Undocumented Latino Youth: Migration Experiences and the Challenges of Integrating into American Society

Abstract

This descriptive qualitative study explored the challenges that undocumented and unaccompanied Latino youth face in their migration and their attempt to integrate into American society after crossing the US–Mexican border. In-depth interviews were conducted with undocumented and unaccompanied Latino youth in Texas. Data were analyzed for patterns and themes. The findings indicate that youth are more prone to personal failures across several domains, which can lead to a life of crime. The descriptions are categorized under themes that correlate to familial makeup, migration and border crossing experiences, and experiences as unaccompanied and undocumented youth living on the US–Mexican border. These results help to contextualize the immigration debate as related to undocumented Latino youth and crime. They indicate that most of the undocumented Latino youth were victims of crimes more so than perpetrators of crime. Their victimizations included exposure to pervasive violence and other challenges that made realizing their full potential difficult.

Full text

Undocumented Latino Youth: Migration Experiences
and the Challenges of Integrating into American Society
Frank Anthony Rodriguez
1
&Marika Dawkins
2
#Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2016
Abstract This descriptive qualitative study explored the challenges that undoc-
umented and unaccompanied Latino youth face in their migration and their
attempt to integrate into American society after crossing the US–Mexican
border. In-depth interviews were conducted with undocumented and unaccom-
panied Latino youth in Texas. Data were analyzed for patterns and themes. The
findings indicate that youth are more prone to personal failures across several
domains, which can lead to a life of crime. The descriptions are categorized
under themes that correlate to familial makeup, migration and border crossing
experiences, and experiences as unaccompanied and undocumented youth living
on the US–Mexican border. These results help to contextualize the immigration
debate as related to undocumented Latino youth and crime. They indicate that
most of the undocumented Latino youth were victims of crimes more so than
perpetrators of crime. Their victimizations included exposure to pervasive
violence and other challenges that made realizing their full potential difficult.
Keywords Crime .Migration .Latino .Unaccompanied .Undocumented .
Yout h .Juvenile
Int. Migration & Integration
DOI 10.1007/s12134-016-0484-y
*Marika Dawkins
marika.dawkins@utrgv.edu
Frank Anthony Rodriguez
frodig3@nccu.edu
1
Department of Criminal Justice, North Carolina Central University, 305 Whiting Criminal Justice
Building, 1801 Fayetteville Street, Durham, NC 27707, USA
2
Department of Criminal Justice, The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Edinburg Campus,
1201 W. University Drive, Edinburg, TX 78539, USA

Introduction
Among the thousands of individuals who are apprehended while crossing the US
border each year, there are over 80,000 children, some unaccompanied and others
accompanied (Haddal 2007). The unaccompanied minors enter either of their own will
or not, seeking protection, jobs, family reunification, or are smuggled into the US for
sexual exploitation or sweatshop labor (National Juvenile Justice Network 2006).
In 2013, the Pew Charitable Trusts reported that as many as 120 undocumented and
unaccompanied children cross the Texas border daily. The organization also suggested
that the problem facing the Texas border where there is an increase in the number of
undocumented children is a concern for other states and reflects a national trend. A
more recent Texas report also confirmed that there has been an increase in the number
of unaccompanied and undocumented children at the US–Mexican border which has
forced Texas Governor, Greg Abbott, to seek help from the federal government in
getting additional agents and resources to patrol the border (Rosenthal 2015). The
report found that, in August 2015, approximately 4600 unaccompanied children were
apprehended at the border which represented an increase of 400 from July and 800
from June in the same year. Such increases suggest a deviation from the norm where
border crossings have traditionally been lower for the month of August (Rosenthal
2015). Also, these recent developments have increased fears among the American
public that more minors from Central America may attempt to cross the border.
Some, both citizens and lawmakers, have attributed such increases to the DREAM
Act (an acronym for The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act).
The “dream act”is a federal law designed to provide immigration relief to undocu-
mented students and subsequently remove certain economic and legal barriers
(Gonzales 2010).
Contextualizing Immigration
There are two basic categories of illegal migration to the USA. First, the undocument-
ed, is the person who enters the USA with no legal documentation or legal authoriza-
tion, usually by crossing the US–Mexican border (Rio Grande Valley, Texas). Second,
immigrants who enter the USA with a temporary visa (student, tourist) which are valid
entries, but who then overstay the terms of their visa thereby becoming undocumented.
Most of these overstayers come from the northern US–Canadian border and other ports
of entry (seaports, airports) nationwide. Fraudulent documents are also used by some
immigrants to enter the country. These persons, plus legal permanent residents who
commit a crime in the USA but do not leave after a crime, are also considered illegal
aliens (LeMay 2007).
The legacy of immigration can often be characterized as one of struggle, discrim-
ination, and violence (Rodriguez 2007). This is more likely the case for non-Europeans.
As Rodriguez (2007) noted, non-European immigrants are commonly viewed as major
contributors to the breakdown of US morality, unity, and stability. For example,
Mexican youth are sometimes seen as outcasts and criminals, a rhetoric recently
repeated by presidential candidate, Donald Trump.
It is probable that with increased restrictions on legal immigration, undocumented
immigration may increase (Hood and Morris 1995). Public rhetoric varies
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

