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Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presenceof a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland

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In this paper, we discuss variations seen in the ornamentation and modes of manufacturing pottery from the end of the mid-Neolithic 4600–4300 BP on the Island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The Pitted Ware cultural groups have been discussed as a western influence from the Swedish mainland, but the aDNA on skeletal remains point to eastern influences. We analyse and discuss pottery from the well-investigated Ajvide Pitted Ware site and what these variations mean in term of intra- and inter-island relationships, ethnicity and change, and we suggest the development of what could be described as a hybrid culture.
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297
Documenta Praehistorica XLII (2015)
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence
of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
Erik Palmgren
1
, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
2
1 Visby, SE
erik14.palmgren@gmail.com
2 Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, SE
helene.martinsson-wallin@arkeologi.uu.se
Introduction
The focus of this article is an analysis of decorative
designs on pot-sherds from the well-documented Pit-
ted Ware Culture (PWC) site of Ajvide on South West
Gotland Island in the Baltic Sea, which is dated to
the mid-Neolithic (5300–4300 BP). We use this case
study to address the following questions: is the pot-
tery with cord imprints found at Gotland PWC sites
a feature that is an influence from the Funnel Beaker
Culture (FBC) or the Battle Axe Culture BAC, which
is a Scandinavian variety of the Corded Ware Culture
(CWC). Secondly, why is pottery with cord imprints
found at Gotland PWC sites and not at the Swedish
mainland PWC sites?
To arrive at better models of interpretation of human
colonisation and migration vs. the transmission of
ideas and trading of prestige goods and commodi-
ties during Neolithic in Scandinavia, we suggest that
it is increasingly important to make detailed analy-
ses of the genetic, material cultural and environmen-
tal evidence alike and their temporal variations. Here
we mainly focus on pottery, but we discuss other
types of material culture, radiocarbon dates and iso-
tope and genetic studies.
The typical pottery style of ornamental design of
PWC pots include pits, incisions and stamps made
with bones and combs tools, whereas PWC pottery
made by groups on the also includes sherds with
cord imprints. The cord imprints are patterns that
are generally typical of the FBC groups that were
contemporaneous with PWC in the earliest phase
ABSTRACT – In this paper, we discuss variations seen in the ornamentation and modes of manu-
facturing pottery from the end of the mid-Neolithic 4600–4300 BP on the Island of Gotland in the
Baltic Sea. The Pitted Ware cultural groups have been discussed as a western influence from the Swe-
dish mainland, but the aDNA on skeletal remains point to eastern influences. We analyse and dis-
cuss pottery from the well-investigated Ajvide Pitted Ware site and what these variations mean in
term of intra- and inter-island relationships, ethnicity and change, and we suggest the development
of what could be described as a hybrid culture.
IZVLE∞EK – V ≠lanku predstavljamo razlike v ornamentih in izdelavi lon≠enine s konca srednjega
neolitika, 4600–4300 BP na otoku Gotland na Baltskem morju. Kulturne skupine jami≠aste kerami-
ke so bile tu interpretirane kot zahodni vpliv s celinske πvedske, vendar stara DNK v neolitskih ≠lo-
ve∏kih kostnih ostankih ka∫e na vzhodne vplive. Analiziramo lon≠enino z dobro raziskanega najdi-
∏≠a jami≠aste keramike Ajvide in pojasnjujemo, kaj te razlike pomenijo na otoku in med otoki, kako
so povezane s populacijskimi premenami in kulture opi∏emo kot hibridne.
KEY WORDS – Pitted Ware Culture; Corded Ware Culture; Battle Axe Culture; hybrid culture; pottery;
identity; Gotland; Baltic Sea; mid-Neolithic
DOI> 10.4312\dp.42.21
Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
298
of the mid-Neolithic (MN A c. 5300–4800 BP) and
the BAC, which was contemporaneous with the PWC
on the Swedish mainland during the late mid-Neo-
lithic (MN B c. 4800–4300 BP).
The earliest human traces on Gotland were found
at the Stora Förvar cave site on the islet of Stora
Karlsö and date to the Scandinavian mid-Mesolithic
phase, (c. 8000 BP) (Fig. 1 and Tab. 1). This small
raised limestone islet lies approx. 10km south-west
of the Gotland mainland. During the following phase,
the Late Mesolithic (c. 7500–6000 BP), there are
finds of human activities also on mainland Gotland,
especially in the north. The Scandinavian Early Neo-
lithic (c. 6000–5500 BP), human occupation of Got-
land was located close to an inshore lake system in
the centre of the island (Österholm 1989.74), where
the first evidence of pottery on Gotland was found.
The pottery has cord imprints and is from the FBC
tradition, while other finds at these sites indicate
flint tool manufacturing in conjunction with hearths
with burnt bone fragments and nut shells (Thors-
berg 1997; Österholm 1989; Lidman 2014). The FBC
groups have been interpreted as farming communi-
ties that utilised domesticate animals and had mega-
lith burial customs (Martinsson-Wallin, Wallin 2010).
The FBC pottery tradition and Neolithic life-
style ended in the Scandinavian mid-Neoli-
thic (c. 5500–4300 BP) and human settle-
ment on Gotland has been described as
part of the PWC, sub-Neolithic tradition.
According to radiocarbon dating, the FBC
and the PWC co-existed during the earliest
part of this time frame (mid-Neolithic A c.
5500–4800 BP) and the discussion has fo-
cused on whether the FBC groups were the
ancestors of the PWC or the PWC ancestors
were from an earlier Mesolithic group on
the island. Another version is that the PWC
groups migrated to Gotland Island in the
mid-Neolithic and had no previous ances-
tors on the island. Current research data
support the latter hypothesis.
The PWC tradition dominated Gotland for
some 500 years during the mid-Neolithic.
At the end of the mid-Neolithic (MN B c.
