’s horseman. According to Roe he could hear the
cries of the hunted for over an hour.
Neville Green’s (1984, p. 104) account provides a rather graphic description of the
‘bloodbath’.
Norcott and the troopers pressed the stragglers towards the river, where the
were caught in the crossfire from both banks; the flood scoured slopes
provided very little cover as men, women and children huddled behind logs,
ducked behind trees or held their breath under the water until gasping for air,
they were forced to surface. Valiant men leapt out of concealment to hurl
spears with more desperation than accuracy. They were all easy targets and
were soon picked off by the marksmen. Some Aborigines submerged and
attempted to float downstream out of sight and out of the range of guns, but
the shallow waters at the ford exposed their ruse and they too were shot; ‘very
few wounded being suffered to escape’, wrote John Roe in his journal. The
soldiers fired indiscriminately at any movement. When the Aborigines caught
in the trap had been wiped out, the posse remounted to pursue others who had
escaped the ambush. From his position at the ford, Roe heard faintly the
diminishing wretched cries of the hunted as the pursuit moved upstream.
On Stirling’s side there were only two injuries sustained. Corporal Heffron was
wounded in the arm by a spear. He was given treatment immediately and went on to
recover fully. Captain Ellis, who it has been claimed had already sustained head
injuries in an earlier skirmish, received concussion from either a spear blow or a fall
from his horse. On the return journey Ellis was ‘operated on’ by a private who had
little medical experience. Rather than receiving a blood transfusion, which he could
expect modern medicine to guarantee, the private ‘bled’ Ellis. Ellis stayed in a coma
for two weeks and later died. It is likely that this procedure would have contributed
more to his death than the original concussion.
While they sustained great losses Nyungars clearly fought hard and with much
persistence. Troopers were to note their amazement at how Nyungar warriors, despite
being forced into a desperate situation, did not surrender. Again it is difficult to know
whether this reflects less the Wedjela desire to acknowledge the bravery of Nyungars
and more a reflection of the fictions that were created in order to hide the fact that
Nyungars camped at Pinjarra were brutally attacked and given little opportunity to
surrender or negotiate a dialogue.
Reported deaths
The actual number of Nyungars killed has been the most contested ‘fact’ which
relates to the massacre. Stirling’s official report claims that 15 Nyunagrs were killed
in the ‘exchange’(Stirling to Stanley, Sept 1834 - Dec 1838). Stirling’s report seems
to have been accepted by at least one ‘eminent’ Wedjela historian. Dr J.S. Battye,
writing about the event in the 1920s claims, without revealing his sources, that
“instead of there being 25 to 30 men, as well as one woman and several children, the
total death roll consisted of 10 men. 3 women, and one child.” Roe, also present but
unable to actually see most of the events, claims that those killed would have
amounted to 20 or more (Roe, Field Book No 3 1835-1838). On the 11th of
November Stirling sent Captain Daniell, Mr Norcott, Lieutenant Armstrong, Peel and
10 men of the 21st Regiment to review what went on. According to the Perth Gazette
(22 November) Norcott’s account offered these details:
On arriving at Pinjarra, they found that the bodies of the natives who were
killed, were all decently interred, in one spot there being three graves of large
dimensions, about twelve feet each in length, supposed to contain the
members of separate families, and at a short distance from them were the
graves of thirteen men. The party was unable to reach the quarter where the
heaviest fighting took place, owing to the brooks being much swollen, from
the incessant rains, but it was generally believed, that in this spot, also, there
were several graves, - and but one opinion prevails, that , during the night
after the encounter, the natives returned and buried their dead, in the manner
we have described.
Captain Daniell’s party bivouacked within 400 yards of the scene of action,
and returned to their quarters, at Peeltown, after a three day’s march, without
crossing any recent traces of the natives.
This report tends to support the idea that many more would have been killed in the
attack than Stirling first acknowledges. Clearly Daniell discovered a number of mass
graves but was unable to make an official inquiry because of the weather and fear of
attack by angry Nyungars. A year or so later Francis Armstrong and Thomas Peel
interviewed two Nyungars, Ninda and Colling, who were present at the raid. A list of
those killed suggests that at least 35 Nyungars died (Green, 1984).Although
Armstrong may have been able to gain some confidence from these two Binjarup
Nyungars it is unlikely that their account represents a complete list of all those who
died. In those days Nyungars would have been highly reluctant to speak the names of
the dead after the event. This list, however incomplete, represents the most extensive
report compiled after some consultation with Nyungars. It reads as follows:
Deaths:
Ballang (male) - son of Winjan
Baywup (female) - daughter of Wandal
Berehan (male)
Boogar (male)
Canjern (male) - brother of Weenan
Dulgat (male) - son of Boogar
Erit (male)
Gualver (male) - brother of Wandal
Gummol (male)
Meregor (male) - son of Weiwar
Ngooee (male) - son of Boogar
Ninia (male) youngest son of Gcalyut
Nogal (female) - mother of Yadong
Wandal (male) - father of Baywup
Yadong (female) - wife of Gcalyut. Right leg shot off. Died.
Possible Deaths:
Woodan (male) - brother of Gcalyut
Yanmar (male) - brother of Gcalyut
Injured:
Baywup (female) - daughter of Wandal
Bingup (female) wife of Winjan - bullet in left arm
Dollion (male) son of Karrul and Waanar
Gummel (male)
Mindup (female) - wife of Gualron - bullets in right leg and left arm
Nida (male) - son of Wandal - later adopted by Winjan
Nunar (male) - shot in chest - threw the spear that hit Ellis
Young George Winjan, who was reputed to have witnessed the fight as a small child
described the encounter thus:
They rush camp, they shoot-em man, shoot em gins, shoot-em picaninies and
they shoot-em dogs too (South-Western Advertisder, 3 January 1957).
The newspaper report which featured in the Perth Gazette in November of 1834 raises
the number of dead to between 25-30. One can probably assume that the journalists
preparing this story took counsel from an unidentified member of Stirling’s party
other than Stirling or Roe. Joseph Hardy’s diary entries support the account offered
by Roe, although he added that it had been a “shocking slaughter” and “more so than
needed” (Burton cited in McNair & Rumbley 1981, p. 10). George Fletcher Moore
wrote in his diaries claimed that information returning with Stirling’s party from
Pinjarra was that 35 Nyungars had been killed. He later claimed that of those
Nyungars gunned down between 25-30 died (Moore, 1884, p. 236 & 242). Based on
conversations with her mother, Mrs John Thomas, and from the diary of her
grandfather, Mr Joseph Cooper, Jane Grose claims that about 80 Nyungars were
killed with bodies of many of the dead floating down the river (Grose, 1927, p. 34).
Corporal Haggarty, of the 63rd regiment, is said to have told another early settler
involved with the Church of England that,
Governor Stirling for some time gave the natives no quarter, and while he was
acting as orderly at Government House Sir James Stirling ordered him to take
a party of soldiers and go out and shoot some natives. After a good marching
search of a native camp, they espied a party of blacks sleeping down in the
shade in the dry bed of a creek, during the heat of the day, when they at once
fired a volley on them, and on going up found they had killed eight women
and a child.
This crime may appear incredible to those who are unacquainted with the
indiscriminate slaughter of a harmless and unoffending tribe by a detachment
of soldiers headed by Sir James in person, and several heads of the civil as
well as military departments. There were 200 or 300 peaceable natives
deliberately shot down, and this unprovoked carnage was dignified with the
name of “the battle of Pinjarrah,” and was painted on a large scale by Captain
M-, 2nd Life Guards, with Sir James Stirling in the foreground (Western
Australian Church of England Magazine Vol VII - No 2 June 1868, pp. 11-
14).
According to one old Aboriginal informant who spoke with Neville Green in the early
1970s local accounts at the time put the dead at 750 (Green, 1984, p. 209).
Although Gcalyut was not personally killed in the attack his family was severely
affected. His youngest son Ninia was killed. Gummol, who many believe to be one of
Gcalyut’s close moort (or family) was also killed. Two of Gcalyute’s wives, Yornup
and Mindup received bad gunshot wounds. Yornup had her lower right leg
completely shot away and sustained a number of nasty bullet wounds in her upper
legs. It is reported that she later died. Mindup was shot a number of times in her thigh
and left arm. Two of Gcalyut’s brother’s Woodan and Yanmar are thought to also
have been killed.
Actually ascertaining how many Nyungars died in the premeditated massacre is
impossible. What we can say however is that some otherwise ‘respectable’ men and
women have, for one reason and another, disregarded rigour and scholarship and
instead hastily entered accounts which are at best misleading or at worst mere
speculation. Let us review various claims about how many Nyungars died in the
massacre.
Although present at the scene one would have to doubt the accuracy and authenticity
of Stirling and Roe’s accounts. For a start they differ. Secondly by their own
admission Stirling and his men were forced to leave the area in haste and did not
attempt any kind of review or examination. Thirdly the interests of men involved in
leading such an attack would not be best served by reporting high number of Nyungar
casualties. It is then not surprising that both of these accounts offer the lowest figures
of deaths from the massacre.
Neville Green doubts the authenticity of his source in 1973. Apart from the
unliklihood that 750 Nyungars were at any one site at any one time Green believes
that the informant, not a Nyungar from the region, offered his account less in a literal
sense and more to symbolise the severity of the attack on Nyungars (conversation
with Neville Green, January, 1996).
The graves.
There is much uncertainty surrounding the burial of those killed in the Pinjarra
Massacre. As just mentioned largely because of their fear of being attacked Stirling
and his men left Pinjarra almost immediately and without counting or burying those
killed or caring for those injured. By the time Wedjelas returned to the site surviving
Nyungars had already buried the dead in mass graves. Conveniently for Captain
Daniell, who was sent back to the site to investigate the numbers killed, incessant rain
and the fear of Nyungar reprisals prevented him from exhuming and counting the
bodies of dead Nyungars. However it does seem as if three mass graves of large
dimensions (approximately 12 feet in length) were seen by the party. It was believed
that the graves contained different families. Not far from this grave was another mass
grave which was thought to contain a group of initiated men. What is most striking
about Daniell’s grave ‘discoveries’ is that he does not seem to have had time to
examine the areas where the heaviest attacks would have taken place. It is then most
likely that there are many other mass graves such as these up and down the river in
the area.
The precise location of these graves are unknown although some early reports and a
couple of recent Nyungar oral accounts give us some idea about where some graves
may have been.
According to an article written in the 1920s by a relative of some of the early Wedjela
settlers, “about 50 natives were buried in one great hole, which was afterwards
located in Mr Oakley’s field beside Captain Fawcett’s property at Pinjarra Park. Upon
that spot fruit trees were planted and I remember as a girl, gathering pears from one
of those trees” (Grose, 1927, p. 35).
Apparently the White family, who were later to live on Bedingfield Road, came
across a skeleton of a Nyungar with what looked to be musketball wounds. In 1946
another skeleton was found near this area with a musketball still in the chest cavity.
The body of this Nyungar had been lodged in the roots of a tree on the river bank.
Years later William McLarty would regularly take visitors on a tour of the Oakley
property to show them one of the burial mounds that still existed (Richards, 1978, p .
95).
In 1951 Goldsmith mentions the recent lodging with the W.A. Archives of a spherical
piece of metal, the size of a marble, and a metal military badge by Mrs M.A. White of
Pinjarra whose husband had treasured them for 30 years. She said of the metal badge:
This badge was unearthed near the spot where the soldiers camped at the time
of the Battle of Pinjarra. Mrs. McLernon (now Mrs. Collins) owns the land at
present, having planted an orange orchard there years ago. When ploughing
and scarifying the land, they came across the metal piece. The ‘bullet’ was
found in a skeleton’s bones on the bank of the Murray River after the
floodwaters had receded, and the earth carried away from the bank. Our boy
and a boy friend were playing on the bank, and discovered what they thought
at first may have been a sheep’s bones. When they examined them closely,
they thought they looked different from sheep bones. When they came home
and told me I sent them back to bring the portion of the skull and jawbone, so
that I could see for myself. As soon as I saw them, I put them in a box and
sent the boys along to Dr. Joyce (now late Dr. Joyce). He took the boys to
show him where they found them, and after groping about for some time
found the ’bullet’. It had a lot of white bone adhering to it. Dr Joyce said that
he was satisfied that it was the ‘bullet’ which caused the man’s death, and
that most likely he was a victim of the Pinjarra ‘war’. The Dr said the skeleton
was that of a young aborigine about 19 years of age, judging by the wisdom
teeth in the jawbone.
One informer involved in the oral history project claims that when he was a young
boy a couple of old Nyungars told him that there are possibly as many as 15 graves.
The WA Museum has investigated 7 possible sites. Apparently in this kind of soil
bodies will disintegrate after about 30 years so little if any trace of the bones
continue to exist. However according to Binjarup Nyungar Richard Walley, when he
was a lad Nyungars and their Wedjela friends used to dig up musket balls from both
sides of the bank near where the camp is thought to have been.
Planned or reactive attack?
Although Stirling does not offer a precise account of how he had planned his attack
there are a number of comments that he makes which give us a rather significant
window into his strategies. If we look at the official accounts it becomes evident that
Stirling had preconceived and carefully planned a surprise military attack on the
Nyungar camp.
The positioning of the three parties is the first and perhaps most important indication
that Stirling was hoping to surprise Nyungars and force them into a position where
the Wedjela party could inflict serious damage. The majority of Stirling’s party were
carefully positioned to shoot Nyungars who would have been cornered by Ellis’
troops and almost totally powerless to resist.
Given the events that were about to transpire it is highly unlikely that Stirling was
keen to engage in dialogue and more likely that he wanted to establish precisely who
was present in the camp so that he could, as Roe put it, make “a severe example of the
natives”. It is more than clear from Roe’s statements that the party had every
intention of doing what they in fact did. He shows us this in his closing comments in
the above account when he says that the party left the scene because the “object of
our expedition was now at an end”. Clearly the object he was referring to was making
a “severe example ... of the natives” by inflicting a serious military assault upon a
sizeable group.