about whether immigrants create businesses and jobs, boost the wages of native-born
workers, or cause unemployment in the USA. Benton-Cohen and Cadava (2010)
suggested there is generally a strong correlation between economic recession and
anti‐immigrant sentiment. This has made it convenient for some politicians to focus
on immigrants rather than address underlying economic slowdowns and immigration
policy. The American Immigration Council AIC (2011) indicated that the unemploy-
ment rate would be much higher in areas with more immigrants, if immigrants were
taking away jobs from native-born workers. Also, the council pointed out that more
recent and unauthorized immigrants are more likely and willing to work for lower
wages and less desirable jobs than native-born workers. Therefore, as supported by
some evidence, immigrant workers do not take jobs away from native-born workers.
Overall, the AIC (2011) suggested there is no correlation between unemployment and
immigration. In other words, immigrants, including both authorized and unauthorized,
help to create jobs through entrepreneurship and purchasing power. When immigrants
purchase goods and services from US businesses, they help to strengthen US jobs and
may even create their own businesses offering new products and services.
In contrast, Borjas (1994) stated that the wages of unskilled native employees may
be negatively impacted by undocumented immigrants depending on their population
size, makeup, and skills. In comparison to earlier waves, recent immigrants have had a
more adverse effect on welfare programs given their intense participation in such
programs (Borjas 1994). More recently, Borjas (2013) concluded that both legal and
illegal immigrant workers expand the US economy by about 11 % yearly, but a
significant portion of such benefits do not extend to the native population. Also the
net benefits extended to those native-born from undocumented immigrants appear to be
quite small. The adverse effect of immigration is more significant for those native-born
workers without a high school diploma (Borjas 2013). Often times, these workers
represent some of the poorest segments of the American population. A significant
number of the children of these workers live in poverty and in households with at least
one parent without a high school diploma (Borjas 2013). Children in immigrant
households are also more likely to be at risk for maltreatment because of the challenges
and pressure experienced by immigrant families stemming from the immigration
experience (Dettlaff et al. 2009).
Many Americans believe that undocumented individuals enter the USA to work,
which contributes to the tax base (Sanders 2006). This inference is supported by other
researchers, such as Porter (2005) who claimed that undocumented immigrants gener-
ate some six to seven billion dollars in social security taxes and about 1.5 billion dollars
in Medicare taxes annually. Porter (2005) fears that these laws will only increase crime
and aggravate public health problems.
Paral et al.’s(2009) work indicated that undocumented immigrants who gained legal
status in the 1980s through the legalization provisions of the Immigration Reform and
Control Act (IRCA) experienced clear improvement in their socioeconomic situation.
Specifically, the educational accomplishment of IRCA immigrants improved consider-
ably, their poverty rates declined considerably, and their home ownership rates en-
hanced extremely. Moreover, their real wages rose as many of them moved into
managerial positions, and the vast majority did not depend upon public assistance.
These findings support the concept that legalization of undocumented immigrants can
play a significant role in boosting the economy and lowering socioeconomic disparities.
Undocumented Latino Youth