4800–4300 BP) traces have been found of
material culture typical of the BAC, such as
corded ware and typical battle axes. The
former are found at coastal PWC settle-
ments, but the latter are found all over Got-
land, especially towards the hinterland close
to the lakes and wetlands (Palmgren 2014a). Here,
the discussions have focused on whether a new
group of people from the corded ware BAC tradition
migrated to Gotland Island and mixed with PWC
groups or whether only BAC material culture, a few
marriage partners and ideas that found its way to
Gotland Island.
Pitted Ware Culture
The term Pitted Ware Culture was coined by resear-
chers in the early 1900s, when Stone Age sites with
pottery decorated with distinct pits were found in
east mainland Sweden (Malmer 2002). These sites
Fig. 1. Map of the distribution of PWC tradition. The green
colour indicates the approximate distribution of PWC cul-
ture. M stands for ‘Mälar Valley’, G for ‘Gotland’ (after Palm-
gren 2015).
Scandinavian
Stone Age phase BP BC
on Gotland
Mid-Mesolithic c. 8000–7500 BP c. 6000–5500 BC
Late Mesolithic c. 7500–6000 BP c. 5500–4000 BC
Early Neolithic c. 6000–5500 BP c. 4000–3500 BC
Mid-Neolithic A c. 5500–4800 BP c. 3500–2800 BC
Mid-Neolithic B c. 4800–4300 BP c. 2800–2300 BC
Tab. 1. Scandinavian Stone Age phases and their
approximate BP and BC dates.
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
299
were found inland, but due to shoreline displace-
ment it was calculated that they were coastal bound
during the Neolithic. The PWC groups have been
discussed as belonging to a homogeneous culture,
and these groups were distributed over large parts
of Northern Europe, but with regional variations
among the pottery assemblages (Fig. 1). The regio-
nal traits can be detected in variations in the orna-
mentation and durability of the ware. The archaeo-
logical remains of PWC groups have been found on
the east and south coasts of Sweden, and on the Bal-
tic islands of Åland, Gotland and Öland, but also on
the west coast of Sweden, north-eastern Denmark
and south-eastern Norway (Malmer 2002.120–122).
This tradition is dated to the mid-Neolithic (c. 5300–
4300 BP), the earliest sites being found in areas in
the Lake Mälaren Valley (Hallgren 2011.32) (Fig. 1).
The east coast mainland Sweden pottery from the
PWC groups has been divided into various types
based on pottery from the Fagervik site (Fagervik
II–IV) and with regard to the different stratigraphic
levels in which they were found (Bagge 1951). Fa-
gervik I belongs to the FBC tradition and Fagervik
V belongs to the BAC tradition, so Fagervik II–IV
has been interpreted as stemming from the PWC tra-
dition. However, the south and west Swedish pot-
tery from the PWC tradition does not conform to
the template of the Fagervik pottery style. Given that
PWC pottery ornamentation actually varies from
place to place, it has been suggested by Welinder
(1973.56) that the PWC tradition should be divided
into East Swedish, South Swedish and Gotlandic and
a North Sea group.
A marked difference between the East and West Swe-
dish PWC ware is that the latter is dense, while the
former is both dense and porous (Strinnholm 2001).
This was because they were tempered in different
ways. For example, some ware found in eastern
Sweden and on Gotland was tempered with material
that has been degraded due to taphonomic proces-
ses. This process is common in pottery tempered
with crushed limestone, which is the typical temper
of the PWC pottery found on Gotland. The choice of
this type of temper is not surprising, since most of
the bedrock on Gotland is limestone, but sources of
quartz and granite are limited. However, the latter
two are among the most common materials for tem-
per on the east coast of Sweden during the late mid-
Neolithic (Ytterberg 2007.392).
Archaeological research has shown that these groups
had a sub-Neolithic life style, including marine hunt-
ing and foraging. The animal bone residues found at
these sites show that their subsistence was based
mainly on seal hunting and fishing. They also uti-
lised domesticate animals such as pig, dog and cat-
tle to a minor extent, but no traces of crops have
been found.
The PWC sites on Gotland are located on the coast
and the activities are interpreted as settlement/hun-
ting sites in the early phase and burial sites during
the later stages (Martinsson-Wallin 2008; Wallin
2015; Wallin, Martinsson-Wallin in press). The early
Ajvide pottery shows various traits that are similar
to the PWC pottery found at sites on the Swedish
east coast. Since the Ajvide site is located in the south-
western part of Gotland and close to the Stora Karlsö
site (which was in continuous use during the mid-
Neolithic), and sites on the northernmost point of
Öland Island, it is likely that they had close contacts
between east Sweden and Ajvide/Stora Karlsö sites
during this time (Papmehl-Dufay 2003).
The PWC Ajvide-site – graves and pottery
The earliest excavations at Ajvide were carried out
in 1923. Excavations were not resumed until 1983,
when large-scale work began, continuing with some
minor breaks until 2008 (Österholm 1989; 2008;
Burenhult 1997; 2002; Ajvide Database 2009). The
field work of over 20 years was carried out in the
form of field training by Stockholm and Gotland uni-
versities. The very rich cultural layers, which can be
over half a metre thick, are typical at most sites with
PWC graves on Gotland, but are less common along
the Swedish coasts. The Ajvide site has never been
subjected to modern ploughing, and below the top-
soil of approx. 20cm of mixed material, the cultural
layers were intact. A large quantity of archaeological
finds was recovered, consisting of around 2300kg of
bone fragments, 3300kg of ceramic sherds and 200kg
of flint (Ajvide Database 2009). The total size of the
excavated area is approximately 3000m
2
, although
this is only a small part of the estimated 200 000m
2
size of this site (Wallin 2015).