Another important point worth our attention is that from Stirling’s account it is clear
that there was a prearranged plan to attack the camp. Stirling himself admits freely
that prior to the engagement he had planned with Ellis that, “under certain
circumstances”, a charge be made towards the camp. From Stirling’s description it
seems that if Ellis was able to recognise any Nyungars alleged to have been involved
in the spearing of Nesbitt and Barron then he was to carry out a full scale attack on
the camp. Ellis, it is claimed, saw Noonar, an older Nyungar who was thought to have
been involved in the Nesbitt and Barron attacks. Stirling’s account implies that the
sighting of Noonar offered the conditions necessary to legitimise a full scale attack on
the camp. What is also interesting is that it was claimed that not only was Noonar
seen in the camp but was also subsequently shot dead in the conflict. However we
know from later sightings of Noonar that this is at best a dubious claim. While he
may have been at the camp and may have been shot he most certainly was able to
escape the scene and re-emerge later.
There can be little questioning the fact that Stirling had deliberately set up an ambush
designed to place Nyungars in a most vulnerable position. Already Binjarup
Nyungars had proven that a large force of soldiers and police had little chance of
getting close to them if they were on the run. Unless the soldiers careful organised a
trap Nyungars would scatter, regroup later and pose a continued threat to the
colonisers. A place for an ambush had to be found where Nyungars would be caught
in a trap with soldiers forcing them into positions of close range with enough time to
reload guns and use bayonets and swords. Nyungars, particularly Nyungar women
and children for it was the men who would have been trying to counter Ellis’ attack,
were caught in a crossfire and ‘picked off’ easily by Stirling’s troops on the eastern
bank.
Finally the fact that Stirling’s troops continued gunning down Nyungars for at least
an hour after the event indicates that their object was to massacre as many Binjarup
Nyungars as possible. Green (1984, p. 104) describes how Stirling’s troops continued
firing indiscriminately at any movement even after Nyungars caught near the river
had been wiped out. After the camp had been descimated those on horses “remounted
to pursue others who had escaped the ambush.” This final action certainly puts to rest
any notion that Stirling’s forces had been acting out of self defence. Clearly the attack
was a premeditated and carefully planned military operation. As local Nyungars
strenuously argue, “it was not a battle but a massacre”.
It is also worth making the point that it is likely that Stirling knew a great deal about
where Nyungars were camped before taking off for Pinjarra. Immediately after the
killing of Nesbitt, Captain Ellis and a band of troops were sent in search of Gcalyut
and his moort (family). After searching the area for almost a month they could find
almost nothing. After wearing out their boots the party could only find two old
women. This demonstrates how difficult it would have been for Wedjelas to catch
offending Nyungars who were aware of the chase. However Ellis and his party would
have collected valuable intelligence about the terrain around Pinjarra. If he did not
already know about their existence Ellis’ journey would have taken him to Nyungar
tracks and paths that led him to fords at Pinjarra. This information would have proven
invaluable as he, together with Stirling, planned a trip to thwart the movements of
Gcalyut and his moort (family).
According to Cooper (1957), Stirling’s intelligence told him that two days prior to the
attack at Pinjarra half of what were thought to be ‘Gcalyut’s group’ were camped in
Mandurah and the rest camped near Ravenswood. Although official accounts did not
try and explain where their intelligence came from the fact that the party were able to
find the Nyungar camp almost immediately indicates that they had fairly precise
directions. Local Wedjelas like Peel would have known that at this time of the year
Nyungars held meetings in that location. Indeed there are at least two registered
Aboriginal sites within close proximity to where the camp would have been. The
river fords at Pinjarra made the area a nodal point for Nyungar travelling. There were
many Nyungar tracks leading to and from the area. It has been speculated by others
that one of the main reasons why Stirling waited until October to attack Nyungars in
the region was that he knew that this would be when they would all be together,
living near the river. A number of local Nyungar informants told us that they believe
Nyungars would have been camped in the area for the purpose of carrying out
spiritual and marriage ceremonies. Peel, who knew many of the Nyungars and their
practices, would have known this to be the case. Clearly many things would have
pointed to a Nyungar presence at Pinjarra at that point (Mulvaney, 1989, p. 170). As
was mentioned earlier, the fact that Stirling’s party moved at such a leisurely pace
and stopped so early at Jin Jam the night prior to the attack tends to indicate that they
were preparing themselves for an early military task first thing the following
morning.
From the way that Stirling and his colleagues spoke about the affair it seems that
most Wedjelas saw the actions of Stirling as just and necessary. Captain Ellis was
branded a hero and indeed received a full military honours and a burial. He and his
band of mounted police were quickly immortalised in a folk ballad called “Jackets of
Green”. The attack was also immortalised in a painting by Captain Meares on one of
the walls of his cottage at Guildford (Bates, nd). Stirling seemed to find it easy to take
full responsibility for the attack. He said, “ No one can feel more sensibly than I do,
having to perform such a duty, but it was necessary for the protection of those under
my charge, and I am therefore glad that I was present. I can now take all the
responsibility upon myself, instead of it resting upon others” (Perth Gazette, 11 April
1834). Other colonial administrators shared this idea that it was necessary, indeed a
responsibility of colonial leaders, to use military force against Nyungars ‘for the
common good’ of Wedjela interests. Captain Irwin, who had earlier made it clear that
he had little time for respecting the rights of Nyungars, had this to say about the
massacre:
Though the loss of life in this affair is a very painful consideration, and deeply
to be deplored. Yet it seems manifest that without some severe defeat to
convince this tribe of their inferiority in power to the whites, a petty and
harassing warfare might have been indefinitely prolonged, with ultimately
much heavier losses on both sides. It may now be confidently expected that
this tribe will cease to assume a hostile attitude, and will follow the example
of the tribes on the Swan and Canning Rivers, who are evincing a desire to be
on friendly terms with the settlers (Irwin, 1835, p. 27).
George Fletcher Moore agreed with these sentiments, consoling himself that the
episode, “was a painful but urgent necessity, and likely to be the most humane policy
in the end”(Mulvaney, 1989, p. 170).
Speculation about the involvement of women, children and older men
It is true that no one can know precisely what occurred on the morning of the 28th of
October, 1834 and that any recounting must rely a great deal on official Wedjela
accounts. However history making is not totally dependant on re-reading what was
written in journals, diaries and other official documents. Indeed there are other
versions of events which take the form of what might often be considered as hear say
and speculation. Histories are also passed along via oral traditions and both Nyungars
and Wedjelas offer us important insights in this respect. Not surprisingly often
Nyungar accounts are discounted because they are thought to fit into this category.
Unfortunately it is likely that an awful lot of history has been ‘lost’ because historians
have been unable to appreciate the validity of oral methods of ‘telling the truth’.
However some very interesting aspects of the events on October 28th 1834 start to
reveal themselves after closer examination.
Perhaps the least talked about aspect of the attack at Pinjarra was the involvement of
women, children and older Nyungars. Although Stirling and his supporters often
claimed that they went to great lengths to make sure that women and children were
spared from death and injury it is highly likely that the attack would have taken a
huge toll on Nyungar women and children. Despite their claims that soldiers took care
to spare women and children even the attacker’s accounts acknowledge that on that
fateful morning it would have been almost impossible to tell the sex of those involved
(Mercer, 1960, p. 7). If there were many Nyungars killed then there is no question
that a significant proportion of them would have been women and children.
.
One of the theories uncovered during the course of this project was that the Nyungar
camp which came under attack was in fact mostly made up of women, children and
elder Nyungars. One of those interviewed told us that old Nyungars had told him that
south of where the hospital grounds are now situated is an old Nyungar woman’s
area. This is almost exactly where most of the killings would have taken place.
As one of the informants involved in the oral history project said, “you have to look
through a hell of a lot of information but when you do you start to think that yes
women and children were camped at the attack site”.
A couple of the oral accounts offered suggested that in the ‘old days’ it was most
unusual for initiated Nyungar men to camp with women, children and older men
during many important ceremonies. It is well recorded in the anthropological
literature making reference to Nyungar cultural practices and social organisation that
men and women would do business separately.
If one reads official accounts with this in mind one of the things that stands out is the
regularity in which women and children are mentioned compared to the invisibility of
initiated men. For example, it was commented on that the camp’s women quickly
took to protecting their dogs as they were being shot at; collected their children and
retreated to the waters edge; pleaded for mercy as they were caught between the
crossfire; and were gathered up and told to warn their men of the dangers of any
attempts to organise a reprisal. Despite Stirling’s claim to the contrary there were
more than one or two women killed in the attack. Roe himself claims that he saw
‘several children’ dead. Given that he was not anywhere near the death scenes this
likely means that many, many more died. According to two informants in the oral
history project many Nyungars believe that the principle victims of the attack at
Pinjarra were women and children who were camped near a marriage ceremonial area
only protected by a small number of male guardians and older men. Nyungar
accounts claim that Stirling’s men were conscious of this and indeed fled the area
quickly because they feared that the men who were at a separate camp would soon
discover what had occurred and pursued the perpetrators.
If you look at the Wedjela record carefully the account offered claims that the
Nyungar men presented a defence to the charging party of five while the women and
children fled into the river and up the eastern bank. The record claims that as Ellis
and his men charged upon the camp “the natives turned to assault their pursuers”
returning fire by throwing spears (in Bates, 1992, p. 188). By their own admission it
seems as if the Wedjelas involved admitted that it was the women and children who
were about to be most caught in the ambush and crossfire. By his own admission
Stirling inadvertadly tells us that he opened fire upon the women and children.
If we treat Wedjela reports with the care that they deserve yet another interesting
possibility emerges. According to those on the Wedjela side many of the Nyungars
trying to escape via the river called out, apparently seeking mercy, claiming that they
were indeed women. As Bates (1992, p. 189) cites, while caught in the crossfire
“many of the men cried out that they were of the other sex”. Indeed if we are to
examine the affair in more detail it is more than likely that those crying out that they
were women were indeed women. Even if there were many men in the camp that day
it would have been the women and children who were in the area closest to Stirling’s
murderous troops.
Yet another ‘fact’ rarely addressed within the various histories is that amongst those
reported to have been killed or injured many seem to have been either women, the
young or old men. While those who we know to have been initiated men were only
referred to by name many of the others were described as “the son of”, “brother of”
or “the daughter of” someone. Let us look at the record. Ballang was referred to as
the son of Winjan, Baywup was described as the daughter of Wandal, Canjern the
brother of Weenan, Dulgat the son of Boogar, Gualver the brother of Wandal,
Meregor the son of Weiwar, Ngooee the son of Boogar, Ninia the youngest son of
Gcalyut, Nogal the mother of Yadong, Wandal the father of Baywup, Yadong the
wife of Gcalyut, Woodan the brother of Gcalyut, Yanmar the brother of Gcalyut,
Baywup the daughter of Wandal, Bingup the wife of Winjan, Dollion the son of
Karrul and Waanar, Mindup the wife of Gualron, Nida the son of Wandal, and Nunar
was referred to as “that old rascal” by Ellis. While it is possible that those describing
the deaths and injuries may have chosen to make mention of Nyungar family
affiliations it is more likely that uninitiated and older men’s identities would have
reflected who there father was. Quite clearly if we accept Nyungar protocols for
naming the list of those killed or injured offers us staggering insights into attacks on
women and children.
Again by their own admission Wedjela accounts admit that more than a small number
of older Nyungar men were involved in the attack. According to Bates (1992, p. 189)
“an examination showed amongst the dead thirteen very old and desperate offenders.”
The fact that little defence seems to have been offered by Nyungars is also worth
pondering for a moment. In 1834, forty of so years before cartridges were available,
all the guns and rifles used by colonial soldiers and police were muzzle loaded. The
rifles, with an accurate range of about 200 metres, took around a minute to load by
competent soldiers who had to force lead balls down the rifle into the barrel. The
muskets, with an accurate range of only 35 metres, could be fired up to four shots a
minute by well trained soldiers. On the other hand Binjarup Nyungar gidgis (spears)
were the strongest, accurate, dangerous and most sought after in the whole of the
south west. Regularly Wedjelas record Binjarup Nyungars as the most fierce of
fighters in the south west. In preparation for fights Binjarup Nyungars would make
sure that they had hundreds of gidgis at the ready. One old Nyungar claims that a
competent fighter could throw as many as 20 to 30 spears a minute. Hammond (1933)
describes how men were able to pick up spears with their toes not even having to
stoop for a pick up. This allowed fighting men to constantly throw gidgis at the same
time as being alert to their enemy. According to Bates (1992, p. 189),
the flint-shafted spear of the Bibbulman (sic) was a deadly war weapon. The
flints were attached with blackboy or sandalwood gum along both sides of the
spear blade, and usually one of more blades broke off inside the victim. A
Bibbulman (sic) or any native can hurl his spear as quickly as an American
gunman can handle his gun, and as the Bibbulman (sic) used no shields, they
were specially expert spearman.
This made exchanges between Nyungars and Wedjelas less one sided than is often
recorded in the history books. Although it is rarely mentioned in history many of the
early military exchanges between indigenous groups and colonists prior to the use of
cartridge loaded ammunition were ‘won’ by indigenous groups who were able to
predict the path of musket balls (see Wilmot, 1987).
Old Nyungar accounts posit the important question: why did not the most powerful
Nyungars in the south west offer more of a resistance on October 28th 1834? We
might well ask why, particularly during the early stages of the attack when only three
Wedjela soldiers would have been left on their horses and firing, were Nyungar
‘warriors’ not able to fight back and effect more casualties on the Wedjela soldiers. If
Nyungars had effectively taken out almost half the attacking force with their gidgis
then why would they not have followed up by closing in on the Wedjelas (Richards,
1978, p. 91)? With only three soldiers firing a minimum number of shots it is more
likely that the Nyungar men would have easily been able to flank the soldiers or at
least escape to later be able to come to the defence of their women folk. If there were
many fighting Nyungar men present then many more gidgis (spears) should have
been able to hit their marks. Instead it seems that only two spears came close to the
charging Wedjelas. Only Constable Heffron was speared in the arm and Captain Ellis
knocked off his horse by the threat of a close flying gidgi. How does one explain this
seemingly one sided affair. The answer, according to old Nyungar accounts, is that
the Wedjelas lied and that very few Nyungar men were at the site to protect the camp
from attack. Stirling and his forces knew this, why else would they send only five
mounted men to confront a camp of 80 of the colony’s most notorious Nyungar
fighters and warriors?
After the attack
By 10.00 am on the 28th of October 1834 the attack on Binjarup Nyungars was over.