Thus, a more comprehensive immigration policy reform that includes the legalization
of young undocumented immigrants may fuel the US economy. Allowing legal status is
likely to make these new Americans less dependent on government welfare and other
state or local assistance. With the opportunity and privilege of becoming American
citizens, immigrants hope to become better educated, boost the American economy,
earn higher wages with benefits, and participate in public political agendas. Hence,
many undocumented immigrants are unlikely to participate in delinquent and criminal
activities if they have legitimate economic opportunities. While this study did not
examine the correlation between immigration and the economy, which is beyond the
scope and purpose of this study, the empirical evidence is mixed and requires further
investigation.
Many youth face trauma, fear of deportation, employment abuse, and other negative
consequences of being in the USA illegally (undocumented), but unaccompanied youth
continue to migrate to the USA. The migration of unaccompanied immigrant children
to the USA presents extraordinary challenges for children’s rights advocates, govern-
ments, and, most importantly, undocumented children themselves. Many of these
undocumented children may experience a very complex web of constructions of
childhood, children’s rights, systems, and laws, which may impact the influential years
of childhood. Nevertheless, they engage with this complex web of constructions of
childhood; different realities of children’s rights; laws that protect or punish; and
systems that are sensitive to them, ignore them, abuse them, or expel them. As a result,
advocates have traditionally focused their efforts on modifying the law to include the
recognition of children as subjects, rather than objects, of immigration law. Such efforts
have resulted in changes to both detention policy and substantive immigration law as
they relate to a subset of child immigrants known as Unaccompanied Alien Children
(UAC).
In the USA, Latinos are the prevalent marginal ethnic group. According to the U.S.
Census Bureau (2011), Latinos/Hispanics are defined as individuals of Mexican,
Cuban, Central American, Puerto Rican, and/or South American origin. Overall, the
Latino population has increased significantly and continues to grow each year. For
example, Lopez and Taylor (2010) found that the US Latino population grew from 35.3
million in 2000 to more than 46.9 million in 2008. This is greater than the entire
population of Canada. Immigrants (foreign-born) or the children (American-born) of
immigrants in the USA are approximated at 70 million (Suarez-Orozco and Suarez -
Orozco 2009). Between 2000 and 2010, the Latino population grew by 43 %, and
between 2010 and 2013 by 7 % (Center for American Progress 2014). Approximately
half of the undocumented population has children which further present challenges.
Other evidence indicates that approximately 4.5 million US-born children have at least
one undocumented parent (American Immigration Council 2011; Capps et al. 2007).
Several other researchers have indicated more than half of the immigrants in the USA
come from Latin countries (Ko and Perreira 2010;Lollock2001). More recent evidence
indicated that the US foreign-born population grew from about 8 to 13 % from 1990 to
2013 (Ewing et al. 2015). During this period, the number of undocumented immigrants
grew from 3.5 million to 11.2 million. Of the 11.9 million undocumented immigrants in
2008, Mexicans represent by far the largest group of undocumented immigrants, with
more than 7 million. This estimate of 59 % of undocumented Mexicans has remained
unchanged for the past 30 years (Passel and Cohn 2008). Mexican-Americans represent
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

one of the fastest-growing Latino/Latina ethnic groups in the USA, but they remain
underrepresented at all levels of education (Baron and Constantine 1997; Flores and
O’Brien 2002;Garcia2011; Ramirez and de la Cruz 2003). At the same time, FBI data
suggest both violent and property crimes declined by more than 40 % (Ewing et al.
2015). Evidently, further empirical studies are needed in light of these statistics and
research.
Background
Unaccompanied Children
Many of the problems affecting Hispanic/Latino immigrant children arise within the
social and economic dynamics of globalization and transitional migration, as well as
anti-immigrant policies and regulations. For example, the Immigration Act of 1965
allowed for nearly equal numbers of foreigners from all regions of the world to enter
the USA (Keeley 2001). However, according to Sanders (2006), doing so reduced the
number allowed from Latin America, resulting in an inundation of undocumented
immigrants from Mexico, as well as Central and South America, seeking protection
from political prosecution, civil strife, and poverty.
In the USA and other developed nations several unaccompanied children have
arrived by way of planned resettlement programs (Byrne 2008). From the beginning
of World War II, the USA begun administering several such programs for minors.
Some examples are the removal of British children in 1940 during the Battle of
Britain, the removal of over 14,000 Cuban children during the 1961 Bay of Pigs
invasion, and in 1975 the removal of over 2500 Vietnamese children at the end of the
Vietnam War (“Operation Babylift”) (Bhabha and Schmidt 2006; Steinbock 1989).
Nevertheless, the number of unaccompanied children outside of such planned reset-
tlement programs was largely overlooked and unmeasured until recently (Bhabha and
Schmidt 2006).
After the arrival of many unaccompanied children in the USA who were fleeing civil
wars and hardships in Central America, many government agencies developed rough
data systems to track these persons (Byrne 2008). The Office of Refugee Resettlement
(ORR), which is commonly cited, maintains statistical database on unaccompanied
children. In 2003 the ORR assumed custodial authority of unaccompanied children, in
accordance with the Homeland Security Act (HSA) of 2002 (Byrne 2008). ORR
statistics indicate that since 2005, more than 7000 unaccompanied children have been
referred to them from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) annually. This
number does not include the number of Mexican children who decide to return
voluntarily to Mexico at the US border and hence never enter ORR custody (Byrne
2008).
In addition, an era of increased governmental and private attacks against immigrants
makes the reality of living without authorization in the USA even more complicated.
Undocumented youth also face identity concerns, stress, challenging environmental
and socioeconomic conditions, substance abuse disorders, vulnerability to trauma,
depression, and other psychiatric disorders, and many barriers to securing needed
treatment (Flores and Kaplan 2009). In 2003, Ramirez and de la Cruz concluded that
Undocumented Latino Youth