The Ajvide site is situated on a cape close to the
shore, and phosphate analysis (Österholm 1989) has
shown that the area of utilisation follows the shore-
line displacement and topography of the cape in a
north-south direction (Fig. 2).
Several areas with dark ‘fatty’ soil have been found
on the site, which have been interpreted as areas for
ritual activities such as ritual butchering. To date,
Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
300
four (possible five) ‘dark areas’ have
been found. These areas yielded a
larger amount of pottery than other
areas, and the radiocarbon dates in-
dicate that these areas were utilised
only in the latter part of the mid-Neo-
lithic (MN B) (Wall, Martinsson-Wal-
lin in press).
The graves
Over 200 PWC graves have been
found on Gotland, and with their high
frequency and rich grave goods (Sten-
berger et al. 1943; Janzon 1974; Wal-
lin, Martinsson-Wallin 1992; Öster-
holm 1989; 2008; Burenhult 2002;
Wallin in press) they differ signifi-
cantly in comparison with PWC graves
found along the Swedish mid-Neoli-
thic coasts (Papmehl-Dufay 2003.
186). To date, 85 graves have been ex-
cavated at the Ajvide site, the largest
PWC grave site in northern Europe.
Among these graves, eight features
have been interpreted as graves with
grave goods, but without human re-
mains (cenotaphs). In total, 89 indivi-
duals have been found in the excavat-
ed graves (Burenhult 2002; Öster-
holm 2008; Wallin, Martinsson-Wal-
lin in press; Wallin in press).
The most of the human skeletal re-
mains were in a supine position, al-
though in at least five of the graves the deceased
was buried on the side in a crouching position (hock-
er position) (Burenhult 2002; Österholm 2008). In
the latter part of the mid-Neolithic, the PWC groups
on the Swedish mainland lived side by side with
BAC groups. The latter typically placed their dead in
a crouching position, facing east. In comparison with
the five Ajvide burials in a crouching position (two
men, two women and one juvenile), they are facing
north (Burenhult 2002; Palmgren 2014a.69, 114;
Wallin 2015).
Four of these graves were found on the margins of
the burial area, which may indicate that they were
late burials. Radiocarbon dating was carried out on
three of the graves: no. 28, (Burenhult 2002.100,
Figs. 62b, 128), no. 36 (Burenhult 2002.103, 134,
Figs. 70a, b) and no. 73 (Wallin, Martinsson-Wallin
in press). The individual in grave 28 is dated to c.
5200–4500 BP (i.e. the early-mid phase of MN) and
the
13
C isotope analysis shows that this individual
had a terrestrial diet. Grave 36 is dated to c. 4800–
4400 BP (i.e. early-mid MN B) and
13
C isotope ana-
lysis shows that this individual had a marine diet.
This is the only grave at the Ajvide grave site that
was associated with a ceramic sherd with ornamen-
tation resembling corded ware imprints. The date
of the human bone remains from the third (grave
73) is c. 4500–4300 BP (i.e. late MN B) and
13
C iso-
tope analysis shows that this individual had a ter-
restrial diet. Both individuals in grave 28 and grave
73 show a tendency to a terrestrial diet, but the for-
mer is earlier and the latter came from one of the
later graves. Thus the evidence is inconclusive, but
see the further discussion below on the find material
in grave 36.
The grave goods
The grave goods found at Ajvide are varied and nu-
merous. Considering that the PWC was a hunter- ga-
Fig. 2. Mas L values at the Ajvide site. The red colour represent
excavated areas; cast study trench is marked with a black circle.
The site was above 10.5m level during the late MN B (after Gustav-
sson, Palmgren 2015).
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
301
therer culture, artefacts such as flint fish hooks,
arrow heads and axes etc. are among the grave
goods. The
14
C-dates on the graves show that a
trend in the custom of providing the deceased with
numerous durable grave goods declined during the
latter part of the MN B (Wallin in press). Gotland is
rich in Ordovician flint, but the quality is poorer and
it cracks more easily compared with south Scandina-
vian flint. All the axes found in the graves are of
south Scandinavia flint, which is a durable material
and it is probable that these axes were considered
exotic status objects.
Some grave goods recovered from Ajvide most like-
ly originated from the BAC and perhaps from the
Single Grave Culture (SGC) in Denmark. Although
the burial area yielded artefacts from the Danish
and Swedish variants of the Corded Ware Culture
(CWC) alike, the burial area at Ajvide actually have
fewer artefacts that resemble the Da-
nish and Swedish CWC in compari-
son with other PWC sites with graves
on Gotland (Palmgren 2014a.57–
62). In fact, there seems to be a ma-
jor difference between the southern
and northern parts of Gotland con-
cerning typical BAC artefacts (Palm-
gren 2014a) (Fig. 3). Artefacts found
at the Ajvide site that can be describ-
ed as characteristic of BAC are de-
scribed below.
A faceted grindstone was found in
grave 19 (Burenhult 2002.96, 119–
120, Figs. 50–5) of a type characte-
ristic of the BAC on the Swedish
mainland. It is one of four faceted
grindstones found on Gotland. Two
of these, which are of an early model
(four sides), were found at the bur-
ial area at Ajvide and at the Visby
PWC site. In both cases, the grind-
stone was placed on the deceased
man’s right shoulder with their hand
placed on it (Janzon 1974; Buren-
hult 2002.119, Fig. 50). The remain-
ing two grindstones are of late mod-
els (i.e. have more than four sides),
but were only stray finds (Palmgren
2014a).
Ten excavated graves at Ajvide con-
tained amber beads in various forms
(Ajvide Database 2009). Amber is
not a natural resource on Gotland, and probably
originated from southern Sweden and/or Denmark,
from where other imported exotic artefacts origi-
nated, although it cannot be ruled out that some of
the amber artefacts originated from the Baltic and/
or Poland (Axelsson, Strinnholm 2013.149).
