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Portuguese military participation in peacekeeping and the informal dynamics of peace reconstruction in Timor-Leste

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This book, newly available in paperback, examines the nature of 'liberal peace': the common aim of the international community's approach to post-conflict statebuilding. Adopting a particularly critical stance on this one-size-fits-all paradigm, it explores the process by breaking down liberal peace theory into its constituent parts: democratisation, free market reform and development, human rights, civil society, and the rule of law. Readers are provided with critically and theoretically informed empirical access to the 'technology' of the liberal peacebuilding process, particularly in regard to Cambodia, Kosovo, East Timor, Bosnia and the Middle East. Key Features: critically interrogates the theory, experience, and current outcomes of liberal peacebuilding; includes five empirically-informed case studies: Cambodia, Kosovo, East Timor, Bosnia and the Middle East; focuses on the key institutional aspects of liberal peacebuilding and key international actors; assesses the local outcomes of liberal peacebuilding. © Oliver P. Richmond and Jason Franks, 2009. All rights reserved.
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Historically constituted as critical knowledge and, thus, as an alternative to normal science in International Relations, Peace Studies came to be coopted, in the 1990s, by the regulatory structures of the international system as the foundation for many of the options put into practice, especially in postwar reconstruction processes. In this context, the recovering of the critical lineage of Peace Studies today involves two radical options. The first is the qualification of the intended peace as sustainable peace. The second is the epistemological decolonization of Peace Studies.
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A segurança tem vindo a assumir novos contornos em que a manutenção da paz se tornou um elemento central. A sua importância crescente enquanto estratégia de intervenção pacífica no quadro das Nações Unidas (ONU) aumenta o seu potencial para contribuir para uma cultura de segurança internacional mais coerente e flexível. O artigo discute a relação entre segurança internacional e manutenção da paz, enquadrando a análise numa reflexão conceptual de paz e violência e as suas diferentes intensidades num continuum. Entende-se que foi criada uma janela de oportunidade devido à institucionalização da manutenção da paz, principalmente através de maior participação e empenho. No entanto existem ainda vários riscos subjacentes a esta dinâmica, os quais estão fortemente inter-relacionados na forma como restringem ou promovem a paz e a segurança internacional.
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O artigo reflecte sobre a participação portuguesa em missões de paz, no quadro da actuação de diversas organizações internacionais. Uma vez encontrada uma solução política para o conflito, o core business da operação tende a movimentar-se para assuntos mais relacionados com a reconciliação, o institution building e a reconstrução nacional. Em vez de forças militares de interposição, as novas missões de paz passaram a envolver uma maior diversidade de actores e a dedicar-se a um leque muito mais alargado de tarefas. Interessa perceber como é que Portugal se adaptou a estas novas dinâmicas, desafio a que este artigo procura responder.
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Paris 1) & International Initiative for Promoting Political Economy (IIPPE) 19 th February 2008 Statebuilding in war to peace transitions has economic dimensions. 1 The service delivery dimension of states depends on the existence of productive assets in order to generate revenues needed to sustain functioning institutions, including financing security, the judiciary, electoral bodies, and the monopoly of violence. The transformation dimension of states requires the development of institutions that help to produce sustained economic expansion and structural change. These include institutions to manage and enforce the reconfiguration of property rights during protracted processes of social transformation, as well as institutions to encourage the acquisition of technology and to foster innovation, to mediate conflicts of interest, and to manage the distribution of the fruits of peace, recovery and growth in ways that sustain or develop political legitimacy. 2 However, there is still too little known about the complex economic consequences of and influences on war to peace transitions and postwar state building experiences. The political economy literature on recent (post-Cold War) post-conflict reconstruction moments has been largely biased towards macroeconomic and aid debates, in some of which some evaluative short cuts have been taken in the terms and assumptions of analysis (how success or failure are defined, what is understood by 'good policy', what datasets are deemed sufficiently robust, etc). 3 Further, there is a common assumption that war is exclusively "development in reverse" (World Bank, 2003), that war retards development and development retards war, despite evidence that this assumption is flawed. This assumption corresponds to the equally widespread imagery of the 'blank slate' inherited by postwar societies. Instead, this paper recommends that researchers and policy makers focus more than they have done on the real economy of wartime and its implications. For what is significant about statebuilding challenges in postwar conditions is that economic activities have taken particular forms through war, or through phases of a 'peace-war-peace continuum' (Richards, 2005). Postwar statebuilding challenges, therefore, include not only those features of accumulation before the war that might have contributed to the processes leading to war, but also those challenges thrown up by the actual patterns of change that have taken place in a war economy and by the fact that many features of war economies are carried over into the peacebuilding period. These may be sources either of opportunity or threat for statebuilding and peacebuilding efforts.