Latinos are a young population, with three fourths of this ethnic group 18 years and
older and the rest 17 years or younger. Compared to Whites, Latino youth have a
tendency to exhibit more behavioral problems (Snyder and Sickmund 1999), higher
numbers of educational disappointment (Greene and Forster 2003), and higher rates of
alcohol and illegal drug abuse (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2002).
Newly arriving Latino immigrants are an important ethnic group in need of study
(Esbensen and Carson 2012;Phinney2003; Ryder et al. 2000). Yet, very little is known
about their experiences, especially those of undetected unaccompanied youth.
Attitudes Toward Immigration and Crime
Lamn and Immohoff (1985) noted that immigrants are often viewed as inher-
ently criminal which they describe as generalizing observations that undocu-
mented immigrants are by definition “criminal.”The notion is deeply rooted in
American public opinion and is fueled by media anecdotes (Esbensen and
Carson 2012; Kubrin et al. 2012; Rumbaut and Ewing 2007; Wright and
Rodriguez 2012;ZatzandSmith2012). It is more likely, however, that because
immigrant adolescents tend to live in impoverished communities where they are
usually exposed to greater amounts of peer and drug abuse, violence, and crime
(Berman et al. 1996;EsbensenandCarson2012). As such, juveniles (individ-
uals under 18 years old) are at a high risk of offending if exposed to unlawful
behavior. Hartjen and Priyadarsinsi (2003) assert that differential association
with criminal peers, not having proper or effective societal controls or not
having enough self-control, may be a reason for delinquency everywhere and
among all people. Other researchers, such as Santisteban et al. (2006), have
found that it is valuable when parents retain their Hispanic cultural practices
alongside family performance because doing so helps to reduce adolescent
delinquency. Although popular notions continue to link immigrants to crime,
some evidence challenge this. Martinez and Lee (2000) concluded: “The major
finding of a century of research on immigration and crime is that …immi-
grants nearly always exhibit lower crime rates than native groups”(p. 496). As
a caveat, however, Camarota and Vaughan (2009) claimed that the link between
immigration and crime remains unclear. They suggested that older empirical
evidence indicates low crime rates while more recent studies suggest higher
rates of criminal involvement for immigrants. They continued that a DHS report
claims that documented and undocumented immigrants make up approximately
20 % of the incarceration population, but given that about 16 % of the nation’s
adult population are foreign-born, it is not clear how DHS arrived at such
estimates.
The immigration experience involving separation from parents and siblings for
extended periods of time (Garcia 2001) for undocumented youth can be life threaten-
ing. The trip and entering the USA present risk for violence, robbery, and sexual assault
(Solis 2003). Depression and anxiety are stressors associated with the initial stage of
migration. Individuals who experience significant trauma during immigration may also
develop symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (Smart and Smart 1995). Many if
not most undocumented immigrants have to deal with stressors that are connected to
poverty once in the USA.
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

Discrimination can further stunt ethnic identity development, as well as limit the
achievements and aspirations of the youth (Yeh et al. 2008). Research indicates that a
positive sense of ethnic identity may serve a protective or buffering role (Perreira et al.
2006).
Scant Knowledge on Undocumented Youth
Most undocumented Latino immigrants enter the USA via the Mexican border,
traveling by train, motor vehicles, or foot (Bhabha and Schmidt 2006). Each
government agency keeps its own records of unaccompanied and undocumented
children. For example, children apprehended by the DHS but not referred to the
ORR are not included in ORR statistics (Byrne 2008). Researchers have not
been able to access data on children apprehended by DHS. Most government
statistics, including ORR and other agencies, have had little to say about
unaccompanied children unless they come into contact with authorities.
Many researchers do not have access to undetected immigrant youth (Ko and
Perreira 2010; Chavez 2009). Therefore, there is still a gap in the literature
regarding the life experiences of undocumented youth who are much more
limited in respect to mobility, healthcare access, occupations, and education
than documented immigrants (Garcia 2011; Mendez-Shannon 2010; Sullivan
and Rehm 2005; Wright and Rodriguez 2012).Attentiontosocialdevelopment
among undocumented immigrant youth is missing and much needed, because of
the nation’s ongoing political debate about immigration, what it means to be
“American,”and citizenship (Perez et al. 2010; Wright and Rodriguez 2012).
As such, this study addresses a salient knowledge gap by focusing on the
circumstances of undocumented youth living in the USA without parents or
guardians. It asks the following research questions:
1. What motivates undocumented youth to immigrate to the USA?
2. To what extent have these youth been victimized (discrimination, exploitation, and
abuse) both during their journey and once settled in the USA?
3. To what extent have these youth committed delinquency/crimes?
4. What types of obstacles have these youth encountered in terms of education and
work?
5. What are their fears and aspirations?
Method
The data for this study came from 12 undocumented immigrant Latino youth
living on the US–Mexican border. All the participants were under 21 years of
age at the time of the study. These youth were recruited through snowball
sampling. The snowball technique is one where participants refer others within
the same social network that matches the inclusion criteria and those who are
willing to participate. Data collection was via interviews for detailed descrip-
tions of unaccompanied minor experiences. The qualitative approach is also
suitable in understanding the experiences of a group of people or an individual
Undocumented Latino Youth