Six excavated graves on Ajvide contained flint axes
(Ajvide Database 2009). All of them are thick-butted,
a common characteristic of late FBC or BAC tradi-
tions. Several flint axes found on Gotland probably
originated in Denmark, such as at the Västerbjers
PWC site. Several artefacts, including flint axes which
have been linked with the Danish SGC due to their
shape and
14
C-dating of the human skeletal remains
with which they were found (Stenberger et al. 1943;
Ebbesen 2006; Palmgren 2014a). However, none of
the axes at Ajvide had straight edges, which proba-
bly means that these did not originate in Denmark.
Fig. 3. BAC artefacts on Gotland. Grey lines represent parish bor-
ders. The letters in black colour represent only parish finds and
not the exact location (from Palmgren 2014b).
Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
302
As mentioned earlier, grave 36 contained a ceramic
sherd decorated with imprints which resemble cord-
ed ware. There are several aspects that are interest-
ing regarding this item. Firstly, it was tempered with
crushed limestone, which is the most common tem-
per in the PWC ceramics, but not FBC or BAC pot-
tery. Secondly, it was found by the legs of a deceased
woman (marked with a red circle, see Fig. 4) who
had been placed in a crouching position, which is
common in BAC. Thirdly, the sherd is decorated
with what appears to be a right-twisted corded im-
print, but the imprint was made by another tool to
make it resemble corded ware. It is possible that the
deceased originated from the BAC although ‘real’
cord imprints were not used in the PWC in this early
contact phase, hence the crouching position, but
the imprints that resemble to corded ware were used
to show the woman’s origin. The date could fit into
the earliest Corded Ware Cultural tradition from
continental Europe (c. 4800 BP) but the
13
C isotope
value indicated that she had a marine diet, which
is typical of the PWC. Perhaps future genetic studies
can provide further information on the origin of this
individual.
The case study pottery analysis
Pottery from the Ajvide site has previously been sub-
jected to formal analysis regarding the pottery orna-
mentation design and some technical analysis of the
clay (Sharp 1985; Österholm 1989.97–117; Lidman
2013). An ornamentation design scheme was worked
out by Österholm (1989.110). The obvious ornamen-
tation on the PWC pottery (which also provided the
name for the culture) are pits, generally c. 0.3–1cm
in size (Fig. 7), decorating the rim, neck and shoul-
der of the vessels. Besides the pits, various incisions
and stamps were created with bones and combs etc.
(Österholm 1989.103–110).
The MN B pottery used in our analyses was from a
test pit 50m the west of the area that has been in-
terpreted as the core area of the site (Fig. 2). A test
pit, 1m
2
in size, was excavated by Österholm in 2000
with the aim of finding the western limits of the site.
The test pit revealed large quantities of pot sherds,
but numerous bone remains were also found. Of
particular interest was that several sherds bore de-
signs that were not previously described. In the light
of the new finds, the test pit was extended by an ad-
ditional eight m
2
in the following year. The inten-
tion of the excavator, Österholm, was to carry out
a further analysis of the interesting sherds, but this
was not done until 2014 (Palmgren 2014b).
The sherds recovered from the test pit weighed
16kg, which can be compared with the 250kg of pot
sherds from Ajvide previously analysed (Österholm
1989). The material used for the analysis comprises
487 decorated sherds found between 11.14–10.89m
above sea level (m.a.s.l.) (second and third levels of
the cultural layer) (Palmgren 2014b). The same cri-
teria and ornamentation design scheme as worked
out by Österholm (1989.110) was used in our ana-
lysis. The analysis of the sherds from the test pit
showed that cord imprints were the most common
ornamentation; of 487 analysed decorated
sherds, 102 have cord imprints (approx.
20%). Sherds with cord imprints appear
only as a single pattern or combined with
pits. It was estimated that the 102 sherds
derived from between 20–30 vessels, but
only one out of five imprints could be de-
fined as right-twisted (Palmgren 2014b).
A few, but not the majority, of the sherds
have been affected by wave action. It is like-
ly that the sherds were deposited close to
the contemporary shoreline and since there
were more sherds affected by wave actions
in the western quadrants, which held fewer
sherds and were closer to the sea than the
others. The shoreline at the Ajvide site has
been estimated to around 10.5m a.s.l. at
2400–2300 BC (Palmgren 2014b.40) and
the bottom of the cultural layer in this test
pit was at 10.89m. a.s.l. Two
14
C-datings of
Fig. 4. Grave 36 on the Ajvide site. Circle shows where the
sherd with imprints resembling corded ware was found
(from Burenhult 2002.134).
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
303
bone remains from the cultural layer, one pig tusk
and one tooth from a pig mandibular found at a
slightly different depths in the centre of the exca-
vated squares, were used as samples for dating. Pig
bones were preferred, since previous isotope analy-
ses of pig bones from similar contexts on Gotland
have shown that the pigs did not eat a marine diet
and we wanted to avoid the reservoir effect (Erik-
sson 2004; Wallin, Martinsson Wallinin in press).
The results of the
14
C analysis showed that both lay-
ers dated to between c. 4630–4460 BP (see Tab. 2).
Fifty-seven different designs were defined on the
sherds from the test pits, of which 18 were new
(Palmgren 2014b.27–30). This analysis increased
the number of pottery ornamentation designs to
around a hundred different patterns found so far at
the site. However, some designs are quite similar in
shape and form, which might reflect creativity and
change in the decorative scheme over time that may
possibly be related to various pot-making traditions
within Gotlandic PWC.