Eight women and several children were taken prisoners and assembled near the ford
where Stirling offered them this stern threat:
If they again offered to spear white men or their cattle, or to revenge in any
way the punishment which had been inflicted on them...four times the present
number of men would proceed amongst them and destroy every man, woman
and child
After the conflict Stirling was quick to leave. By 10.15 am the Wedjela party had
mounted their horses and were preparing to make the return journey to Peel’s
settlement. They made a course due west towards the estuary. The shore of the
estuary was then followed northward until they could retrace their own tracks, across
the river mouths, towards Mandurah. For most of the trip Captain Ellis was only
semi-conscious and need to be supported on his horse by two men riding alongside.
By the evening Ellis’s condition had become serious so that a private felt it necessary
to bleed him as no other medical assistance was available (Richards, 1978, p. 93).
Ellis did not improve and on the 8th of November the Perth Gazette reported that:
Captain Ellis is still seriously indisposed. He was removed, by boat, from the
Murray to his own residence at Perth on Tuesday last, and although the
passage was made in 7 hours, it is supposed the removal must have occasioned
him severe uneasiness, as he has been since subject to frequent fits of
delirium.
Ellis was to live but only a few more days. It is now difficult to know the precise
reasons for his death. One report claims that he actually entered the journey with an
injury received while training. It is unlikely that he actually received a wound from a
gidgi. It is more likely that he was badly concussed after falling from his horse during
the charge on the Nyungar camp. It is also a strong possibility that the treatment Ellis
received was inappropriate. An injury of this kind would have been seriously
compromised by moving him. His death may have been hastened because he was bled
by the soldier instead of, in modern days, being given a blood transfusion (Goldsmith,
1951, p. 349).
If Stirling and his leadership claimed that attacking ‘the Murray natives’ would
quickly resolve conflict and help ease the fears of colonists then they were either
foolish or mislead. According to Green (1984, p. 105-106), the attack on Nyungars at
Pinjarra did not allay fears but rather led to more concern that Nyungars might
collectively act against Wedjelas. Many settlers felt that the attack on Binjarup
Nyungars was not enough. The fear of colonists was that Gcalyut would regroup his
forces, collaborate with other Nyungar groups and orchestrate a grand onslaught on
the still vulnerable Wedjela settlements throughout the colony.
Many Wedjelas believed the attack was a necessity and went so far as to argue that it
acted to prevent further such events taking place in the new colony. In a book
published in 1835 Captain Irwin had this to say:
Though the loss of life in this affair is a very painful consideration, and deeply
to be deplored. Yet it seems manifest that without some severe defeat to
convince this tribe of their inferiority in power to the whites, a petty and
harassing warfare might have been indefinitely prolonged with ultimately
much heavier losses on both sides. It may now be confidently expected that
this tribe will cease to assume a hostile attitude, and will follow the example
of the tribes on the Swan and Canning Rivers, who are evincing a desire to be
on friendly terms with the settlers (Irwin, 1835).
Many Wedjelas congratulated Stirling on the ‘sober’ way in which he and his forces
acted. On November 1, 1834 the Perth Gazette published an editorial which read:
It were presumptuous to do more than merely allude to the personal conduct
of His Excellency, Sir James Stirling, throughout the whole business, whose
promptness and decision in carrying into effect what his energetic mind, as,
rapidly conceived, led to his rendering this affair of an hour as complete and
maturely a manoeuvre on a small scale as could well be accomplished.
Others writing later agreed with these sentiments saying “...had not the exemplary
lesson been given to the murderers and their accompanying tribe further settlement
would have been restricted, and the whole colony would have suffered a setback
which could have deterred further progress - a movement which could have had dire
effects upon the then suffering community.” (Goldsmith, 1951, p. 344).
Stirling reacted by increasing the military presence in ‘Peel’s’ region. The force of 28
soldiers at Mandurah did not however satisfy Thomas Peel who continued to write
letters to colonial officials calling for the ruthless extermination of all Nyungars,
young, old, men, women and children (Grassby & Hill, 1988, p. 198).
Five months after the attack at Pinjarra an ‘emissary’ of Binjarup Nyungars requested
meetings with Stirling to negotiate cessation of military action. With Swan River
Nyungars Munday and Miago acting as interpreters the group was invited to meet
Stirling in Perth. What might be called a peace conference was held in Perth in March
of 1835. From the records it seems as if the peace conference consisted of Binjarup
Nyungars being made to pledge their support for the British Government. Precisely
what the colonists offered in return is not entirely clear.
Death to Binjarup Nyungars??????
Often in accounts written of the attack at Pinjarra the ‘Massacre’ spells the end for
Binjarup Nyungars. The general consensus among historians writing about the event
(which reflects the popular view of most historians writing about colonial conflict in
settled Australia) is that Binjarup Nyungar culture and life died the day that many
Binjarup Nyungars died at Pinjarra. For example, in her account of the attack Daisy
Bates (1992, p. 189) claims that the “battle....may be truly said to have been the
beginning of the end for the Bibulman people.....The Battle of Pinjarra was the
deciding factor in their ultimate extinction.” Mulvaney (1989, p. 170) follows this
line of thinking when he says, “the loss of half the population of this community (and
those largely adult males), virtually terminated the Pinjarra clans as social units”.
Richards (1978, p. 8)) tends to repeat these kinds of sentiments. When reviewing the
events surrounding the attack at Pinjarra Richards says, “the upshot of the affair was
that the spirit of the tribe was broken and settlement could, and did, proceed at a
fairly rapid pace soon afterwards”.
It is true that the attack and subsequent colonisation had a tremendous effect on the
lives of Binjarup Nyungars. For example a food taboo that forbade Nyungars hunting
certain totemic animals for a year or so after old Nyungar custodians had been killed
would have had a desperate effect on Nyungar life. Rather than break a law which
disallowed Nyungars eating the food of an animal whose totem brother was killed
many Nyungars would have starved (Stan Richards, 1995). Bates (1992, p. 191)
claims that every Nyungar killed in the Massacre would have been:
the joint owner of the food totem of his local group, and his death rendered
that special food winnaitch (forbidden) to his family and group for perhaps a
year., for were not these foods the elder brothers of themselves and their dead
kindred? There were about sixteen to twenty different totem foods,
represented by their members at that fateful gathering, therefore, however
plentiful those foods might have been, none of the mourners would touch or
eat them, consequently there were many deaths amongst the widows and
orphans of the dead men during the months that followed the battle.
It is also certainly true that the continued arrival of Wedjela farmers and the
subsequent encroachment of foreign stock onto Nyungar boodjar (land) would have
had a desperate impact on the Nyungar economy. Likewise the almost immediate
effect that Wedjela disease and illness had on the immune systems of Nyungars who
were ill prepared and often died is well documented. As Bates (1992, p. 189) asked,
“with his group territory taken from him, how was Wabdin to find meat food, not
only for his wives and families but for the fathers and brothers of all his wives, for all
of whom it was his lawful duty to provide meat for?”
While it might be argued that although the massacre remains one of the most horrific
examples of early colonial Wedjela barbaric behaviour on the part of the colonisers
and military representatives of the day it also might be argued that in many ways
much remained the same after the massacre. Nesbit’s killers largely remained at large
after the events on October the 28th. Indeed it is unlikely that many were even
present at the time. Despite claims by the colonists that the massacre quelled Nyungar
resistance guerilla attacks and theft were continued by Gcalyut and his allies.
Following the attack at Pinjarra Peel’s well stocked store sheds were burned with
witnesses claiming that those responsible were Gcalyut and others involved in the
attack of Nesbitt and Barron.
The massacre did not spell the end for Binjarup Nyungars who, although obviously
depleted in numbers, did indeed rally together. After the attack at Pinjarra, which
resulted in great personal loss to his moort (family), Gcalyut organised those
survivors and attempted to repel the raids of neighbouring Nyungars who, it was
reported, were eager to kidnap women left widowed by Stirling’s actions. Not only
did Binjarup Nyungars repel other invading groups but were also able to mount
successful reprisal attacks on Perth Nyungars in the years to follow. Between 1834
and 1840 there were many exchanges between Nyungar groups in the Perth area.
Most of these involved Gcalyut leading Binjarup Nyungars in attacks. In December of
1834 two Swan River Nyungars were speared in Perth. In March of 1835 at least 15
Nyungars were wounded during a tribal dispute in the streets of Perth. In October
1836 the Perth Gazette reported of “Aboriginal warfare on the streets”. There were
twenty reported wounded in this affair. These kind of attacks continued until
September 1839 when Nyungar battles on the streets were outlawed. This did not stop
Binjarup and Mooro (Swan River) Nyungars and in February 1840 they took their
quarrels outside the town of Perth. In March 1840 Nyungar women were killed in a
vengeance raid by Binjarup Nyungars on the Mooro Nyungars. In April and May of
1849 Binjarup Nyungars again attacked sleeping Mooro Nyungars (Moore, 1884,
Hasluck, 1929, p. 17-18)).
Contrary to the still popular view of history Binjarup Nyungars were not completely
annihilated and did not “quickly die out”. Regular mentions are made of Nyungar
contributions to the community in the historical records up until today.
For example in the eighteen-sixties to eighties Billy Downer, who was described as a
“leader of the Murray Aborigines”, worked for Wedjela settlers from time to time.
Richards (1993, p. 33) records that Billy Downer was greatly respected by Pinjarra
Wedjela farmers and managers. Sutton family’s books record a contract signed in
1866 by Downer.
June 1st 1866, William Downer, the aboriginal native, agrees to mind milch
cows for 3 months at the rate of 10s per month for Mrs E. Sutton.
According to Jessie Hammond, who came to Pinjarra as a very young boy in the
1860s, he was able to make many friends with Binjarup Nyungars. He claimed that
during the 1860s and 70s there were still many local Nyungars living in the Pinjarra
area (Hammond, 1933). Despite the popular idea that Nyungars could not work
consistently history shows that they were amongst the most active participants in
many of the jobs that made it possible to establish farming and industry in the area.
Jobs that they took included, shepherding, stock-keeping, bottling and corking wine,
ringbarking and fishing (Richards, 1993, p. 47). During the 1880s and 90s Nyungars
not only did not prove as troublesome to the authorities as a number of Wedjela
workers but continued to take on key jobs in the Murray districts. During this time
Pinjarra Station employed a Nyungar assistant for years. In the mid 1880s a Nyungar
called Jimmy filled this role while from 1892 a Nyungar named Jacky was employed.
This position required Nyungars to act as stable hand, message runner and fill other
general jobs around the station (Richards, 1993, p. 136). Several other landowners
employed Nyungars in the 1880s. Duncan McLarty employed a Nyungar named
Albert. Patersons took on at least one Nyungar. Later in the 1880s when the McLarty
and Paterson families established pastoral stations in the north of the state several
Binjarup Nyungars were taken with them to act as station hands and guides.
Nyungars were also recruited by the local Police. In 1889 several Pinjarra Nyungars
were mentioned in the local Police records. Timble, Nettup, Milgey, Mippy and Kitty
all undertook work as Police assistants and messengers. Some years later ‘George’
Winjan, his wife Susan and children Sarah and Toby were more or less permanently
camped near Hall’s property near Mandurah. Here they were regularly offered work.
During the same period Dolyup, who was reported to be very old, lived and
contributed to community life around the Ravenswood area (Richards, 1993, p. 138).
As Haebich (1988) demonstrates many Nyungars were instrumental in providing the
necessary labour for ‘opening up the south-west’ to European style farming and stock
work. This was clearly so in the Pinjarra and Mandurah areas despite the fact that
Nyungars were rarely offered permanent work and often paid very little or not at all.
Contrary to many popular ideas about Nyungars during this time Nyungar
involvement in drink and crime were almost unheard of. Between 1896 to 1905 there
were only 4 recorded cases of Nyungars committing offences. During the same period
the number of Wedjelas summonsed were:
1896 20 1897 52
1898 44 1899 72
1900 61 1901 38
1902 71 1903 65
1904 106 1905 43 (Richards, 1993, p. 138)
Despite much resistance Nyungars were always actively involved in the fishing
industry. Good years of fishing were experienced in the region up until Nyungar
systems of fisheries management were interrupted and Nyungars were actively
discouraged from carrying out their work in the industry. At the end of the century a
range of measures were introduced which made it almost impossible for Nyungars to
practice fishing as they had done so in the past. These included closing large sections
of fishing areas to unlicensed fishing, limiting nets, removing the Nyungar mungahs
or fishtraps and the destruction of fish eating birds. Local Nyungars were not happy
with this and arranged a delegation to speak to the Governor who was visiting the
area. Governor Smith’s reply was reported in this way:
His Excellency then addressed a few words to the blacks who had been
waiting with respectful attention for a hearing. Sir Gerald pointed out that the
aborigines were subjects of Queen Victoria just the same as the white
population and that Her Majesty’s swathy lieges had only to obey the laws and
be industrious citizens in order to receive the protection of those laws and
justice at the hands of those who were charged with maintaining the well
being of the community. Billy Dower saw his chance and took it with the
aptness of a lawyer claiming judgement. In excellent English and in a lucid
phrase he came right to the point that the fishing mungah of his tribe had been
broken down by white fisherman. The fish had been allowed to escape, and
he, after losing his ploughing season in order to build up the mungah, which
had been used by his people for generations, had been unable to make a living.
He asked on behalf of himself and his companions that the white man, after
taking the black’s patrimony and after depriving them of their hunting
grounds to make pastures for their cattle should not be allowed to despoil
them for their method for the capture of fish, by which they had subsisted, and
which it required much labour to create. (cited in Richards, 1993, p. 166)
Downer went on to explain that the mungah had been rebuilt twice after Wedjela
fishermen had destroyed it so they could get their boats through to the lakes to fish.
This prompted a compromise which allowed Nyungars to rebuild the mungahs with
gaps which allowed Wedjela boats to move through them.
The stockpiles of fish created by Nyungars using the mungahs was clearly a useful
product for early Wedjela settlers. After each mungah season huge piles of fish, left
because Nyungar knowledge demanded that no fish be allowed to get through the
traps lest they informed their relations of the trap, were used by Wedjelas as manure
for their gardens. According to Hammond (1933):
The natives, after supplying all their own wants and bartering as much as
possible to the settlers, used to burn tons of fish on the bank, owing to the
superstition that fish thrown back in the water would communicate with other
fish in the estuary, and that these would then no longer breed in the river.