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The United Nations’ role in securing peace and promoting democracy has developed in the post-Cold War Era. Only a few of the Unite Nations peacekeeping missions undertaken since 1989 have been deployed in Asia. However, two of the more ambitious operations have been carried out in Asia, namely in Cambodia in the early 1990s and in East Timor in the late 1990s. Both these operations had mandates that provided the United Nations with the possibility to control the national institutions in peace building attempts; i.e. cases of international administrations. In Cambodia the United Nations carried out its most ambitious operation to that date and the mission undertaken in East Timor was the most extensive and expensive peace building attempted by the United Nations. As such, both operations have served as ‘blueprints’ for future United Nations missions. The paper will study these two cases in-depth, looking specifically at what lessons can be learned, from the mandates, the contexts, the challenges encountered during the operations, and the outcomes. What problems and possibilities can be identified based on how the operations were initiated, planned and implemented?
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Many actors involved in peacebuilding and statebuilding are acutely aware of the different roles of the ‘local’ in peacebuilding. Increasingly, this realisation has opened up tensions between the liberal peace and the realm of customary forms of politics and social structure. Peacebuilding may now be seen as a site of international assistance and local acquiescence, co-option or resistance. To understand these dynamics, the ‘infrapolitics of peacebuilding’ need to be uncovered. This article presents these dynamics in the cases of Timor Leste and the Solomon islands.
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What is the nature of the ‘peace’ that is being installed in conflict zones through UN peace operations? It tends to be assumed that UN peace operations contribute to the construction of a liberal international order made up of democratic states. In practice this has often resulted in a ‘virtual peace’ based upon contested attempts to import liberal democratic models. This essay argues that much of the impetus for this type of thinking arises from a liberal desire to ‘resolve’ conflict – to reproduce a positive peace through contemporary peace operations rather than the negative peace that was supported by more traditional peacekeeping. ‘Peace’ in some cases now legitimates and rests upon long-standing and deep interventions in conflict zones via a ‘peacebuilding consensus’. This lies in a peace constituted by a specific form of external governance. Understanding these developments clearly shows how important peace operations are in creating forms of peace as a contribution to the remaking of the global order.
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The UN mission in East Timor is the most comprehensive transitional administration undertaken by the UN to date. While having a combined function of peacekeeping and civil administration, UNTAET was shaped by the standard procedures and principles developed for ordinary peacekeeping. This entailed a short time‐scale for completion, international staff centrally recruited, no requirement for local expertise, no provisions for local capacity building, and no initial structures for local participation. Yet the purpose was to prepare the territory for independence. The lessons of UNTAET suggest that peacekeeping‐cum‐governance missions should be separated, not integrated, contrary to the Brahimi Report's recommendation.
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Following closely the practice of peacekeeping, the literature on the subject has come in one small wave and then two larger ones. The first wave, during the Cold War, includes classic works focusing mainly on peacekeeping in wars between states. The second wave, at first inspired by the boom in peacekeeping shortly after the end of the Cold War, soon reflected disillusionment and focuses largely on failure and dysfunction, despite significant cases of success. The third and most recent wave also reflects a resurgence in peacekeeping but is newly concerned with systematic and methodologically rigorous analysis (both quantitative and qualitative) of basic empirical questions about the effects of peacekeeping and the sources of peacekeeping outcomes. Recent empirical studies have demonstrated peacekeeping's effectiveness in maintaining peace, but related questions persist concerning the use of force, transitional administrations, which organizations most effectively keep peace, perspectives of the "peacekept," and effects on democratization.