The sherds used in this analysis were found close
to the sea, and given them a.s.l. value and
14
C-dat-
ings, the trench was most likely under water during
the earliest phase of the site. The pottery found at
this location thus reflects a late phase (i.e. late MN
B). Earlier analysis by Österholm (1989.108, 110)
showed that a few pot-sherds with cord imprints
were found at Ajvide (ornament type 63–65) at the
larger excavated areas called areas D and C (see Fi-
gure 2 the larger red areas). A few sherds of the
types 64–65 (vertical cord imprints) have been
found in the early MN A level and the younger MN
B level, but type 66 (horizontal cord imprint) is
mainly linked to the younger MN B level. Type 66
is more common than 63–65, but cord imprints are
rare compared to other designs (Österholm 1989.
112–114).
New techniques
Österholm was of the opinion that the earliest pots
at Ajvide had funnel-like necks (1989) but this was
not shown on the rim sherds found in the test
trench. This, together with the location close to the
late MN B sea shore, the radiocarbon dates and the
ornamentation designs on the pots which among
others show cord imprints, indicate that the pottery
in the test pit relates to the late phase of the PWC
site. The pottery from the trench also revealed four
new techniques.
The surface of some sherds can be labelled as de-
generative and ‘sloppy’ since the patterns are blurred
and are crudely finishished.
A number of sherds also have a cruder surface
in general, even if the patters are more distinct than
the sherds referred to above. The potter did not take
so much care to polish the surface as before. It is like-
ly that this was due to the fact that the potters stop-
ped using polishing stones and instead used other
tools of organic material when they finished the pot
surfaces (Palmgren 2014b; 2015).
Four sherds have an additional coarse slip of clay
(barbotine) on the outer surface which has been
taken to mean that the pot was ready made with de-
corations and dried, whereupon an extra layer of
clay was applied on the pot (Fig. 10). This type of
pottery was common during the Bronze Age (3700–
2500 BP) and perhaps at the end of the late Neoli-
thic (4300–3700 BP), but not found on pots dated
to earlier time frames. It should be noted that a
coarse slipped outer surface makes the pot easier to
handle and keeps the contents cool (Hulthén 2011.
32), so this might be a utilitarian aspect.
A number of sherds also have quartz temper,
which is very uncommon in Gotlandic PWC pot ma-
nufacturing. On the other hand, this type of temper
is very common in FBC, while some PWC pots from
the Stora Karlsö cave site were also tempered with
this material (Palmgren 2015). Grog is a common
temper in BAC pots, but mainland BAC pots also
have tempers with crushed quartz.
Aside from the ‘sloppily’ made or ‘degenerative’
pottery, the sherds from these vessels were also
poorly fired and the proportion of temper is large.
It can also be added that, when analysing sherds
from Stora Karlsö, a corded imprint pattern was
found underneath an extra clay slip layer which had
been added to the outside of the vessel (Palmgren
2015.9).
Twelve sherds from the Aj-
vide site and four from the
PWC site at Hemmor on the
eastern side of Gotland were
subjected to XRF-analysis (Fig.
Layers Lab nr. BP BC Probab.
Layer 2 (11,11–11,02 MASL) Ua-48709 4002 ± 38 BP 2630–2450 BC 95.40%
Layer 3 (10,96 MASL) Ua-48708 4020 ± 43 BP 2670–2460 BC 92.80%
Tab. 2. Radiocarbon dates from the test trench.
Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
304
5). Several of the Ajvide sherds were from the case
study area. This analysis measures the levels of va-
rious elements in the core of the sherds. Three sets
of analyses were made and a mean value calculat-
ed. The analysis of the sherds from Ajvide suggests
that the clay might have been derived from differ-
ent clay sources. Thin-section analyses of pot-sherds
from Ajvide site are underway which might support
or refute this interpretation. TCT tests (Thermal Co-
lor Tests) by Österholm (1989.99, 116–117) indi-
cate that the pottery at Ajvide was made with clay
from three different sources and that the earlier pots
(MN A) were more durable ware than the younger
examples. The clay in the four Hemmor sherds seems
to be more homogeneous and could have come
from one clay source, but further analyses are need-
ed to confirm this. Thin-section and inductively cou-
pled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-measures the
levels of various elements in the core of the sherds)
analyses on seven sherds with cord imprints from
the Stora Förvar cave site indicate that the analysed
raw material came from four different clay sources
on Gotland (Palmgren 2015.11). In addition to this,
one sherd displayed clay that is unknown in Got-
land. Due to the imprints and low calcium value of
this sherd, it has been interpreted as deriving from
a BAC context on the Swedish mainland (Fig. 6).
Stora Förvar cave site is probably a place where se-
veral groups from around the island and from the
Swedish mainland met and brought their locally
made pottery. The Ajvide site is probably connected
to Stora Förvar, since it is the closest PWC site to
this islet site. Further petrochemical analysis and thin
sections are needed to confirm the above sugges-
tions.
The FBC and the PWC culture on Gotland
The largest known FBC on Gotland site is Mölner/
Gullarve, located in Väte parish (Fig. 3). This site has
been dated to the Early Neolithic (c. 7000–5500 BP)
(Österholm 1989.82); the dates are not conclusive
and have large ranges, and according to Lidman’s
study some of the pottery on the site could derive
from the early MN A phase (Lidman 2014). One me-
galithic site with around 30 interred individuals has
been located on Gotland; it has been excavated and
dated to c. 5300–5200 BP (Wallin, Martinsson-Wal-
lin 1997; Martinsson-Wallin, Wallin 2010). Isotope
analyses (
13
C values) of the human skeletal remains
from this site show that these people had a terres-
trial diet. This contrasts with contemporaneous in-
dividuals buried in PWC contexts who had a marine
diet. The isotope studies in conjunction with genet-
ic analysis and an extensive dating programme of
the human skeletal remains from the Neolithic sites
on Gotland comprise an ongoing project that will
provide further data on this dynamic phase (Paul
Wallin, 2014, pers. comm.) (Wallin 2015; Wallin in
press; Wallin, Martinsson-Wallin in press).