Another theme worth considering in relation to the contribution of Binjarup Nyungars
is the ‘productive’, friendly and hospitable way in which they engaged with
Wedjelas. Although many of the historical accounts focus attention on the violence
associated with colonial conflicts (which are indeed important to focus on) it is also
the case that from the earliest moments of contact Binjarup Nyungars have managed
to foster many friendships and develop alliances with some Wedjela family groups.
It is the case that during earlier days of Wedjela settlement the new arrivals very
much relied upon Nyungar knowledge of the country, the environment, the local
conditions and the well being of families. Nyungar’s immense knowledge of the area
was also passed along to Wedjelas. Max Easton, who was interviewed in 1976,
recalls,
Dad always used to say...they always know when any of those red gums were
going to come down. They’d put their ear to the tree, before they would make
a camp under it. It used to creak somehow. They would never sleep under it -
they’d shift off. And, he said, as sure as anything it would not be long before
that tree or bough came off it. They knew all that - had all those instincts. And
they had lots of medicine, you know. Our people used them for years - that
they taught them to use. Red gum was one of them...for throats and
everything. Auntie Vi will tell you to this day it would cure ulcers - stomach
ulcers.
Throughout the last one hundred years or so many of the older Wedjela families
fostered many ‘productive’ friendships and indeed grew up with many older Nyungar
families. Today a number of older Nyungar women speak about how they helped
‘rear up’ children of some of the more established Wedjela families. At times this
friendship and respect was reciprocated. One story cited in Richards (1993, p. 302)
recounts how when an aging Billy Downer was ill Mrs Nellie Patterson cared for him.
Likewise in 1903 when ‘George Winjan’ was a ‘sick old native’ living by himself in a
camp near the Pinjarra Recreation Ground he was looked after by a Mrs Watts.
According to two older Wedjelas interviewed in the 1970s, the Sutton, Hall and
Cooper families (all old settler families) had a deep respect, real understanding and
genuine affection for Binjarup Nyungars. It is recorded that this respect was often
shared by some of the old Nyungars. It is also recorded (Richards, 1993, p. 305) that
the Paterson, McLarty and Fawcett families “remained kindly disposed towards” local
Nyungars.
The following account offers evidence of the hospitable and caring behaviour of
Binjarup Nyungars who, despite Wedjelas breaching important Nyungar protocols,
often offered their hand in reconciliation and/or tried to offer their knowledgable
instruction lest Wedjelas not get ‘into trouble’.
During 1910 the son of a Coolup settler, who should have known better, brought
home two stones from an island off Poverty Point in the southern estuary. To local
Nyungars this island is a very important place. Large numbers of well worn stones
were laid out in a circle in a clearing. These stones, it is believed, were brought from
very far away perhaps thousands of years ago. During the early days they had been
painted white. Mr Dick Tuckey, an old Wedjela settler recounted how the Nyungars
responded.
A couple of days afterwards a couple of the Abos dressed in all their war paint
and spears and what have you arrived at the door, and they said, ‘ You take
em stone back otherwise big trouble!’. So they got the buggy out and they
took the stones back and put them where they’d got em - where they belonged
- and that was that (Richards, 1993, p. 305).
Another interview recorded in 1985 and outlined in Richards (1993) demonstrates
something of the level of respect that Nyungars often received from local Wedjelas.
We accepted them - as kids we accepted them - but hey didn’t go to
school...there was an odd child who used to go to school but they never went
regularly in my time. We used to get along all right with the kids.....the native
himself, he’s very fond of children....and they’d protect your children and
they’d protect their children...they’d do anything for them...the kids could
twist them around their little fingers...they loved kids. They’d punish their
own kids, they’d have a switch, and if the kid didn’t do as he was told he’d
get have a flicked across the calf of the leg, which hurt, but he didn’t get his
head punched in and that sort of thing and their kids were well disciplined
because of that and you kids...well, we were disciplined too, I suppose. No,
we got on well with them, we got on well with the families. I found them ,
both down in Pinjarra and in the North taken all through, terribly honest and
terribly, terribly reliable.
During the early years of colonial life Binjarup Nyungars managed fairly well to
retain a level of freedom and remain well respected. Most of the old farming families
knew Nyungars personally as they grew up with them. Before the 1920s Nyungars
seemed to have lived quietly and with a level of autonomy around their own boodjar
(land). Indeed a number of Wedjelas were taught to speak Nyungar. Jessie Hammond
was known to be a very fluent Nyungar speaker as was Max Easton’s mother
”Geerginup Jessie”.
Clearly it is a fiction that Binjarup Nyungars died out after the attack on the morning
of 1834. Indeed today Binjarup Nyungars represent one of the strongest group of
Nyungar language speakers, community contributors and custodians of Nyungar
cultural practices. Nyungar educators and cultural performers from Pinjarra have
toured the world many times acting as ambassadors for both Nyungar and Wedjela
Australians. A number of key national Aboriginal educators and performers received
much of their principle training in Binjarup Nyungar knowledge. Among those
influenced by Binjarup Nyungar knowledge are the now famous Ernie Dingo,
Richard Walley and Jack Davis. This has meant that Binjarup Nyungar knowledge
has been at the forefront of national and international cultural influence. For example
it has been argued by those involved in the establishment of the Middar Dance
Company that Binjarup middar (dance) performances have been adopted by and very
much influenced Aboriginal dance companies around the globe. According to one
informant, in the mid 1980s Pinjarra Nyungars touring with the Middar Dance
Troupe played to more people during that year than the Rolling Stones. Today many
local Nyungar custodians of knowledge and practices can claim to have represented
their country and people and performed and exchanged ideas in front of key
international politicians and leaders. Clearly yeye (today) as in kura (the past)
Binjarup Nyungars continue this tradition of acting as moorditch (strong) boodiers
(leaders), wanginy (speak) and middar (dance) as nyidiyang (white people) nyin
djinang kidji ni Nyungars wanginy kidji karnarn ngalang boodjar (watch and listen to
Nyungars talk and speak truly about our country).
GCALYUT AND OTHER IMPORTANT BINJARUP NYUNGAR MOORT
It is not known what were the precise number of Nyungars who lived in the south-
west of Western Australia before the arrival of Wedjelas. However Nyungars were
divided into small groups or families of from twenty to thirty people. These groups
were often quite flexible in terms of size and composition due to the regularity of
marriages, birth, death, trading and cultural exchanging. There were many alliances
between these groups who often shared family affiliations. According to early
Wedjela settlers around the Swan area there were about up to six main groups of
Nyungars with groups on the Canning River, Rockingham, north, east and south of
Perth and around Fremantle (Richards, 1978, p. 18; Green, 1984). In the ‘Murray
area’ there were said to be around three main groups of Nyungars. According to
Dalyrymple (cited in Richards, 1978, p. 18) the names of these groups were
Yundungup, Kulinup and Kumbernup. These Nyungars (at least the men) were
described as “powerful physical specimens” with Querup and many other men
standing six feet tall. In those days this apparently stood out as most other Nyungars
rarely stood higher than five feet six inches. According to Moore (1886, p. 286),
The Murray river men are much larger and fatter men than any others we have
seen; perhaps from the greater quantity of fish there.
It is claimed by Richards (178, p. 19) that Gcalyut’s moort (family) spent most of
their time at Mandurah. Noonar’s group spent most of their time around Pinjarra. The
third group spent most of their time around the North Dandalup area. This is an
interesting piece of information for if it is the case Stirling’s party clearly attacked the
wrong of Nyungars. Stirling, by all accounts, was seeking to confront who he
described as ‘the Kalyutes’. In other words he was most keen to confront Gcalyut’s
group. Gcalyut, and many of the other Nyungars sought by Stirling, were conspicuous
by their absence at Pinjarra.
The following represents a detailed list of those Binjarup Nyungars who are
mentioned in early colonial literature. Most is taken directly from the sources
mentioned.
Gcalyut: or Calliutt, Callutt, Calute, Calynte, Calyute, Gallutt, Galute, Galyute,
Kalliotte, Kalute, Kalyut or Wongir.
Brother Woodan or Jungil and Yabmar: younger son, Ninia, youngest wife Yamup.
Gcalyut was said by Wedjelas to have been tall and imposing in his physical
appearance. According to Green (1981, p. 82) Gcalyut was a much older man and
described by Lieutenant Bunbury as a ‘fine savage looking old man with long waving
grey hair and beard’. He was one of the few most feared Nyungars in earlier colonial
times. He gained a reputation in the 1830s as the fierce leader of guerrilla style
campaigns Wedjela settlers and enterprises in and around the Swan River and Peel.
As the following accounts demonstrate Gcalyut was highly active during the early
years of Wedjela settlement. He survived into old age living in and around the
Pinjarra and Mandurah districts where he made his disrespect for Thomas Peel known
by chewing on his beard in anger (Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, 1994, p.
176). Today Gcalyut is seen by many Binjarup Nyungars as a great leader, brave man
and champion for his moort (family).
1833 December:
Binjarup Nyungars visited Perth Nyungars at Mt. Eliza, amongst whom they had
many relatives. For example Dommera and his brother, whose father was a Binjarup
Nyungar, were living at Perth and Dommera’s wife Ganiup was there also. Captain
Ellis stated that several of the young men were sons of Binjarup Nyungars killed in
affrays. Heated scenes occurred when a group of around forty Perth Nyungars visited
the Murray area with Manang. At this time of the year food resources such as fish and
banksia nectar allowed large-scale group visits. However, now that access to these
resources was restricted by the European presence, it was necessary for Nyungars to
receive rations of wheat, issued at Willis’s ration depot at Mt Eliza. Monang and
other Binjarup Nyungar visitors returned to visit the Swan and were escorted by Migo
and Dommera to visit more northern groups. Some Binjarup Nyungars and Swan
relatives were camping by the water sources on John Butler’s property near
Freshwater Bay at the end of December (Ellis’s Journal, CSR29/157-9, 163-4, 185).
1834
John Butler reported that Nyungars were still gathering on his property in February,
and complained that their dogs had killed his best goats (CSR30/222-5). On 24
February Gcalyut set off with his favourite European breed dog from Freshwater Bay
to return to the Murray area (Tilbrook, 1986, 201). He took particular care of his dog,
keeping its leg tied. Near the Bush Inn, halfway between Fremantle and Perth, he and
other Binjarup Nyungars were involved in an altercation with Butler and two soldiers
who threatened to shoot their dogs, alleging that they were responsible for
depravations against stock. In the course of the dispute one soldier pressed his musket
to Gcalyut’s side and Gcalyut in turn thrust the musket aside, and prodded the soldier
in the breast with his spear. A quarrel ensued between Gcalyut and Perth Nyungars,
including Dommera, who feared the consequences of further clashes. Gcalyut and
Yaloot each speared the other, Gcalyut thrusting his spear right through his
opponent’s chest (CSR31/2-3, 30; PG1/3/1834).
On the morning of 24 April more than thirty Binjarup Nyungars made a sustained
attack on William Shenton’s Mill, on the south of the Swan. Gcalyut is said to have
been about 30 years old when he lead this raid. William Shenton held them at bay for
two hours, but they forced the door, held him down, and took flour. The group did
not harm Shenton, although Gcalyut reportedly favoured spearing him (Green, 1984,
92). Shenton was able to attract attention from across the river after they had left.
Two detachments of soldiers failed to find the raiders (Shenton’s statement,
CSR31/198, 202-5; PG 26/4/1834). Swan River Nyungars told Armstrong that the
attack had been planned, and joined Captain Ellis and six men from the 21st
Regiment in searching for the ringleaders, who included Gcalyut, Yadong, Monang,
Wamba (probably Womban) and Gummal. However, two other Swan Nyungars gave
warning to Gcalyut and his relations. In May the soldiers entered the Murray Barracks
under cover of darkness and lay concealed. Nyungar women and Yadong approached
the barracks, but Ellis restrained his men in order to trick a large group to approach.
later Yeydong, Monang and Gcalyut came up and were surrounded and forced inside.
All three attempted to escape. Monang got away, was wounded, but carried away by
friends. Yeydong was grazed by a shot, and Gcalyut was wounded by a bayonet,
though continuing to resist forcefully. The soldiers eventually overpowered the two
and took them by cart to Peels house, capturing Wamba and Gummal on the way. All
four Nyungars were then taken to Perth . Wamba the youngest was pardoned
Yeydong and Gummol given twenty four lashes as a ‘’ slight punishment’’ but
Gcalyut was given sixty lashes with a knotted rope, because he had advocated
spearing Shenton. He hardly called out, but was taken to gaol suffering and
exhausted, amid piteous cries from some Swan River Nyungars, while European
workmen called for him to be shot or hung. After six weeks of incarceration Gcalyut
was given 60 more lashes, as a ‘lesson’, before he was finally allowed to go home.
(CSR32/83-94; Green 1984, 93, 208; Tilbrook 1985, 17, 1987, 25). Today
Nyungars still talk about the bravery of Gcalyut whom, although in obvious pain,
sustained two sets of lashings and walked the distance from Fremantle to Pinjarra.
Binjarup Nyungars subsequently blamed Ellis’ men, rather than the Murray
detachment, for the ambush (CSR32/94). Gcalyut was retained as a hostage in
Fremantle Goal, and members of his tribe expressed great anxiety, and would visit the
goal at night to talk to him from outside. He was released on June 10th on the
Coroner’s orders (PG7/6/1834; 14/6/1834).
1834 July
Thomas Peel’s mare had gone loose in the bush and Monang and Unah had searched
for her without success. Edward Barron , ex-sergeant-major of the 63rd Regiment ,
came down to buy the mare from Peel. He set off on horseback to search for her,
accompanied by Private Nesbit (servant to Lieutenant Armstrong, stationed at the
Murray to protect Peel’s establishment), a Nyungar boy who had been living in
Armstrong’s house, and a Nyungar called Soldier man. Monang and Unah offered to
search again if Peel would come too. Peel declined. Gweerup and Yedong watched as
the party set out. A mile from Peel’s Soldier man began to coo-ee (call out a signal to
others) and several Nyungars appeared, including one with a blind eye. Soon nineteen
Nyungars were following them towards a lake, including Gcalyut and Jack, who had
both been arrested for robbing Shenton’s Mill, and a tall Nyungar who frequented
Perth and Fremantle. The Nyungar group split into two parties, one with Nesbit, one
with Barron. Barron began to suspect treachery, but Nesbit was confident of his
Nyungar friendships. Barron spurred his horse to race off, and received wounds on
the left side from spears cast by Gcalyut, and in the kidneys and the back from spears
cast by the tall man and the old man. Barron heard Nesbit cry “God have mercy on
me” and saw his horse race off with a spear in its hip. Barron eventually escaped,
pursued by Gcalyut, Jack and Soldier man (PG 26/7/1834; deposited by Edward
Barron, 23 July 1834, CSR33/101-5; Hasluck 1965, 149-50).