from the perspective of those who have actually lived through it (Mendez-
Shannon 2010; Wright and Rodriguez 2012). Qualitative content analysis allows
researchers to comprehend the social reality in a subjective but scientific
manner (Zhang and Wildemuth 2009).
Data collection included semi-structured interviews which were conducted
during summer 2011 through spring 2012, with each interview ranging from 90
to 120 min. Each interview was recorded which allowed the researchers to
complete transcriptions and have participants review the notes for additional
clarification prior to analysis. Many of the questions used in the interviews
were adapted from the psychological and sociological literature on immigrants
and undocumented youth. To accommodate all participants, questions were
writteninEnglishandSpanish,withparticipantsgiventheoptiontocommu-
nicate in one or both languages at any time during the interview process. As
other researchers have noted, utilizing open-ended questions through in-depth
interviews has been the most appropriate methodology for carrying out research
among undocumented immigrants who are difficult to define or sample through
normative resources (Chavez 1991; Cornelius 1982; McGuire and Georges
2003; Mendez-Shannon 2010). Participants are referred to by pseudonyms.
The researchers were able to transcribe, code, and examine patterns and themes in
responses, which helped to create domain charts that mapped ideas and the interrela-
tionships among concepts. ATLAS.ti version 7.0 was utilized to identify and categorize
major themes in the data. Researchers were able to assess uncharacteristic results that
did not fit the pattern identified for most participants.
Findings
The researchers reviewed the data gathered between summer 2011 and spring 2012 to
identify the main challenges undocumented and unaccompanied Latino youth encoun-
ter in their attempt to integrate into American society. The findings offer demographic
details and background information (see Table 1). This includes country of origin, age
at the time of arrival, current age, level of education, and family. Five of the participants
are from Honduras. The remaining seven are from Mexico. Only three were reportedly
detected by US border patrol agents which suggests that those who survived the
journey were successful in making it onto US soil and had some semblance of a
normal life. Most had acquired a human smuggler which ranged in cost from US$250–
US$3500. Only three of the participants had a college education at the time of the
interviews, while the rest had not graduated from high school.
The narratives address:
1. Motivation of youth to immigrate to the USA
Regarding the motivation for undocumented youth to immigrate into the USA, the
findings reflect three themes: (1) finances, to have a better life; (2) education, to attend a
public school, college, or university; and (3) family reunification, with relatives already
in the USA (see Table 2). Overall, financial security was a major factor for all the
immigrant youth in this study.
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

Based on this study, there are many reasons and justifications for migrating illegally
and unaccompanied to the USA. For example, Marvin decided to immigrate to the
USA to reunite with his dad. Marvin claims:
Tab l e 1 Profiled unaccompanied immigrant youth
Pseudonym Age at the
time of
interview
Detected by
US border
patrol
Country
of origin
Age at the
time of
arrival
Vic ti m of
crime and/or
violence
Level of
education
Acquired
human
smuggler
Marvin
b
18 No Honduras 14 Yes 5th grade US$600
Bryan 20 No Honduras 10 Yes College US$3500
Cowboy 16 No Honduras 12 Yes 9th grade No
Morris
a
21 No Honduras 18 Yes 6th grade US$800
Joey
a
21 Yes Honduras 13 Yes 6th grade US$800
Bobby 23 No Mexico 16 Yes 5th grade US$350
Louise 25 No Mexico 16 Yes 2nd
grade
US$350
Dynamo 22 Yes Mexico 13 Yes College No
Dan 24 No Mexico 17 Yes 5th grade US$800
Marco 33 No Mexico 15 Yes College Yes
Christopher 25 No Mexico 19 No 8th grade US$350/
US$450
Victor 27 Yes Mexico 19 No 6th grade US$250
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
Tab l e 2 Motivation for the unaccompanied and undocumented youths to immigrate to the USA
Pseudonym Age at the time of arrival Finances Education Reunification
Marvin
b
14 X X X
Bryan 10 X X X
Cowboy 12 X X X
Morris
a
18 X X
Joey
a
13 X X
Bobby 16 X X
Henry 16 X X X
Dynamo 13 X X X
Dan 17 X
Marco 15 X X X
Christopher 19 X X X
Victor 19 X
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
Undocumented Latino Youth