Some of the PWC skeletal remains at the Ajvide site
have been subjected to DNA analyses, and in compa-
risons with FBC groups on the Swedish mainland,
the Ajvide people show a closer genetic similarity to
people now living in the Baltic area (Malmström et
al. 2009; Skoglund et al. 2012). The result of the ge-
netic studies of PWC mid-Neolithic individuals from
Ajvide also show that nine out of ten (six from Aj-
vide) lack the T-allele, which has been associated
with the ability of adults to consume unprocessed
milk (Malmström et al. 2010). This indicates the
presence of adult lactose intolerance among the PWC
population. The extremely low presence of cattle
bones on the sites probably suggests that these ani-
mals were mainly kept for meat production for feast-
ing, and/or as status objects and does not indicate
milk-production in the first place. According to this
study, the PWC groups seem to have originated from
a Eurasian hunter-gather population. The prevailing
view is that the PWC groups and/or their cultural
traits spread from the east coast of the mid-Sweden
area southwards and also to Gotland Island.
FBC groups that preceded and were partly contem-
porary with the PWC, as well as subsequent BAC
Fig. 5. XRF-analysis on pottery from the Hemmor
and Ajvide sites.
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
305
groups, used pottery with cord imprints. However,
the cord imprints of the FBC differed from the BAC
(Larsson 2009) and, for example, the latter is al-
ways left-twisted (Larsson 2009.242–247). The PWC
groups, especially on the mainland, seem to have
avoided using cord imprints and also differed from
the FBC and BAC traditions in that their ware had
convex bases.
There are also traces of crop grain imprints in cord-
ed ware from the early Neolithic on Gotland (Öster-
holm 1989.84). This, together with the evidence of
the megalith grave and the isotope analysis, indi-
cate that people moved in from the south and intro-
duced a farming lifestyle on Gotland in the Early
Scandinavian Neolithic. However, as discussed above,
they are not the ancestors of the mid-Neolithic PWC
groups, and these farming communities did not seem
to succeed very well in the long run. Current re-
search suggests that the FBC and PWC were two
distinct groups with different lifestyles on Gotland
at the beginning of mid-Neolithic and that the PWC
groups eventually spread all over Gotland, probably
at the expense of the farming communities. So far,
there is no material or genetic evidence that FBC and
PWC groups mixed. The PWC groups spread over
the island and became the dominant and only cul-
ture during the next 500 years.
Evidence of BAC influences during the MN B
phase on Gotland
The late mid-Neolithic (MN B c. 4800–4300 BP) has
been discussed as a time when major changes in the
material culture occurred on Gotland after around
500 year of PWC tradition. At the end of the MN B,
the PWC and the Battle-Axe Culture (BAC) co-existed
on the Swedish mainland. The latter show influences
from Corded Ware/Single Grave culture (SGC) groups
in south Scandinavia, but in an east Scandinavian
setting, this culture has been called the Battle-Axe
tradition, also with influences from the east (Mal-
mer 2002).
As mentioned above, a few artefacts found at Aj-
vide and at other Gotland PWC sites are typical of
the BAC. Comparisons with artefacts found in the
southern Swedish mainland and Denmark show that
it is likely that contacts between Gotland and these
areas were of equal importance during the early MN
B phase. These contacts are, for example, shown in
early types of four battle-axes and the two faceted
grindstones that were found in
graves at what have been interpret-
ed as PWC sites. In the late MN B,
phase it seems that contacts with the
southern Swedish mainland in-
creased, while contacts with Den-
mark ceased (Palmgren 2014a).
A total of 60 battle-axes have been
found on Gotland, of which 56 are
stray finds, and around 50% are
complete (Palmgren 2014.69). Only
one example can be tied to an origin
from the Danish SGC; the remainder
are of a type tied to the Swedish
BAC. Four axes found in graves are
shaped like early models, but the
stray finds are of the middle or late
Fig. 6. Sherd from Stora Förvar cave site, most like-
ly manufactured by the BAC on the Swedish main-
land (photo: Erik Palmgren).
Fig. 7. Typical PWC pottery from the test trench (photo: Erik Palm-
gren).
Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
306
models (Palmgren 2014a). The same
pattern is seen with grindstones (see
above) (Palmgren 2014a). An intere-
sting detail is that the faceted grind-
stones are not made of quartzite,
which is the most common material
for these types of grindstones at
mainland Swedish sites (Lindström,
Boije 2000). The grooves on the
grindstones also are unique to the
Gotlandic specimens. Taking these
two facts into account, it is very like-
ly that these grindstones were man-
ufactured on Gotland and used in
other ways than the mainland ones.
Besides battle-axes and faceted grind-
stones, finds of five unfinished battle-axes and four re-
used axes (i.e. with additional shaft holes) (Palmgren
2014a), four-sided bone plates with unique designs,
Cerastoderma edule and Dentalium shells (Janzon
1974) and pottery with grog temper (Hulthén 1997)
and cord imprints have been found in various PWC
contexts on Gotland. So far no evidence that grog
temper and cord imprints were used by mainland
PWC- groups has been found, but these traits are com-
mon among the early mainland BAC-groups (Hulthén
1997). That these features occur on the Gotland PWC
sites is probably due to contacts with BAC groups
on mainland Sweden (Palmgren 2014a). Another
BAC trait is that the deceased were buried in a
crouching position (hocker), which occurs on PWC
burial areas on Gotland towards the end of the MN
B phase (see above) (Palmgren 2014a).
Gotlandic PWC identity
The PWC culture seems to have had a strong identi-
ty, which was expressed in their pottery, especially
the pit design, and a sub-Neolithic lifestyle. Empirical
research on artefact assemblages found at PWC sites
on Gotland show that with time they became quite
different from PWC mainland assemblages (Pap-
mehl-Dufay 2003). The stone axes, grindstones and
pottery patterns made by Gotlandic PWC groups in
the MN B phase diverge from those made by PWC
groups on the mainland (Palmgren 2014; Petrén
1992.35). An explanation could be that Gotland be-
came isolated due to a decline in seafaring, and that
interactions with the Swedish mainland thereby
ceased. This view is probably not correct, since ex-
ternal interactions are indicated by exotic goods like
flint and amber, which are found at PWC sites on
Gotland throughout the Neolithic period.