According to a statement by Ninda and Dollion nine months later, the missing mares
had already been speared a week before the search, one by Gcalyut and Nunar, the
other two by Menii, Yadong, Gweerup, and Buggar. The first men to spear Nesbit
were the brothers Woodan and Gcalyut followed by Merega whose spear proved fatal.
He was then speared by eighteen others - Ninia, Jack, Moat, Womban, Nunnar,
Yadong, Yunga, Colbourn, Workup, Buggar, Gweerup, Marniong, Denmar, Erit,
Calliere, Yanmer, Nundjan and Berehan. Thus all joined in the responsibility of this
obviously predetermined death, probably participating in an order dependent on
status. They then proceeded to a ritual designed to deal with the potentially dangerous
spirit of the dead man; Gcalyut again initiated this stage, and along with Womban, cut
the corpse about the throat and head (Letter from Thomas Peel containing statement
by Ninda and Dollion (CSR38/190-3).
October
The death of Nesbit led directly to the European retributory attack on a domestic
group of perhaps seventy Nyungars gathered on the fertile Murray flats at Pinjarra, “a
neighbourhood much frequented by the native tribe of Gcalyut”, an undulating
surface of the richest description, covered with nutritious food for cattle” (Moore’s
Diary, 240). Most of the attackers of Nesbit and Barron were in Pinjarra on 28
October 1834 when Captain Ellis led this retaliatory raid against the Murray men
(CSR38/192-3; PG 18/10/1834; Moore’s Diary 236-430). Those most deeply
involved were either not there or escaped up the opposite bank of the river. These
probably included Gcalyut himself, Nunar, Gweerup, Moat and Berehan, for Peel
continued to see and fear these Nyungars (Letter from Peel incorporating statements
by Ninda and Dollion, CSR38/188-93). However, during the attack, Gcalyut’s
youngest wife, Yamup, had her right leg shot off below the calf. His youngest son,
Ninia, is also listed among the killed and wounded (CSR38/188-91). Yamup later
died, and Gcalyut was reported by the Perth Nyungars to have speared “two of their
tribe” because of her death in the Pinjarra affray. The Swan ‘tribes’ were anxious to
take advantage of the situation to take wive formerly betrothed to Murray men (PG
22/11/1834). The survivors of the attack, “the remnants of this obnoxious tribe”, were
reported to have taken refuge with the Canning man (CSR38/188-91).
1835
It is not surprising that Gcalyut and his associates continued to hold intentions of
revenge and to be feared by Thomas Peel and the Murray settlers, who demanded
further military action against them (Peel’s letter, 1 April 1835, CSR38/190-1). In
July the Nyungars made some tentative overtures of appeasement. Jack and Womban
approached Peel and Lieutenant Armstrong at the Murray and asked if they were still
angry with Gcalyut. Reassured, they expressed an intention to return with Gcalyut,
but thirty Nyungars came back next day without him (CSR41/143).
1836
Suspicion, however, continued for a much longer time, not only between Europeans
and Gcalyut’s associates, but also between the Swan and Murray groups. The
interpreter, Francis Armstrong, warned in March 1836 that Gcalyut, Beeraban and
several other ‘Noonar Wongar’ (people?) had threatened to spear white men, or their
horses, who came onto their land, from Rockingham to the Murray (CSR45/152).
1837
Again in November 1837, Edar, a Perth Nyungar, warned Armstrong that the lives of
white people were threatened by Binjarup Nyungars, including Gcalyut, Woordaar,
Workup, and Gwert (CSR57/90).
1838
Gcalyut was not included in Armstrong’s 1837 list, but Gcalyut was listed by Grey
(1838). He remained an outstanding and important personage in the Murray area.
August, when Yadong had been shot by a soldier, Jem, Yunga and Nundjar, to whom
Peel first gave the news, immediately reported it to Gcalyut and Nunar (PG
11/8/1838; CSR61/162-5).
1840
The feud with the northern Nyungars continued. In May, a body of Murray natives
crept up at dawn and surprised “Waylo” (northern) and Perth Nyungars still asleep
near the town, spearing Kowerrung, who later died, and four others. The attackers
included Gcalyut himself, plus his brother Woodan or Jungil, and Yanmer,
Coulbourne, Dowar, and Nargen (Symmons’ Report, CSR89/np). By this date the
“Murray Tribe” were numbered at thirty five (twenty males and fifteen females) and
the “Pinjarra Mountain Tribe” at twenty one (eleven males and ten females)
(CSR89/np, Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Buggar: or Bugga (Male)
Sons - Ngooee and Dulgat. Involved in the Nesbit spearing. Had been involved in the
spearing of one of Peel’s mares. 1835 March, identified by Peel as one of the
Nyungars who intended to attack whites on the Murray (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Ballang: Male
Father was Winjan. Said to have been one of those killed in the massacre (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990).
Barkyn.
Listed by Armstrong as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Baywup: Female
Father Wandal, brother Nindal, father’s brother Gualver. Listed as one of those killed
in the massacre, along with here father and her father’s brother (Hallam & Tilbrook,
1990).
Beenan: Male
Listed by Lyons as a chief with land south of the Murray (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Bemuk: Female
Mother Gumbil, father Yagar. Listed by Armstrong as a member of the South of the
Murray Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Berehan: or Beeraban, Berahan (Male)
Listed as one of the party involved in the spearing of Nesbit. Also said to have been
present at the Pinjarra massacre. In 1836, along with Gcalyute, threatened to spear
Wedjelas and their horses coming onto their land (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Berehan’s wife: Female
Peel reported her stolen from the Murray by Munday from the Swan River (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990).
Bonbar: or Wooraap or Kemmeel (Male)
Wives Wonjup, Kyrean, Nganjup and Kindup. Listed by Armstrong as a member of
the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Bonggan: (Male)
Listed by Armstrong as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Boodap: (Male)
Initiated by Murray Nyungars at the Upper Swan (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Boondoop
Listed by Armstrong as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Buggar: or Bugga (Male)
Sons Ngooee and Dulgat. Allegedly involved in the spearing of Nesbit. Listed by
Armstrong as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990;
Green, 1965).
Bungowella: or Banyoella, Banyowla, Bunyoella, Bunyowella, Bunyowilla (Male)
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Wife Bacrabang or Nandjat. Listed by Lyons as Chief of the Murray Tribe in 1833. In
1835 involved in trying to negotiate for the safety of those Nyungars not involved in
the spearing of Nesbitt (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Bungap or Bungup (Female):
Wife of Winjan, co-wife of Ngwoyap, with two sons and two daughters. Shot in the
left arm in Massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Calliere (Male)
Alleged to have been involved in the spearing of Nesbit (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Canjern (Male)
Brother Weenan. Among those killedi n the Pinjarra massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook,
1990; Green, 1965).
Colbourn or Kalburn, Karlbun or Ngannung (Male):
One of the eighteen Nyungars involved in the spearing of Nesbitt. Listed as belonging
to the Mangles Bay Nyungars. Involved in the surprise predawn raid on Perth
Nyungars in 1840. At least 6 people were speared and one died (Hallam & Tilbrook,
1990).
Daadjup (Female)
Father Wewa. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Dangnyleyung (Female)
Daughter of Wannyne. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Deivan (Female)
Daughter of Wannyne. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Denmar: or Denma (Male)
One of those alleged to have been involved in the spearing of Nesbit. In 1840
warrants were issued for his arrest after alleged to have been involved in stealing food
from Mandurah. In 1841 recruited as a constable for the Murray district (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990).
Dilgup (Female)
Daughter of Wewa. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Djunma or Doeen (Male)
Mother Kurdal, father Gweeyljup, brother Yoondeen. Listed as a member of the
South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Dollion: or Dolling, Dolliong, Doolang, Doolong, Doolyoong, Joolonga. (Male)
Father Karrul, mother Waanar, sister Gookeer, brother Yanget. One of the two lads
who reported on those who died in the Massacre. In 1838 carried letters for
colonialists (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Dololgar or Doolgap, Dulegap, Dulgar (Male) (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990)
Dommera: or Domera, Domra, Donmara, Donmera, Doumera, Drumera. (Male)
Father a Murray man, brothers Ningana and Egar (both Ngotaks) wife Ganiup, widow
of Midgegooroo (Grey 1838)
Doondip (Female)
Husband Dowar. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam
& Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Dowa’s wife: may have also been known as Yolbuk a Swan River Nyungar (Female)
Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990;
Green, 1965).
Dulgat: (male):
Father Bugga; Brother Ngooee (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990)
Dulyene (Female)
Husband Wamba. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam
& Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Duredup (Female)
A Swan River Nyungar who asked Ellis to assist her in eloping with a Murray man
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Durnang or Duddeer (Male)
Sons Ngoolgart, Kallang and Yootil. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain
Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Edar or Eider, Idar, Yeda (Male)
Father was a Murray man, brothers Domerra and Ningana. Based in Swan River. In
1834 went to Murray to enlist support in a Swan River Nyungar conflict (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990).
Erit or Erut (Male)
Was one of the 18 involved in the spearing of Nesbitt (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Ganiup: or Yangap, Yaniap, Yanup, Yanyup
A Ballaroke. Wife of Midgegooroo up to his death, then Domerra. Midgegooroo’s
son’s included Billy, Willim, Narral and Yagan - any of whom could have been
Ganiup’s sons. Domerra and Yellowgonga fought a dual over who would take Ganiup
as their wife. Domerra won (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Gnenup (Female)
Husband Myne with co-wife Yoonyup. Listed as a member of the South Side of the
Murray Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Goodoop (Male)
Son of Wewa. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990; Green, 1965).
Goondoop: possibly Goodoop (Male)
Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990;
Green, 1965).
Goonga or Mamar (Male)
Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
.
Goonjil (Male)
Son of Bonbar. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Goonmeteee (Male)
Listed as an unattached youth of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Goorgoop (Female)
Daughter of Wewa. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe
(Green, 1965).
Gweerup: or Guwirrippe, Gueirup, Guerip, Gweenup, Gweerjup, Gweeyljup,
Gweeykjup, Gwelupbung, Gwerrup, Gwert, Gwerup, Kwerup, Querup, or Doonda or
Wurgatgwert (Male)
Wife Kurdal; sons Djunma or Doeen, and Yoondeen. Involved in the spearing of
Nesbit (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Gummal: or Gumbal, Gummol or Jack (Male)
Mother Geening. Involved in the attack on Shenton’s Mill in April 1834,
subsequently captured, taken to Perth and given fifteen to twenty five lashes. Among
those said to have been involved in the attacks on Barron and Nesbit, wounded in the
Massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Jem (Male)
Murray Nyungar given the news of the death of Yadong (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Kallang (Male)
Father Durnang. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Kalling (Male)
Father Yagar, mother Gumbil. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray
Tribe (Green, 1965).
Karrul (Male)
Wife Waanar, sons Yanget and Dollion, daughter Gookeer. Listed as a member of the
South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Kindup (Female)
Husband Bonbar. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Kowanung or Kowunung (Female)
Father Wannyne and two wives Nindup and Yallan. Listed as a member of the
Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Kulyere or Narge or Bungup (Male):
1840 is associated with Gcalyut in a surprise predawn raid on Perth Nyungars
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Kumma or Kwegan (Male):
Wife Yeegoon and listed as from the southside of the Murray group (Green, 1965).
Kurdal (Female)
Husband Gweeylup, sons Djunma and Yoondeen. Listed as a member of the South
Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Manyup (Male)
Listed as an unattached male of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Meluk (Female)
Father Yagar, mother Gumbil. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray
Tribe (Green, 1965).
Menii (Male)
July 1834, along with Gcalyut involved in the spearing of Peel’s mare in the bush
near the mouth of the Murray (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Merega: or Meregar, mereja, muggar (Male)
Father Wewa, mothers Ngallup and Warup. Involved in the spearing of Nesbit. Listed
amongst those killed in the Pinjarra massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Migo: or Mago, Maiago, Miago, Myago. A Ngotak.
Mother only mentioned as Mogo’s mother. Father unknown. Brother Mulligo and
another killed at the Murray about 1930. Wives Mugarwit and Kokobung, a
Ballaroke, daughter of Helia. Had kin ties to the Murray area. A general
reconciliation between Murray and Perth Nyungars on Dec 5 1833. Accompanied
Capt Norcott, Superintendent of Mounted Police Corps to Murray. Migo’s brother:
said to have been killed in the Murray district years before 1833 - this suggests ties
between Perth and Murray groups (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Moat: or Mout (Male)
A one eyed Nyungar involved in the spearing of Nesbitt. Present at the Massacre but
escaped (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Monang: or Marniong, Mornang
Involved in reconciliation between Perth and Murray Nyungars in 1833. Involved in
the raid on Shenton’s Mill. Involved in attack on Nesbitt and Barron. A native
constable in Murray district in 1841 (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Ngallup (Female)
Husband Wewa, co-wife Warup. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray
Tribe (Green, 1965).
Nganjup (Female)
Wife of Bonbar. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Ngooee: (Male)
Brother Dulgat, Father Bugga. Listed as from the South Side of the Murray group
(Green, 1965).
Ngoolgart (Male)
Son of Durnang. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Ngooroop (Female)
Daughter of Wewa. Listed as from the South Side of the Murray group (Green,
1965).
Ngyleyup (Female)
One of the daughters of Winjan and his wives Bungap and Ngwoyap, brother Ninda.
Listed as from the South Side of the Murray group (Green, 1965).
Ninda: son of Wandal, brother of Baywup, father’s brother Gualron, a “Didaroke”
(member of a local group)
At the massacre but hid and survived - was probably quite young at the time, as was
described as “a lad” in CSR 38/190-3 - made later statement to Peel with Dollion
about those killed in the massacre. Also listed as Winjan’s son, probably
classificatory father after Wandal’s death (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Nindup (Female)
Wife of Wannyne from the Pinjarra Mountain group (Green, 1965).
Ninia: or Unia, Uria (Male)
Father Gcalyute, mother Yamup. Among those killed in Massacre (Hallam &
Tilbrook, 1990).