There was a time when I was happy with my parents in Honduras. One time my
mom hurt my father when I was about ten years old and I am the oldest sibling.
The betrayal of my mom towards my father caused a lot of fights, dysfunction,
separations, and after all this our mom preferred to abandon us. She left and we
never heard from her again. And I did not want to hear from her, anyway.
He stated that in Honduras, life was economically difficult. His father told
him to come to the USA to study. At the age of 14, he came to the USA in an
attempt to reunite with his father, who was in Kansas City, Kansas. Marvin was
migrating with his cousin, cousin’s wife, and their 8-year-old son. Marvin’s
cousin and his family were captured before making it to the US–Mexican
border. However, Marvin was able to escape and continued his venture alone
to the US–Mexican border. Another participant, Bobby, claimed he was invited
by a male cousin and he wanted to better his life. As he puts it: “Iwantedto
trymylucktohaveabetterfuture.”He describes himself as a sincere
individual who works hard and is not lazy. He also stated that he wanted to
make a better life for himself and for his family. His parents are farmers in
Ver a C r uz .
Regardless of the justification or motivation, migrating to a new country may be
nerve-racking for adults, but even more so for children. It is not an easy task in making
the decision to leave one’s home and family. Then, there were the added challenges of
youth not knowing the English language and experiencing a culture not like their own.
According to Pantin et al. (2003), immigrants of Latino descent usually inhabit
impoverished communities, creating economic stress that exacerbates feelings of help-
lessness and isolation.
2. Victimization of youth (discrimination, exploitation, and abuse) both during their
journey and once settled in the USA
Another question of concern is whether or not undocumented youth have experi-
enced victimizations. This response is in three categories: (1) border crossing abuse and
exploitation, (2) criminal victimizations in the USA, and (3) exploitation by employers.
As shown in Table 3, 10 of the 12 participants reported that they had been abused and
exploited during border crossing, 11 experienced victimizations once inside the USA,
and nine reported exploitation by their employers. Specifically, some youth had to work
long hours without breaks and some received lower wages and were not always paid on
time and, in others cases, were uncertain when and if they would be paid at all.
In contrast, undocumented youth with no means to meet their employment needs
may consider illegitimate responses as practical. Blocked in their pursuit of economic
success, many of these undocumented youth felt forced to adapt in uncharacteristic
ways to the frustrating environmental condition. For instance, Cowboy stated that when
his father got deported he had no choice but to stay and work with a man who
continued to abuse him. “… my dad got deported and I was abused by my boss. I
had to stay with the man who kept abusing me. I was kicked by my boss with his boots.
He would also hit me with a belt on the back. He would call me a wet back.”Dynamo
also explained that he had to work in the fields without breaks, even when the sun was
really hot. “They are hurrying us up and do not slow down when we pick squash. We
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

just work all day from 7 A.M. to 8 P.M.”Another participant, Bryan, described being
raped. These narratives shed a light on many of the challenges undocumented Latino
youth encounter, including victimizations.
3. Latino immigrant youth involvement in crime and/or delinquency
In regard to criminal and delinquent involvement, it is possible that these youth may
not have reported all their illicit activities to the researchers out of a concern about law
enforcement detection and eventual deportation. Consistent with Martinez and Lee’s
(2000) finding that the crime rate is usually lower for immigrants than native groups,
the researchers found that youth in this study exhibited low to no crime rates as only
two of the participants admitted to participating in criminal or delinquent activities and
four admitted to using drugs (marijuana was the only drug participants admitted to
using) or alcohol (see Table 4). In addition, these Latino youth without adult supervi-
sion were more susceptible to being victims instead of acting as criminal perpetrators.
Fear of deportation among this population ultimately serves to further increase their
likelihood of being victimized and exploited by others who would take advantage of
their status.
4. Obstacles immigrant youth have encountered in terms of education and work
For the most part, the youth in this study expected to integrate into American society
and to achieve the American dream but this was more challenging than they imagined.
In terms of education and work, there was the theme of unexpected suffering.The
unexpected suffering includes (a) a false perception that in the USA, employment
would be plentiful, easier to obtain, and stable with employers who would always treat
Tab l e 3 Youth victimizations
Pseudonym Border crossing abuse and
exploitation
Criminal victimizations in the
USA
Exploitation by
employers
Marvin
b
XX
Bryan X X X
Cowboy X X X
Morris
a
XXX
Joey
a
XX
Bobby X X
Henry X X
Dynamo X X X
Dan X X X
Marco X X X
Christopher X
Victor X X X
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
Undocumented Latino Youth

them well; (b) transportation difficulties (there was a common assumption that they
would be able to walk to the places they needed to visit as had been the case in their
country of origin); (c) not accessing healthcare (given their illegal status, and thus
suffering through illnesses); (d) missing family (these were after all, rather young
unaccompanied youth below the age of 21), and (e) a persistent fear of detection and
deportation (see Table 5). As such, some of the participants continued to struggle on a
Tab l e 4 Self-report of delinquency or crimes in the USA
Pseudonym Delinquency/crime Drug/alcohol use Rationale or conduct
Marvin
b
Bryan X X
Cowboy
Morris
a
X
Joey
a
XX
Bobby
Henry
Dynamo
Dan
Marco X
Christopher
Victor X
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
Tab l e 5 Unexpected suffering in the USA
Pseudonym Employment Transportation Not accessing health
care
Missing
family
Persistent fear of
deportation
Marvin
b
XX X XX
Bryan X X X
Cowboy X X X X
Morris
a
XX X XX
Joey
a
XX XX
Bobby X X X X
Henry X X X X
Dynamo X X X X
Dan X X X X X
Marco X X X X
Christopher X X X X X
Victor X X X X X
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