Since an increasing number of sites have been found
on Gotland dating to the mid-Neolithic, it has been
suggested that the population on Gotland increased
during this time. With a growing island population,
it might have been of less importance to engage in
external contacts with distant family groups on the
mainland. Increasing interactivity among the PWC
groups on the island could have created a stronger
island group identity. Martinsson-Wallin’s (2008)
study of bone remains from various PWC sites indi-
cated that there could have been three spheres of
intra-site interaction, one including sites on the west
side, one on the east side and a third towards the
north.
Based on the results of analysed material and the
discussion above, we suggest that on the one hand
it became increasingly important to show an island
identity, but at the same time contacts intensified
with southern mainland Sweden towards the end of
MN B, which are indicated though influenced from
the BAC in that area.
In the last phase of PWC, there was a decline in pot
decorations in PWC groups on mainland Sweden,
(i.e. fewer designs were used). This has been inter-
preted as the intention of the PWC groups to show
group cohesion and homogeneity (Olsson 1997.450)
to distinguish them from groups with other cultural
affiliations, such as the BAC groups. The cord im-
prints actually do occur on the Gotland pots from
the latter part of the mid-Neolithic (MN B) and the
ornamentation on the pots became more varied than
at east mainland Sweden PWC sites.
Favouring certain material culture and certain designs
are ways to express identity (Hylland Eriksen 2010.
Fig. 8. Pottery with zig-zag patterns from the test trench (photo:
Erik Palmgren).
Analysis of late mid-Neolithic pottery illuminates the presence of a Corded Ware Culture on the Baltic Island of Gotland
307
345). Based on the analyses and discussion above,
we argue that PWC groups on Gotland made con-
scious choices to decorate their pots in certain ways
to strengthen their island identity and that a hybrid
culture appeared in the MN B phase on Gotland.
Hybridisation is an interesting phenomenon where-
in traits or elements meet and form something new.
These changes occur in the flow of time when there
are interactions between peoples and/or groups of
people, but the term has close ties to a post-colonial
research strategy (Van Dommelen 2006; Bhahba
2004). We have no evidence that PWC groups were
colonised by BAC groups, but rather it seems like a
conscious choice by the PWC groups to include BAC
material culture. These traits might have come with a
few BAC people as marriage partners and/or through
new interactions directed to south Scandinavia. We
argue that the BAC expressions were ‘rephrased’
within the frames of the PWC culture to arrive at a
localised cultural expression. Hybridisation at the
cognitive level and the material expressions attached
to this are especially interesting as they create mean-
ing which is both a part of the local production/con-
sumption system, but also reaches beyond this sys-
tem (Martinsson-Wallin 2011.102). The hybridisa-
tion seen during the MN B
phase on Gotland had a
strong PWC signature, but the
pottery designs became more
diverse with time and finally
also included BAC cultural
traits. This differs from the
PWC mainland group strate-
gies, where BAC traits seem to
have been avoided. In main-
land PWC groups in coastal
east Sweden no sherds with corded imprints have
been found so far (Larsson 2009). Perhaps this is a
sign that Gotland PWC groups wanted to distance
themselves from earlier allies and kin.
The analysis of late MN B PWC pot sherds at Ajvide
show an increasing quantity of corded ware and
some new techniques that could be associated with
the BAC culture. The difference shown between the
Ajvide corded ware and the mainland BAC corded
ware tradition is that the former used both right-
twisted and left twisted cord imprints, but mainland
BAC corded ware bears only left twisted imprints
(Larsson 2009). The hybridisation of pottery orna-
mentation designs found at Ajvide in the last part of
MN B combines pits and cord imprints that are both
right- and left-twisted, and also in some cases a clay
slip and rougher surface occur only on Gotland and
not on the Swedish mainland PWC sites. In com-
parison with the PWC tradition, it is considered that
the BAC tradition hadstricter rules regarding mate-
rial and social culture (Malmer 2002). The current
research does not support the notion that the main-
land PWC groups changed into the BAC, although at
the end of the MN B, BAC pottery sherds have been
found at a few mainland sites with PWC influences,
termed a ‘third group pottery’ (Larsson, Graner
2010). So far, no PWC pottery with BAC influences
has been found on the mainland, and comparisons
with ‘third group pottery’ sherds on mainland sites
have been found only in small numbers. The ‘third
group pottery’ also seems to have been in use over
a short period.
Conclusion
Even if FBC groups with corded ware were contem-
poraneous with PWC groups on Gotland in the early
MN A phase, there are really no indications that the
PWC groups were influenced by, or mixed with, FBC
groups. The analyses of pottery ornamentation de-
signs from the PWC site at Ajvide show that the
sherds with corded imprints were in fact influenced
Fig. 9. Pitted pottery with left-twisted cord imprints
from the test trench (photo: Erik Palmgren).
Fig. 10. Three sherds with an extra coarse slip of clay (barbotine) from
the test trench (photo: Erik Palmgren).