Nogul (Female)
Son Yadong. Thought to have been killed or wounded in the Pinjarra massacre
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Nundjar: or Ngangar, Nganjar, Nimjar, Nundjan, Nunjar (Male)
Father Wewa, father’s wives Ngallup and Warup, brothers Woomban, Meregar,
Goodoop and Nunyang. Thought to among the group who speared Nesbit. Listed as
from the South Side of the Murray group (Green, 1965).
Nyneyeer (Female)
One of the two daughters of Winjan, brother Ninda (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Nunar: or Minar, Nimar, Ninar, Noona, Noonar, Nunnar, Nunyar (Male).
One of the most important Murray Nyungar at the time of colonisation. Among those
who speared Nesbit. Said to have been the one who threw the spear that glanced Ellis
at Pinjarra and to have been one who escaped from the Massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook,
1990).
Nundjan: or Ngangar, Nganjar, Nimjar, Nundjan, Nunjar (Male)
Father Wewa, father’s wives Ngallup and Warup, four brothers Woomban, Meregar,
Goodoop and Nunyang, four sisters Ngooroop, Goordoop, Dilgup and Daadjup.
Among those who speared Nesbit (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Soldier Man:
Involved in the spearing of Nesbit (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Waanar (Female)
Husband Karral, daughter Gookeer, sons Yanget and Doolyong. Listed as from the
South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Wanjup (Female)
Husband Bonbar. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Wannyne: or Naa-aan (Male)
Two wives Nindup and Yallan, son Yooleer. daughters Deangnleyung, Deivan and
Kowanung. Listed as from the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Warup (Female)
Husband Wewa. Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green,
1965).
Wauchop: or Washop, Wauhop (Male)
In 1839 involved in bringing in Nyungars involved in spearing and then later
involved in a spearing in Fremantle (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Wewa: or Weewar (Male)
Wives Ngallup and Warup; sons Womban, Nundjar, Meregar, Goodoop and
Nunyang; and daughters Ngooroop, Goordoop, Dilgup and Daadjup. One of the last
two remaining senior men of the Murray group which is said to have lost half their
numbers in the Massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Wewa was a Binjarup Nyungar who became famous after he became a test case for
British law in the colony. In January of 1842 Wewa attached himself to a party of
troopers from the 51st Regiment which had secured the tracking services of Dyung
from the Canning River area. There apparently had been a vendetta between the
Murray families and the family of Dyung. Wewa’s adopted son had earlier been
murdered by a member of Dyung’s group. When the party reached Mandurah both
Wewa and Dyung shared a hut one night . During the night Wewa speared Dyung.
The test case of the Crown versus Wewa was heard in the Perth Court House. The
trial provided a chance to debate whether ‘tribal law’ should take precedence over
British law in matters concerned with Nyungars committing acts against Nyungars.
Defence Counsel E.W. Landor, who was considered to be outstanding at legal
argument in the colony put the case that Nyungars should not be subject to British
law. He claimed that since Stirling’s proclamation of the colony had not made
Nyungars British citizens; since the colony had been ‘settled’ rather than conquered
and since Nyungar had their own distinct set of laws then it would be unreasonable
for Wewa, and other Nyungars, to be punished twice. Unperturbed by this argument
the jury found Wewa guilt and sentenced him to death. The sentence was later
commuted to life in the Rottnest Prison (Green, 1984; Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal
Australia, 1994, p. 1168).
Winjan: or Injan, Wingan, Wingin, Dudorro (Male)
Husband of Bungap and Ngwoyap, daughters Nyneyeer and Ngyleyup, sons Ballang
and Ninda. Wife Bungap badly wounded and son Ballang killed in Pinjarra massacre
(Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Another Nyungar written about in much of the early colonial literature was Winjan. It
is often difficult following which Winjan is being talked about in accounts for
Winjan’s son, usually referred to as Yabburgurt or George Winjan, may have been
mistaken for his father. For example Jessie Hammond claims that Winjan would have
been in his 70s in the 1830s but later reports claim that he did not actually die until
the 1880s, when he was carried by stretcher from Perth to his boodjar Mandurah. This
would make Winjan at least 110 when he died. Bill Leeder knew Winjan in
Leederville in the 1830s and described him then as over 60 years of age. This would
have made him over 100 years old when he died. Winjan is said to have been born at
the Koolin-Yinnup campsite near the present suburb of Halls Head in the town of
Mandurah (Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, 1994, p. 1189). Winjan was one
of three children of Mogam, a Nyungar male of the Tondarep kin section and fish
totem. His mother, whose name is unknown, was from the Ballaruk section and the
Banksia totem. According to Hammond (1933, p. 20-21) Winjan was a yoolin
(decision makers and law keepers) of the Binjarup Nyungars and land known as
Manjugoordup, which was later known as Mandura. This area was Winjan’s boodjar,
his birthplace, his moort’s karl (family’s home) and the area in which he and local
yoolins would operate. Along with other yoolins Winjan was involved in important
tasks including: assisting visiting Nyungar groups in organising camping; acting to
co-ordinate ceremonial and dance activities; regulating correct marriages, controlling
population numbers, deciding on bang al buma (punishments) and participating in the
care and maintenance of mungahs (fish traps) during the late 1800s.
It is recorded that Winjan survived the vicious attack by the Government’s official
party led by Governor Stirling. He was often referred to by Wedjelas as King Winjan
because they found it easy to use him as a representative Nyungar figure. Winjan was
known to frequent boodjar around the Pinjarra, Mandurah, Rockingham, Fremantle,
Perth and surrounding coastal districts. It is quite possible that, as a young boy,
George Winjan was also present at the massacre. Winjan was said to have kinship
relationships between Nyungar groups to the north, east, south-east and south of his
Mandurah karl (homefire) This was achieved by Winjan marrying women from each
of the four Nyungar clan groups living within these areas (Hammond, 1933).
In the 1880s when he fell ill at a camp in central Perth, near the corner of Hay and
George Streets, his people made a stretcher and carried him over 60 kilometres to
Mandurah where he died and was buried.
Winjan is commemorated in Mandurah by a street named after him. Winjan Place
leads from Leslie Street down to Soldier’s Cove in Mandurah. The local Aboriginal
community organisation, Winjan Aboriginal Corporation, is also named after him.
Womban, or Wamba, Wombal, Woomban or Eenja (Male)
Father Wewa, father’s wives Ngallup and Warup, brothers Nganjar (Nundjar),
Muggaar (Meregar), Goodoop and Nunyang; and four sisters Ngooroop, Goordoop,
Dilgup and Daadjup (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Wonenoodane: or Wonenon (Female)
Husband Bonggan. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Woobil (Male)
Father Bonbar, brother Goonjar. Listed as a member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe
(Green, 1965).
Woodan: or Woodar, Woordaar or Jungil (a male)
Brothers Gcalyute and Yanmer (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Workup: or Worgup, Wurgat (Male)
Thought to be one of the men involved in the spearing of Nesbit. In 1837 thought to
be among those threatening the lives of Wedjelas (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yaburgurt: or Wittungit, George Winjan (Male)
The son of Winjan who lived in an around the area named Kulin Yinnup in
Mandurah. It is reported that he was born in 1824 and died in 1915 in Pinjarra at the
age of 91. Some claim that Yaburgurt, as a very young boy, was actually present at
the Pinjarra Nyungar camp on the morning when Stirling’s troops attacked.
Today if you walked along McLarty Road in Hall’s Head until you reached Glencoe
Parade you would be around Yaburgurt’s karleep (homefire) and gahpbi (water). East
of the road, by the roadside fence sits a small fig tree and a circle of dark soil which is
all that remains of a spring or well which Yaburgurt considered his own. This is
where Yaburgurt lived for many years in a shelter on the Sutton family property.
Later in his life Yaburgurt was to be known as George Winjan and married Ngalyart
with whom he lived with on Sutton’s Farm. He inherited four other wives from moort
(relations) who died. One of these was the Kooragup, wife of Dootin or Tommy
Dower who was well known as an important boodier (leader) of Pinjarra Nyungars.
Yadong: or Yagdong, Yaydong, Yedong, Yeydong.
Mother - Nogul. Murray River Nyungar involved in the attack on Shenton’s Mill.
Involved in the Nesbitt killing (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yagar (Male)
Wife Gumbil, sons Milgar and Kalling, daughters Meluk and Bemuk. Listed as a
member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yagong (Male)
Listed as a Mountain man killed in the Pinjarra massacre (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yallan (Female)
Listed as husband Wannyne of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yanget (Male)
Father Karrul, mother Waanar, sister Gookeer, brother Doolyoong. Listed as a
member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yamup: or Yannup, Yornup
Wife of Gcalyute with unnamed co-wife and children. Her right leg was shot off at
the knee in the Massacre - later died. Gcalyute was later to have speared two Perth
Nyungars in retaliation for this killing (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yanmar: or Yanma, Yanmer or John
Bother of Gcalyute and Woodan. Involved in the spearing of Nesbitt. Involved in the
conflict with Perth Nyungars in May 1840. Appointed native constables at Fremantle
in August 1841 (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yeegoon (Female)
Husband Kumma. Listed as a member of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yolbuk
Listed as a member of the South Side of the Murray Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yooleer (Male)
Father Wannye. Listed as member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yoondeen (Male)
Father Doonda, mother Kurdal, brother Djunma. Listed as member of the Murray
Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yoonyop (Female)
Husband Myne and co-wife Gnenup. Listed as member of the Murray Tribe (Green,
1965).
Yootil (Male)
Father Durnang. Listed as member of the Pinjarra Mountain Tribe (Green, 1965).
Yugan (Male)
Carried letters for colonists around the Pinjarra district (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Yunga: Male
Involved in the killing of Nesbitt (Hallam & Tilbrook, 1990).
Ngalyart: (Female)
Daughter of Karil. Karil, from the Tondarup family section, was the daughter of
Weenill. Karil married Wam’ulo, from the Ballarruk family section.
Nalyart wareen means little clouds rising above the sky. Ngalyart was named by her
father from when he saw tiny ragged clouds running about the sky after her birth.
Her relations included:
Werr’gup, a male Ballarruk Woobung or Yangeetch, a male Ballarruk
Goodeer, a female Ballarruk Doolyung, a male Ballarruk
Gwergen, a male Ballaruk Wooder, a male Ballarruk
Dolyup and Banyan, whose mother was Melok, a Nagarnook, and father was Manill,
a Tondarup.
BINJARUP NYUNGAR WANGINY (LANGUAGE)
LEARNT DURING THE COURSE OF THE TRAINING PROJECT (According
to Richard Walley and Shane Abdullah)
Counting to Ten
1. Dumbart
2. Kudjel
3. Meredin
4. Barnee Kudjel
5. Meredin Kudjel
6. Meredin Meredin
7. Meredin Mo
8. Barnee Kudjel Kudjel
9. Meredin Meredin Meredin
10. Mar Kudjel
Seasons
Aug-Sep Jilba
Oct-Nov Kambarang
Dec-Jan Birok (Beer-rock)
Feb-Mar Burnoru (Born-a-roo)
April-May Wanyarang (Won-you-rang)
June-July Muggoru
Words
Yes Kia
No Youart
Boy Nop
Girl Yorga
Wungening Kungyah Nalungh
Healing Spirit Our
Wanginy Boodjar (Talking about Country)
Nyungar boodjar
Nyungar land/country
Nyung Nyungar. Nyung boodjar. Nyungar boodjar.
Me Nyungar. My country. Nyungar country.
Nyung Nyungar. Nyungar boodjar. Nyung Bidjinjerup Nyungar.
Me Nyungar Nyungar land. Me Bidjinjerup Nyungar.