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This book explores the contradictions that emerge in international statebuilding efforts in war-torn societies. Since the end of the Cold War, more than 20 major peace operations have been deployed to countries emerging from internal conflicts. This book argues that international efforts to construct effective, legitimate governmental structures in these countries are necessary but fraught with contradictions and vexing dilemmas.. Drawing on the latest scholarly research on postwar peace operations, the volume: addresses cutting-edge issues of statebuilding including coordination, local ownership, security, elections, constitution making, and delivery of development aid. features contributions by leading and up-and-coming scholars. provides empirical case studies including Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia, Kosovo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and others. presents policy-relevant findings of use to students and policymakers alike. The Dilemmas of Statebuilding will be vital reading for students and scholars of international relations and political science. Bringing new insights to security studies, international development, and peace and conflict research, it will also interest a range of policy makers. © 2009 Roland Paris and Timothy D. Sisk selection and editorial matter. All rights reserved.
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Since the end of the Cold War, conflict prevention and resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding have risen to the top of the international agenda. The third edition of this hugely popular text explains the key concepts, charts the development of the field, evaluates successes and failures, and assesses the main current challenges and debates in the second decade of the twenty-first century. Existing material has been thoroughly updated and four new chapters added, on environmental conflict resolution, conflict resolution in the arts and popular culture, conflict resolution in the media and the communications revolution, and theories and critiques of the field. The authors argue that a new form of cosmopolitan conflict resolution is emerging, which offers a hopeful means for human societies to handle their conflicts non-violently and eventually to transcend and celebrate their differences.
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This article highlights the importance of interaction between peace missions and local dynamics, drawing on Tsing's work on frictions. It is centred on the United Nations (UN) peace intervention in Timor-Leste, discussing different examples of frictions, which have the potential to undermine or empower the peacebuilding efforts underway. The analysis stresses the unpredictable effects of applying the UN liberal peace model. It is argued that processes of friction, often consisting of an incremental build-up of intermediate results shape and form the (un)sustainability of any peacebuilding process initiated by an external intervention and, consequently, should be identified and analysed in order to enhance or minimize their positive/negative contribution towards building peace.
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This article deals with the process that led to the internationalization of the East Timorese question, after the Indonesian invasion and occupation that occurred on December 7, 1975. The way how the question has been examined in and by the United Nations constitutes the core of the analysis, despite the question being discussed at other international forums.
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The international community has embraced an unprecedented approach to collapsed states — those that have lost their capacity to perform even the most basic functions. While historically such states simply disappeared, divided up into smaller units or were conquered by a more powerful neighbour, collapsed states are now expected to be rebuilt within the same international borders thanks to the intervention of multilateral organizations and bilateral donors. Furthermore, there is now the expectation that these states will from the very beginning be rebuilt as democracies with strong institutions. This article examines the model of state reconstruction currently adopted by the international community and some examples of its implementation. It concludes that the approach cannot be applied to all countries, that institution–building is often undertaken prematurely, and that there is a discrepancy between the donors’ prescriptions and the resources they are willing to make available.
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In the past, arbitration, direct bargaining, the use of intermediaries, and deference to international institutions were relatively successful tools for managing interstate conflict. In the face of terrorism, intrastate wars, and the multitude of other threats in the post–Cold War era, however, the conflict resolution tool kit must include preventive diplomacy, humanitarian intervention, regional task-sharing, and truth commissions. Here, Jacob Bercovitch and Richard Jackson, two internationally recognized experts, systematically examine each one of these conflict resolution tools and describe how it works and in what conflict situations it is most likely to be effective. Conflict Resolution in the Twenty-first Century is not only an essential introduction for students and scholars, it is a must-have guide for the men and women entrusted with creating stability and security in our changing world.
A ONU e o processo de resolução de conflitos: potencialidades e limitações
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The International Institute for Strategic Studies
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Peace operations: War and conflict in the modern world
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Making war and building peace
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Construção de Estados -As administrações internacionais das Nações Unidas
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As Nações Unidas e a consolidação da paz em Timor-Leste: Uma nova roupagem para velhos procedimentos?". Instituto Português da Conjuntura Estratégica
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De-Romanticising the Local
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Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Revisited: Achievements, Limitations and Challenges
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