daily basis to elude detection while others had either graduated from high school and/or
college and had acquired citizenship or some type of temporary visa.
Bryan disclosed to the researchers that now he has a legal document that will allow
him to work in the USA without fear of deportation. Bryan was able to get this
document because of the reprieve passed by President Obama via his executive powers
on June 15, 2012. Bryan stated that, “Just so you know, I have already gotten some type
of documentation that allows me to work here in the U.S. and am extremely happy, and
now I feel free!”This document, this reprieve, by executive order relieved many of
these undocumented youth from some of the hardships associated with not having
legitimate employment access.
5. Immigrant youth fears and aspirations
All 12 youth wanted US citizenship and financial security (see Table 6). Overall, the
aspirations were simple; as Marco put it: he wanted to get his family out of poverty and
to work a lot to have a better life: “I keep thinking about this, to move forward in life!”
Marco exclaimed.
The narratives in this study may raise questions, but each narrative is in line with
ongoing public discussions and current study’s findings. Participant narratives and
detailed descriptions about why, when, and how these youth came to the US–
Mexican border and crossed into the USA are provided. Most of these now young
adults navigate their lives on a daily basis with minimal education, minimal work
experience, and without legal documentation. Despite their undocumented status,
minimal support from outside sources (e.g., parents, government support), and multiple
barriers (e.g., language barrier, lack of occupational opportunities, minimal education),
these undocumented youth demonstrate high levels of resiliency by continuing to seek
Tab l e 6 Undocumented youth aspirations
Pseudonym To be with family US citizenship Higher education Financial security
Marvin
b
XXXX
Bryan X X X X
Cowboy X X X X
Morris
a
XXXX
Joey
a
XX X
Bobby X X X X
Henry X X X X
Dynamo X X X X
Dan X X X
Marco X X X X
Christopher X X X X
Victor X X X
a
Morris and Joey are brothers
b
Marvin is first cousins with Morris and Joey
Undocumented Latino Youth

employment and attempting to better their lives while existing, trying to live, on the
US–Mexican border.
The youth in this study did not remain in isolation as they eventually created
meaningful relationships. Most now had either wives, close friends, and/or children
of their own. These meaningful relationships seem to have deterred them from the
temptations of crime and delinquency. This focus on obligations and responsibilities
was described by Marco, “I always think and stay positive. Since I have had the
opportunity to go to school and become the man I am now, now my goal is to stay
humble. I know I am being an example for my children, so they can understand.”
Similarly, Cowboy who was 16 years old at the time of the interview said, “Ithinkit
is fun going to school and getting to see movies at home. First thing I do is homework.
My friends take me to the movies. I just follow the laws.”Similarly, Bobby describes
how his strong connection and loving relationship with his wife and family have
sustained him to conform, as he explained that before he used to be alone and now
he has a family. Bobby said, “I now communicate a lot with my wife. The decisions I
make are not only for me, they are for my entire family.”
Employment worries contributed considerably to the immigrants’mental state.
According to Finch et al. (2003), economic hardship, job demands, and securing
employment were acknowledged as key stressors contributing to mental illness among
the Latino immigrant population. Occupational dilemmas have been found to adversely
impact Mexican immigrant youth, leading to elevated levels of anxiety and depression
(Grzywacz et al. 2005). Similar evidence was found in the current study. For example,
Marvin explained that he wanted to work but he continued to feel the anxiety about the
obstacles in working for the past 3 years.
It is hard to have a ride to work. I am trying to work, but it is hard to get around. I
got very sentimental with all the pressure, so I just started crying about all the
problems. Before, I was a happier person. For the last three years I have been
crying and crying a lot. I have had a very bad life lately and this has made me a
more serious person. I have no documents here and life is hard without them.
Discussion
These youth seem to need persons acting in loco parentis (an adult assuming the role of
a parent) to achieve some of the responsibilities of adulthood on their behalf, thus
easing their anxieties and whom might assist them to navigate US systems. Such
mental health challenges may become an obstacle in the career development stages
of immigrant youth. As such, professional counseling may be a useful tool for many
Latino immigrant youth hoping to experience personal satisfaction based on developing
career paths and achieving their career dreams. Accordingly, intervening will help to
decrease the likelihood of poor academic achievement, high delinquency rates, and
substance abuse among undocumented immigrant youth.
Since the 1990s, the undocumented population in the USA has been progressively
increasing. Currently, Latino juveniles represent one of the largest and fastest-growing
immigrant populations. Also, the Urban Institute (2004) estimated immigration more
F.A. Rodriguez, M. Dawkins