Moort (Family)
Maman Father Gnark Mother + Sun
Taarman Grandfather Nop Boy
Wanginy Talking Juk Sister
Gnong Brother Winyarn Hopeless
Ngoolya Brother in law Mamarie Little spirit
Marman Good spirit Boodjarie Come from the land - pregnant
Body Parts
Kaat Head Kaata gigi Hair Dwonk Ear
Dwonkle 2 Ears Meeowl Eyes Mimble Eyebrows
Moill Nose Daa Mouth Ngolluk Teeth
Koorble Stomach Wort Throat Koomn
Ribs
Koort Heart Kwun Bum - ring Moolun Back (side)
Niret Tail Maart Leg Jen Foot
Jena Biri Toes Mar Hand Mara Hands
Mara Biri Fingers Doorndak Brains Yatj Thigh bone
Walyan Lungs Djaa Lips
Daba karn Slow down - take it easy
More Words
Kitch Spear Kylie Boomerang Karda Goanna
Waitch Emu Jenock Spirit Minditch Sickness
Gwopa Good Wara Bad Winyarn Sorry
Borin Tree Yacan Turtle Cara Crab
Keip Water Warawanginy Swearing
Chitty Chitty Song
Chitty chitty wanginy coolbardie
willy wagtail talking magpie
Chitty chitty wanginy coormal
Willy wagtail talking possum
Chitty chitty wanginy choonyar
Willy wagtail talking parrot
Chitty chitty wanginy yorn
Willy wagtail talking bobtail
Chitty chitty wanginy yuckan
Willy wagtail talking turtle
Chitty chitty wanginy waagal
Willy wagtail talking snake
Chitty chitty wanginy wardung
Willy wagtail talking crow
BIDJARUP NYUNGAR AS RECORDED BY HAMMOND (1933)
Changer White man Boulah Plenty
N-yoongar Black man Mungyt Sugar, honey or sweet
Kwahba Good Bibbi Milk
Windong Bad Gahpbi Water
Wug-gyn Thin - in poor condition Yolgah River
Min-dytch Sick Ng-yungen Sun
Kahta Head Yalleminni Moon
Jenna (for females) Feet Yahbini Stars
Jinna (for males) Feet Yollonee Sky
Mahra Hand Jingee The devil
Ng-yangun Whiskers Bonda Wonge The truth
Moulyah Nose Gil-git Fish
Kourah Eyes Kwullah Mullet
Tongah Ears N-yolah Cobbler
Jillbah Breast Ngungan I (first person, singular)
Billah Tailer
Ng-yon-ong You (second person) Yillah Garfish
Barhl He (third person) Yolkah Snapper
Yoker Wife Nolkah Flathead
Kwillah Shark
Kymra Woman, sweetheart Yallah Prawn
Boujera Earth (both territory and the soil)
Kahla Fire Kwillen-ah Porpoise
Bo-nu Wood Dodga Meat
Balga Blackboy - grass tree Bunnit-jee Duck
Nal-goo To eat Joo-wahdah Swan
Murryn Bread Wayji Emu
Wahlya Kangaroo rat Kol-bardi Magpie
Kwinder Bandicoot Ye-ahbi Cockatoo
Koomahl Opossum Yelga Eagle
Dwerda-yuggyn Dingo N-yonger Kangaroo
Kerrda Iguana Ing-wahra Brush
Biddit Ant Kwogger Wallaby
Ming-ah Fly Norn Snake (in general)
Kwilyam A lie Yahnera Kit-kit Run, walk quickly
Bwee-ya Money Nannap Stop
Yahbera Walk Winjee Where
Counting Directions
Kain One Jeer-ahl North
Kodjal Two Kon-al South
Murrdyn Three Bo-yal East
Bahrnee-kodjalFour Eer-al West
Kodjal-murrdyn Five
Murrdyn-murrdyn Six
Bahrnee-kodjal-
murrdyn Seven
Bahrnee-kodjal-
kodjal Eight
Murrdyn-murrdyn-
murrdyn Nine
Bahrnee-kodjal-
murrdyn-murrdyn Ten
(NOTE: Hammond’s: Vocabulary of the South West Aborigines (Battye 499.15HAM)
contains a more thorough dictionary of Binjarup Nyungar)
MORE BINJARUP NYUNGAR WANGINY - FROM “NATIVE VOCABULARY
COMPILED BY NGALYART” (Bates, 1904)
Wooralgula tribe (sea people), or woodarngup tribe, darbalung (estuary people)
Kooree nyakka wangaga Now you and I talking
Maia boondoo wangaga Voice straight talking
Body parts
Beelga Ankle Marrga nyardoo Arm (left)
Marrga Arm (lower) Marrga ngoonmarn Arm (right)
Jooroo Arm (upper)
Goongo, koongo, boogal Back Goojee, bookal or boogal Back-bone
Nganga Beard Ngooboo Blood
Goojee Bone Babaloo Bowels
Beebee nyardoo Breast (left) Beebee ngoonmarn Breast (right)
Ngarndoo, beebee Breasts Wagarr Breath
Noorgalyat Brains Woolaitch Calf of leg
Yooraitch Cheek Wagarr Chest
Nganga Chin Merangin To cry
Gabbee ngannain To drink Doonga Ear
Ngannain To eat Ngaioo, ngaioon, jeelap Elbow
Nimbat Eyebrow Meelganba Eyelash
Meel hanha Eyelid Meel Eye
Yooraicth Face Boyn Fat
Beedeebabba FatiqueMara Finger
Goojee Finger joint Beeree Finger nail
Jinna nyardoo Foot (left) Jinna ngunmarn Foot (right)
Yoordoo Forehead Windoo Frowning
Ealain Gums Katta mungarra Hair
Mara Hand Mara nyardoo Hand (left)
Mara ngunmarn Hand (right) Katta Head
Doonga Hearing Koorda Heart
Ngardoo jinna Heel Ngardoo jinna nyardoo Heel (left)
Ngardoo jinna ngoonmarn Heel (right) Koolgee Hip bone
Jinna boogal Instep Goojee ngardar(lower)Lower jaw
Yeera(up) goojee Upper jaw Jooboo Kidney
Bonaitch Knee Bonaitch nyoomap Kneecap
Mata nyardoo Leg (left) Mata ngoonmarn Leg (right)
Mata, atuk Legs Daa boota Lower lips
Daa yeera Upper lips Maieer Liver
Walyal Lungs Mooning Moustache
Daa Mouth Daagurt Roof of mouth
Warngoo MuscleNanga morrdok Nape of neck
Beelee, beelyee Navel Nanga Neck
Beebee moolya Nipple of breast Moolya Nose
Moolya karrup Nostril Mata kootaitch Palm of hand
Banya boolabbin Perspiration Gabbooluk Pregnant
Mandeegurr Age of puberty Ngarrail Rib
Dinnaitch Rump Nyanga Seeing
Mata goojee Shin Warbgoo Shoulder
Mata gweerak Sinew Goojee lerra Skeleton
Mab’boo Skin Goojee Skull
Beejara ngoondain Sleep Beejak mindongin To smell
Nyeetee wangain To sneeze Wangain To speak
Dalyee gwardeejee To spit Beejak ngoomoon To stink
Gooyee Stomach Nyaga To taste
Marrangin Tears Ngalgoo Teeth
Ngooboo burdongin Temple Dowul Thigh
Gabbee warning Thirsty Darrgart Throat
Mara ngonga Thumb Nganga jinna Big toe
Beeree naganga Big toe nail Dalin, delin Tongue
Koobaning To urinate Ngooboo, gweerak Vein
Kooree yanna To walk Darrgart Windpipe
Meel ngarda unning To wink Mj-er-a-bin Wrinkle
Mardalya Wrist Wagarr kwardain To yawn
(NOTE: much more comprehensive language lists from the region are contained in
Bates’ manuscripts).
RECOMMENDATIONS:
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ONGOING RESEARCH
The project team recommends that:
The Gcalyut organisation develop a research facility to act as:
an Indigenous Australia Research Unit which focuses on the production of
historical and cultural knowledge which fosters and advances the intellectual,
cultural and economic interests of indigenous Australians in the region;
a clearinghouse of historical data and other cultural information that relates to
indigenous groups of the south-west of Western Australia; and
a training body which cultivates the development of research generation skills
amongst indigenous young people in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation establish a local Nyungar history group comprising
local Binjarup Nyungar custodians and other selected history and archival experts.
This group should:
work in consultation with the Librarian at the Pinjarra - Alcoa Library to
catalogue and secure the information collected during the course of this
project;
act as carers and keepers of the knowledge and information generated from
this project;
develop a set of principles and a plan for the collection of historical and other
cultural knowledge which relates to Binjarup Nyungars in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation undertake to secure the necessary resources to produce
educational and multi media material which presents information about the
‘Pinjarra Massacre’ and which is designed for use in schools, training
programmes, tourism enterprises and other economic ventures which might
benefit indigenous groups in the region.
The Gcalyut organisation develop similar research and training projects with a
view to both producing an extended data base and further analysing the historical
data already generated.
The Gcalyut organisation approach Len Collard and David Palmer with a view to
producing a book on the Pinjarra Massacre events.
The Gcalyut organisation support the longstanding efforts of Murray Districts
Aboriginal Association to have the Massacre site publicly recognised.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RESOURCES NEEDED TO ESTABLISH A
RESERCH FACILITY
The following represents a list of recommendations for resources that we believe
Gcalyute needs if it is wanting to develop ongoing history and research work:
A centre for Gcalyute’s development and operations.
Clearly, while we recognise that Gcalyute is obviously working on securing its own
administrative centre, a fully equipped office space and office systems are essential
resources.
General Resources needed for a Research Team
Vehicles or access to reliable transport.
Two fully operational office computers with CD Rom capabilities, substantial
memory, a modem, a scanner and software packages for office management,
external communication (facsimile, answering machine capabilities) as well as
genealogical, cartographical and ethnographic research work.
At least one mobile computer for external research work - serviced with the same
capabilities as the Office computer.
A laser quality colour printer.
A multipurpose, high quality photocopier.
At least two or three operational SLR manual cameras.
A video camera, lights and tripods.
Colour television and VCR.
A couple of mobile phones.
A couple of white boards - one fixed and one mobile.
Three filing cabinets - (the number of filing cabinets required would depend on
the archival system chosen)
An extensive library would require shelving, preservation material and a record
system. (A list of the books and other resources that we recommend be purchased
will be offered in the final report)
Five interviewing tape-recorders.
Security cases for equipment - designed for transporting
Supplies of office resources for above equipment.
Personal Research Kit for Each Project Worker
An ID card
Notepads
Magnifying glasses
Stationary - pens, pencils, etc.
Sketch pads
Record journals
Diary
A waterproof quality bag
LIST OF SOURCES
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Perth Gazette 1836.
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Bates, Daisy (1913). List of nomenclature held by the Department of Land
Administration.
Bates, Daisy (1914). A few notes on some Western Australian dialects. Journal of the
Anthropological Institute. 44. pp. 65-82.
Bates, Daisy (1927). Woolberr, the last of the Black Swan group. Australasian, May
3.
Bates, Daisy (1938). The Passing of the Aborigines: A Lifetime Spent Among the
Natives of Australia. London: John Murray.
Bates, Daisy (1985). (Ed. White, I). The Native Tribes of Western Australia.
Canberra: National Library.
Bates, Daisy (1992) (Ed. Bridge, P.J.) Aboriginal Perth: Bibbulman Biographies and
Legends. Perth: Hepserian.
Battle of Pinjarra (1994). The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, 1, (D.Horton,
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Company.
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Captain Nicolaus Baudin Commander-in-Chief of the Corvettes Geographe and
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Berndt, R.M. & Berndt, C.H. (Eds.). (1980). Aborigines of the West: Their Past and
Their Present. 2nd. rev.ed. W.A.:University of Western Australian Press. pp. 288-
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South-West of Western Australia. Perth: Western Australian Museum.
Biskup, Peter (1973). Not Slaves Not Citizens: The Aboriginal Problem in Western
Australia 1898-1954. St Lucia: University of Queensland.
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Collard, L. (1994). A Nyungar Interpretation of Ellensbrook and Wonnerup
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in the Peel Region of W.A.
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(Ed). A New History of Western Australia. p. 3-35. Perth: University of Western
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Aborigines Since 1788. N.S.W.: Child & Associates. pp.170-172.
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Western Australia: An Ethnohistorical Study. Honours Thesis: University of Western
Australia.
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Invasion and the White Struggle Against Colonial Oppression. N.S.W.: Angus &
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1852. The Push from the Bush; a Bulletin of Social History, no.3, 70-94.
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of Western Australia.
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Australia. W.A.: Focus Education Services. pp.99-106.
Grose, J.E. (1927). The Battle of Pinjarra, 1834. II. The Background to the encounter.
Early Days: Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Western Australian Historical
Society, 1,(1), 30-35.
Grose, J.E. (1972) The Battle of Pinjarra. Typescript. Battye Library HS 674.
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Haebich, A. & Tilbrook, L. (1981). Southwest Aboriginal Studies Bibliography. MT
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Haebich, A. (1988). For Their Own Good: Aborigines and Government in the
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Hallam, S.J. (1991). Some little-known Aborigines of the 1830s in the Perth area. In
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Hallam, Silvia & Tilbrook, Lois (1990). Aborigines of the Southwest Region 1829-
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Hammond, J.E. (1933). Winjan’s People: The Story of the South West Australian
Aborigines. Perth: Imperial Printing.
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Printing.
Hardy, Joseph (1929). The diary of Joseph Hardy. Royal Western Australian
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Harris, J. (1990). One Blood: 200 years of Aboriginal Encounter with Christianity: A
story of Hope. N.S.W.: Albatross Books. pp. 256-257.
Hasluck, A. (1965). Thomas Peel of Swan River. Melbourne.: Oxford University
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Hasluck, A. (1955). Yagan the patriot and some notable Aborigines of the first
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Hasluck, P. (1929). Early settlers on the Murray. Early days. 1, (6). pp.16-30.
Hasluck, Paul (1970). Black Australians: A Survey of Native Policy in Western
Australia. Carlton: Melbourne University.
Haynes, B.T., Barrett, G.E.B., Brennan, A.E. & Brennan, L. (1972) (Eds.). W.A.
Aborigines 1622-1972: Themes from Western Australian History. History
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Howard, S.J. (1981). Aboriginal Politics in the Southwest of Western Australia. Perth
University of Western Australia.
Ilbery, E.S. (1927). The Battle of Pinjarra, 1834. 1. The Passing of the Bibbulumun.
Early Days: Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Western Australian Historical
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Irwin, F.C. (1835). The state and position of Western Australia. London: Simpkin,
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Western Australia’s first Surveyor-General (1797-1878). West Swan, W.A.: M.B.
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Lyon, R.M. (1933). A Glance at the Manners and Language of the Aboriginal
Inhabitants of Western Australia. Battye (also in Perth Gazette: 30/3/1833, 6, 13,
20/4/1833).
Macintyre Dobson and Associates 91994). Report on an Ethnographic Survey for
Aboriginal Sites of Pt 215 Firgits and Dunkerton Rd Barragup. Shire of Murray.
Prepared for Glenn Low Real Estate. February 1994.
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Southwest of Western Australia. Wembley: Emu Souvenirs.
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Planning Consultants, April 1994.
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Wesleyan Missionary John Smithies in the Swan River Colony 1840-1955. Perth:
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Other Material from the W.A. Public Archives:
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Bates, Daisy (nd) Native Trade Routes: Commerce of the Australian Natives. Battye
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1212A, Box 750, Item xii-xiii.
Bates, Daisy (nd).Southwest Subdivisions and Place. Acc 1212A, Item xi-xA-5, Part
2.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Pinjarra Marriages. Acc 1212A, Box 747, Sec iii, 1 p. 149-150.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Yaburgurt’s Information on Murray District Totems. Acc 1212A.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Social Organisation of Southwest of W.A. Yaburgurt’s
Information. Acc 1212A.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Song and dance of Meedar (Middar) Acc 1212A.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Additional collection of songs. Acc 1212A, Sec xi 3A ii.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Trade amongst Nyungars. Acc 1212A, Sec ix-x. p. 38-39
Bates, Daisy (nd). Notes Irwin (1835). Battle of Pinjarra. Acc 1212A, Box 750, Sec
xii-xiii, p. 29.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Songs and burial customs, Pinjarra. Acc 1212A.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Mandurah and Murray River initiation. Acc 1212A, Box 747, Sec
iii 4A iii.
Bates, Daisy (nd). A creation story of the sun from Pinjarra. Acc 1212A, Box 6/3A,
Folio 35.
Bates, Daisy (nd).Distribution of Yongka/kangaroo Acc 1212A, Item 8/1. Folio 9-18,
p. 9.
Bates, Daisy (nd). According to Ngalyart, spearing dodging story. Acc 1212A, Item
no. 6/1, Folio 46.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Creation story. Acc 1212A, Box 747, v 2b, p. 28.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Relationship terms. SW. Australia. Acc 1212A, Box 747. Folio iii
5E, p. 1-20.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Kinship terms. Acc 1212A, Box 747, Fol. iii 5e p. 2-5.