than doubled during the 1990s and undocumented Mexicans make up approximately
57 % of the total, which is roughly 5.3 million. Other evidence suggests the undocu-
mented population spiked in 2007 at approximately 12.2 million, which accounted for
about 4 % of the US population (Krogstad and Passel 2015). In 2014, however, there
was a slight decrease in the number of undocumented immigrants, as Krogstad and
Passel (2015) noted, there were over 11 million undocumented immigrants in the USA.
Although Mexicans continue to make up a significant portion (52 %) of the US
undocumented population, their numbers have been decreasing in recent years. For
example, in 2009, there were 6.4 million but that number decreased to 5.9 million in
2012 (Krogstad and Passel 2015). Overall, the undocumented population has been
relatively stable for the last 5 years and represents about 3.5 % of the US population. In
regard to youth, they migrate to the USA for various reasons as explained by the 12
unaccompanied youth. They seek to adjust and/or transition to US work and living
environments for improved family economics given poverty in their home country
(Yakushko et al. 2008). Previous works indicated that persons choose to immigrate
because of the financial or political situation in their own country, situations that leave
them with little to no other choice (Jennisen 2007;Keely2001; Segal and Mayadas
2005).
This study’s findings indicate that “unaccompanied children”have very
different stories: some come to the USA to escape war, famine, poverty, or
abuse; some come in search of family members; and some are brought by
adults who intend to exploit them. For example, some of the youth in the study
reported that they received lower wages and did not always get paid on time,
and others were physically abused by their boss. Unaccompanied children enter
the immigration system by other pathways as well, and while some are
apprehended crossing an international border, others live in the USA for months
or years before coming to the attention of federal authorities. Notably, immi-
grant Latino youth who come into contact with US federal authorities are not
always processed. This is generally the case where children may be from
neighboring countries such as Mexico or Canada and can be returned within
24 h without being processed (AIC 2015). In other cases, if the youth has not
committed any crime or other offenses, he/she may be released without an
actual hearing. The decision as to whether a youth should or should not be
processed is not always uniform among agencies or authorities.
After this study’s data collection, the impact of the Illegal Immigration Reform and
Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996, the Anti-Terrorism and Effective
Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), and the USA PATRIOT Act led to an increase in the
number of undocumented youth subject to deportation from the USA, while at the same
time eliminating relief for immigrants with family ties in the USA, regardless of the
severity of the situation. The IIRIRA Act of 1996 criminalized American-owned
businesses that hire individuals with no legal documentation to work in the USA and
further increased border enforcement and control while restricting social services to
immigrants (Fragomen 1997). When the federal government intensifies immigration
enforcement, undocumented youth are at greater risk for family separation, trauma, and
economic hardships which may lead to serious consequences for all immigrant family
members and the communities in which they reside. Such enforcement undermines
long-standing family reunification principles of US immigration policy and poses dire
Undocumented Latino Youth

social, economic, and psychological costs for deportees and their family members both
in the USA and in their communities of origin (Hagan et al. 2008).
Juvenile justice professionals should be mindful of the stresses Latino youth might
have suffered in their countries of origin in addition to those of their immigration
experiences (Cintron 2006). Many times situations may result in prolonged detention
or deportation for undocumented youth even if they have lived most of their lives in the
USA. Unaccompanied alien children may encounter unique challenges when they are
forced to navigate a very complex legal system, one designed for adults, without the
assistance of legal counsel. While this study indicates that most Latino youth are more
likely to be victimized than being perpetrators of crime, it should be noted that youth
who are exposed to pervasive violence are less likely to succeed or recognize their full
potential. Rather, these youth are more prone to personal failures across several domains
which can lead to both criminal offending and perpetuation of a cycle of violence.
Safeguarding children must remain a priority. In recent years, there has been some
progress. Examples include new procedural safeguards for minors in removal proceed-
ings, improvements in transfer conditions and custody of unaccompanied minors from
the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), which is now obsolete, to ORR,
reduction in the length and use of detention, and increased alertness to the trafficking of
children (Byrne 2008). Many observers believe that the proposed Unaccompanied
Alien Child Protection Act would likely result in further improvements by separating
unaccompanied children in federal custody from those with a juvenile justice convic-
tion, requiring that custodial facilities provide proper services and that unaccompanied
children be provided with legal representation and a guardian ad litem.
Although a wealth of information on unaccompanied children in the USA exists,
more nuanced research focusing on their experiences and challenges is needed (Byrne
2008). We hope this document will help inform policymakers and practitioners on how
best to address and advance the interest of unaccompanied children in the USA. Nearly
all Americans have been connected to immigration, with some being immigrants
themselves or descendants of immigrants. However, the nation’s political climate and
ongoing immigration debate suggest xenophobia of some groups. As such, it is
imperative to acknowledge perceptions of newly arrived immigrants in the USA;
Latino immigrant youth are no exception. Advocates have traditionally focused their
efforts on modifying the law to include the recognition of children as subjects, rather
than objects, of immigration law, which suggest that immigrant youth are worthy of
further empirical inquiry.
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