Bates, Daisy (nd). How death came to the Murray River Yungar - from Yaburgurt.
Acc 1212A, 7/1a, p. 9.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Words and Battle of Pinjarra account. Acc 4553a, Item 29/2 - 29/1.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Aboriginal names. Acc 4553/29/2.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Native vocabulary from W. Hymas, Fawcett and Scott of Pinjarrah
Magistrates District. xii, 2b, 28.
Bates, Daisy (nd). Songs and dance and additional collection of songs. Acc 1212A,
Item no vi/1a - 5 Part 1. xi, 3a, ii.
Bates, Daisy (1940). Native vocabularies - Pinjarra. Typescript copy of Bates
manuscripts. National Library of Australia (12, 2B).
Bates, Daisy (1940). Native vocabularies - Pinjarra Magisterial District. Typescript
copy of Bates manuscripts. National Library of Australia (Section 12).
Bates, Daisy (1901). Murray Magisterial District. Typescript copy of Bates
manuscripts. National Library of Australia (Section 12, 2B: 28).
Bell, K.J. (1966). Natives of the Pinjarra Area. Teachers Higher Certificate Thesis.
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Brady, J. (1845) A Descriptive Vocabulary of the Native Language of Western
Australia. Rome: S.C.De PopgandaFide.
Buller-Murphy (nd). Meekadarriby - The Legends, Arts, Customs and Language of
the Aborigines of the Southwest and Northwest of Western Australia. (PR 1648a/7).
Bunbury, H.W. (1934-37). Diary of H.W. Bunbury. (MF 327a).
Bussell, Alfred John (nd). South west Aboriginal language or dialect: what the
Aboriginals term “Dongerup Wongie”, and other things concerning Australia
generally. Battye Library Q499.15.
Cooper, R.D. (1967). Battle of Pinjarra. Typescript. (Battye Library PR 6603)
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Canning River Aborigines from the first settlement in 1829 up to 1850. (Thesis in
Battye)
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390a).
Grey, G. (1940). A Vocabulary of the Dialects of South Western Australia. London:
T. and W. Boone.
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Western Australia: During the Years 1837, 1838 and 1839, Volumes One and Two.
London: T. and W. Boone.
Hammond, J.E. (1938). Native laws, rites, customs, ceremonies and religious beliefs;
when in their primitive state. Battye (PR 385).
Hammond, J.E. (nd). Vocabulary of the South West Aborigines. Battye Library
499.15 Ham.
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Station 6WF April. Hasluck Collection, W.A. Public Records.
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Australia (selected and edited by D.S. Davidson). Folklore, September 1934, June
1935. Battye Library ( 299.9HAS)
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Battye Library (Q572.994HAS)
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63rd Regiment fatally speared. Mr. Mrrell wounded.
J.S Roe Field Book. No 3. 1834-38. Oct 28 1834 Pinjarra. Battle of Pinjarra. Capt.
Ellis fatally wounded. Corporal Heffron arm wounded.
J.S Roe Field Book. No 3. 1834-38. Oct 28 1834 Pinjarra. Battle of Pinjarra. 15-20
dead.
MacFaull, Charles (Ed). (1842). The Western Australian Almanac for the Year of our
Lord 1842, being the Second Year after Bisextile, or Leap Year, with an Appendix
Containing a Native Grammar. Perth: C. MacFaull. Battye Library. (994.1MAC)
McKay, Margaret (1967). Pinjarra District 1829-1900. Royal Western Australian
Historical Society: Lee Steere Essay Competition. Battye Library.
Mercer, Jeanette (1960). A History of Pinjarra. Teaching Certificate, Claremont
Teachers College.
Minister for Lands (1901). The Spelling of Native Geographical Names. Perth: T.
Bryan. Battye Library.
Native Welfare Council (1938). Our Southern Half Caste Natives and their
Conditions. Perth: Native Welfare Council. Battye Library (302.451OUR).
Newman, Valerie, F. (nd). The History of the Peel Estate. Battye Library.
Lesley, Neil (1967). A survey of the development of native reserves in southern
Western Australia to 1961. Thesis - Graylands Teachers College. Battye Library.
Phillips, R (1970). The passing of the Bibbulman tribe: 1829-1909. Thesis -
Claremont Teachers College. Battye Library.
Powell, Maxine (1958). Post-war Development Potentialities of Mandurah. Teachers
Certificate. Claremont Teachers College. Battye Library.
Reed, A. W. (1967). Aboriginal Place Names and Their Meanings. Battye Library.
(499.15REE)
Stirling to Stanley, Government Despatches, Sept 1834 - Dec 1838. No. 14, Nov 1.
Oct 28 1834 Pinjarra. Battle of Pinjarra ‘Probably 15 men’
Stirling to Secretary of State, 18/10/1830. Early 1830, Murray. Boy McKenzie fatally
speared.
Taylor, Joan (1965). The history of native welfare in the south of Western Australia.
Battye Library (354.941008TAY).
Newspaper articles:
Perth Gazette, 26/4/1834, p. 275. Robbery of Mill by Murray men.
Perth Gazette, 3\5\1834. May 1834 Murray Barracks. 3 Aborigines involved in raid
on Shenton’s Mill shot resisting arrest; Calyute bayoneted.
Perth Gazette, 14\6\1834 & CSO 1834 32-88 June 1834 Fremantle Calyute flogged
and released from Fremantle gaol.
Perth Gazette, 27\6\1834.
Perth Gazette, 26\7\1834 & CSO 1834, 33-101. July 1834 Murray Private Nesbitt
killed and Edward Barron wounded when attacked by Aborigines of Murray River
tribal group.
Perth Gazette Aug, 31, 1834, About 200 Aborigines gathered at Murray.
Perth Gazette, Sept 1834. Murray. George Layman speared.
Perth Gazette, 25/10/1834. Stirling and his group leave Perth for Pinjarra.
Perth Gazette 1/11/1834, p. 1, Oct 28 1834 Pinjarra. Battle of Pinjarra 25-30 dead.
Perth Gazette 8/11/1834, p. 6. Captain Ellis seriously ill from injuries sustained from
Pinjarra affair. Captain Daniell gos to Pinjarra to check for Nyungars after the
massacre.
Perth Gazette, 15/11/1834, Death of Captain Ellis. ‘The Jackets of Green’, a song
about the Battle of Pinjarra.
Perth Gazette Nov, 22, 1834, Calyute speared two Aborigines in revenge for his wife.
Nunar not dead. Mounted police report on Pinjarra. Captain Daniell returns from
Pinjarra with troops.
Perth Gazette 13 Dec 1834, Battle in Perth between rival factions. Murray Nyungars.
Yagan’s head.
Perth Gazette, 3/1/1835, p. 419. Mounted Police withdraw from Murray area.
Perth Gazette, 11/2/1835, No 442, Expedition of Hotham River.
Perth Gazette, 18/2/1835, No 447, Finish of last article.
Perth Gazette, 29/10/1836; 5/11/1836 & 12/11/1836. Manners and habits of the
Aborigines of Western Australia.
Perth Gazette, 23/5/1840. Murray Nyungars attack Perth Nyungars.
Perth Gazette, 30/5/1840. p. 3 Boy murdered by Nyungars at port Leschenault.
Perth Herald 27/6/1868 Corporal Haggarty of the 63rd Regiment claims that Stirling
gave no quarter to the Nyungars in Pinjarra massacre.
The Enquirer, 27\9\1848 Bunbury and Murray. Cattle being speared by Nyungars.
The Enquirer, 11/10/1848, Vol 432, p. 2. Postal work being undertaken by Nyungars.
The Enquirer, 4/11/1848, Activities on the Murray River.
The Enquirer, 16/10/1867, Vol xxvii, p. 8 News about Nyungar gathering and
corroboree.
The Enquirer and Commercial News, 5/11/1862. Nyungar Constable catches
Wedjela.
The Mandurah Advertiser, 23/10/1981. Pinjarra’s bloody battle leaves a scar.
The Sunday Times (Magazine). 27/11/1985. The Battle of Pinjarra by Peter Ferry.
South Western Times, 10/11/1964. The Pinjarra Hospital is the site of the historic
battle of Pinjarra. A skeleton of a 34 year old male found with a lead shot in his chest
cavity.
South West Advertiser, 10/2/1955. True story of the Battle of Pinjarra.
Western Advertiser, Thursday, Jan 3, 1957. Battle of Pinjarra: Reg F. Cooper
Replies. p. 6.
Western Mail. Dec 25, 1907. A Southern Corroboree (Doordaroo Kening)
Western Mail. April 3, 1909. Dooarreebarloo - the Weld Range Haematite Mine.
Western Mail. Christmas 1929. Aboriginal Perth.
Western Australian. September 1, 1934. Babbingur: a friend making ceremony.
Western Australian, 25/9/1937, 2/10/1937 & 9/10/1937. Bussell, Alfred John. South
west legends.
Western Australian, 2/11/1967. Her and now - a battle remembrance by Jack Davis.
W.A.Colonial News, 16 July 1832. p. 6. July 16 1832. Murray. Sergeant Wood, 63rd
Regiment wounded by spear (Hall extracted the spear).
Indexes and Bibliographic Lists
Battye Library (nd). A guide to the Colonial Secretary’s Office (CSO) Inward and
outward correspondence 1828-1878. Information leaflet.
Battye Library (nd). A guide to Moore’s: Diary of ten years eventful life of an early
settler in Western Australia, and also a descriptive vocabulary of the language of the
Aborigines.
Haebich, Anna & Tilbrook, Lois (1981). South West Aboriginal Studies
Bibliography. Mt. Lawley: Western Australian College of Advanced Education.
Horton, David (General Ed).The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia. Canberra:
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies.
Ward, Katie (nd). Annotated Index to the Inquirer Perth, Western Australia 1841-
1849. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters Received Resident
Magistrates Volumes 1840-1845. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie & Strawbridge (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters
Received 1865-1869. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie & Strawbridge (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters
Received Resident Magistrates Volumes 1870-1879. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie & Strawbridge (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters
Received 1860-1864. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie & Strawbridge (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters
Received Guardian of Aborigines Volume 1846-1849 and Resident Magistrates
Volumes. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie & Strawbridge (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters
Received 1880-1884. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie (nd). Index to the Inquirer Newspaper Perth, Western Australia 1856-
1870. Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie (nd). Index to the Colonial Secretary’s Office Letters Received Guardian
of Aborigines Volume 1855-1859 and Resident Magistrates Volumes 1855-1859.
Perth: Battye Library.
Ward, Katie (nd). Index to the Inquirer Perth, Western Australia 1856-1870. Perth:
Battye Library.
Ward, Katie (nd). Index to the Inquirer Perth, Western Australia 1850-1855. Perth:
Battye Library.
Colonial Secretary’s Office.
Colonial Secretary’s Office Documents:
CSO 1834, Vol 31 9-3 February, Calyute and Yalost speared each other.
CSO 1832, 23-169. August 1832, Murray. 100 Aborigines menace Barracks. Shots
fired.
CSO 1834, 31-202. & Perth Gazette, 28/4/1834. April 1834. Perth. Murray group
raided Shenton’s Mill at South Perth.
CSO 1835, Peel to Stirling 1/4/1835. Oct 28 1834 Pinjarra Names of some of the
Aborigines shot at Pinjarra.
CSO 1837, 58, Armstrong. Incomplete census list of Nyungars.
CSO 1838, 61-162. Aug 5.1838. Murray. Yedong accidentally shot dead by Private
Malloney. ‘Justifiable homicide’.
CSO 1840, 51-89, Feb 1840, Perth, Murray man Ning-a-na severely wounded by
Ninda, Bokoberry and Be-ol-la
CSO 1840 51-89, Feb, Perth. Be-ol-la fatally speared by Noona.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 12 - 152. Letter from Peel to Brown
regarding provisions.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 17 - 70. Letter from Peel regarding the
Nyungars of Pinjarra.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 29 - 149. Peel’s protest of military presence
being withdrawn from Murray region.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 29 - 157. Ellis, weekly extract of native
tribes report, Nov - Dec 1833.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 20. Ellis’ weekly journal of Nyungar
activity.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -29. Ellis’ letter to Brown regarding the
activity of Murray and Perth Nyungars.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -75. Letter from Ellis regarding flour
stolen at Shenton’s Mill.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -51. Ellis’ letter regarding sickness
amongst Perth Nyungars.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 148. Letter from Peel to complain about
military aid for Murray district.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -160. Ellis’ letter regarding disturbance
amongst his charges.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 161. Letter to Brown regarding the
establishment of a school in Perth.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 163. Ellis, weekly extract of native
tribes report.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 176. Ellis letter regarding Nyungars
stealing.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -190. Ellis, weekly extract of native
tribes report, 3 - 9 Feb 1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 214. Ellis letter regarding allowance for
horses. Feb 1833.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 215. Ellis’ letter regarding allowance
for rations. May 21 1834 To Colonial Secretary.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 216. Ellis’ letter regarding Nyungars
being annoying at Mt Eliza, 15/2/1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 217. Answer to a letter for a request for
supplies for Nyungars.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -220. Ellis, weekly extract from journal
of the Superintendent of Native Tribes, 10-16/2/1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -237. Letter from Peel to Stirling
regarding his resignation as Justice of the Peace for Pinjarra District.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 239. A letter to Peel in reply to a
request for legal opinion from Colonial Secretary Brown.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 - 241. Ellis, weekly extract from Native
Tribe’s report, 17-23 Feb 1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -248. Application for small military party
to be located as Bull Creek on 24th Feb 1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 30 -262. Ellis letter regarding instructions to
assist the Superintendent of Native tribes.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 31 - 39. Letters from Ellis to Brown
regarding conflict with Nyungars. 12/3/1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 31 - 206. Letter from Ellis which mentions
Gcalyute and other Nyungars at Fremantle.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 31 - 198-199. Letter from Shenton regarding
the attack on his Mill by Nyungars.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 34 - 212. Letter form Peel reporting the
death of Nesbit July 1834.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 34 - 224.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 38 - 191. 1/4/1835. Ninda and Dollion’s
statements about the Pinjarra massacre.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol 44 - 234. Letter from Peel to Stirling
regarding trouble with indentured servants.
Acc 36 Colonial Secretary’s Report, Vol ? - 96 Letter from Peel to George Leake
regarding help needed for Mr Barron speared by Nyungars.
APPENDICES