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Erik Palmgren, Helene Martinsson-Wallin
308
by the BAC tradition, since they are found in con-
texts that date to late MN B. The analysis of other
types of material remains, such as battle axes, fa-
cetted grindstones and grave positions (crouching
position) of the dead supports the hypothesis that
there are BAC influences and traits in the late phase
of PWC on Gotland. Since the corded imprints are
both right- and left-twisted and found in combina-
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PWC groups incorporated elements of the BAC cord
imprint traditions. The BAC cored ware tradition on
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groups on Gotland made conscious choices to in-
clude these traits to arrive at new symbolic expres-
sions. The argument that a hybrid culture emerged
on Gotland in the MN B is also supported both by
the finds of a few burials in the crouching position,
which is a BAC trait, but they were facing north ra-
ther than east, as well as the use of local material
and variations in the shape of the groves of the fa-
cetted grindstones. The hybrid culture that emerged
on Gotland in the MN B diverge from the pattern of
PWC and BAC groups on mainland Sweden, and we
suggest that this was a way for the PWC groups on
Gotland to strengthen their island identity and also
show that external interactions changed focus from
east mainland Sweden to south Scandinavia.
We thank Berit Wallenberg’s foundation for finan-
cial support to make the XRF analyses in this study.
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... 3000/2800-2300 BCE), which in southern Scandinavia chronologically succeeds the FBC (Brink, 2009;Browall, 1991;Edenmo, 2008;Larsson, 2009;Malmer, 2002). The BAC is considered a Scandinavian variant of the CWC (Wallin & Martinsson-Wallin, 2016;Palmgren & Martinsson-Wallin, 2015;T. D. Price, 2015) and is named after the stone axes associated with the graves of males that mimic metal battle axes. ...
... Interestingly, at the PWC burial sites on the Baltic Sea island of Gotland, there are a number of burials where the dead have either been placed in a hocker position (or in an almost equivalent position), or where BAC associated artifacts have been found, such as battle-axes, grindstones, antler artifacts, and/or amber (Malmer, 1962(Malmer, , 2002. Furthermore, stray-finds of cord-decorated pottery and~60 battle-axes have been found on Gotland (Palmgren, 2018;Palmgren & Martinsson-Wallin, 2015 Previously published genome data Malmström et al., 2019;Skoglund et al., 2012;Skoglund, Malmström, et al., 2014), see Supporting Table S8. c Additional data for ajv59 generated in this study. ...
... Table S8). The ancestry fractions were estimated using the Admixture software (Alexander et al., 2009), and the figure displays the result of assuming eight distinct ancestries (K = 8 Hence, the "BAC influenced" graves were likely the consequence of trade and cultural contacts (Malmer, 1962(Malmer, , 2002Palmgren & Martinsson-Wallin, 2015;Wallin & Martinsson-Wallin, 2016), but without any signs of migration or admixture between the two groups. ...
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Objectives In order to understand contacts between cultural spheres in the third millennium BC, we investigated the impact of a new herder culture, the Battle Axe culture, arriving to Scandinavia on the people of the sub‐Neolithic hunter‐gatherer Pitted Ware culture. By investigating the genetic make‐up of Pitted Ware culture people from two types of burials (typical Pitted Ware culture burials and Battle Axe culture‐influenced burials), we could determine the impact of migration and the impact of cultural influences. Methods We sequenced and analyzed the genomes of 25 individuals from typical Pitted Ware culture burials and from Pitted Ware culture burials with Battle Axe culture influences in order to determine if the different burial types were associated with different gene‐pools. Results The genomic data show that all individuals belonged to one genetic population—a population associated with the Pitted Ware culture—irrespective of the burial style. Conclusion We conclude that the Pitted Ware culture communities were not impacted by gene‐flow, that is, via migration or exchange of mates. These different cultural expressions in the Pitted Ware culture burials are instead a consequence of cultural exchange.
... Ajvide och grottan Stora Förvar på Stora Karlsö var under mellanneolitikum samlingsplatser för flera av öns grupper. Efter XRF-och ICP-analyser (som mäter lerans beståndsdelar) på dessa lokalers keramikskärvor har det framkommit att ett flertal gotländska grupperingar sannolikt har nyttjat lokalerna (Palmgren & Martinsson Wallin 2015) och lämnat efter sig ett keramiskt material som skiljer sig från keramiken som skapades under MN A. Keramiken som producerades under MN B var som tidigare nämnts bl.a. snörornerad och det verkar som om praktiskt taget alla olika sorters ornament kan blandas på kärlen förutom snörornamenten. ...
... På vissa skärvor täcker även rabbningen tidigare utförda ornament (se Figur 2). Huruvida det finns en djupare betydelse bakom syftet att täcka tidigare utförda ornament med rabbning har ännu inte klargjorts bland annat på grund av att rabbningen täcker både vanliga GRK-ornament men även snörornament (Palmgren 2014b(Palmgren , 2015. Möjligen visar dessa rabbade kärl att ornamenten var kulturbärande, d.v.s. ...
... Därutöver skiljer sig Ekstasocknens mellanneolitiska keramik från Ires keramik genom att de snörornerade tunnslipsanalyserade skärvorna från Stora Förvar nästan uteslutande bestod av finlera medan nästan alla tunnslipsanalyserade skärvor från Ire innehöll en grövre lera. Dessutom innehöll ingen tunnlipsanalyserad skärva från Ire kvartsmagring till skillnad från Ajvides och Stora Förvars keramik (Hulthén 1997;Palmgren 2014b;Palmgren 2015). ...
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Stenåldern på Gotland har erbjudit arkeologin att ta del av ett stort material. De största gotländska stenåldersmaterialen har kommit från de lokaler som tidigare tillskrivits den gropkeramiska kulturen (GRK). Tack vare Gotlands goda bevarandeförhållanden som är en direkt konsekvens av jordens pH-nivå, återfinns idag ett omfattande välbevarat stenåldersmaterial. Under mellanneolitikum (MN) (ca 3300-2300 f.v.t.) återfinns de talrikaste materialen längs öns kuster bland GRK, men i inledningen av perioden återfinns även material från trattbägarkulturen (TRB) som främst huserade i det gotländska inlandet. Den mesta diskussionen som tidigare berört kulturer och MN på Gotland har konkluderat att det enbart rör sig om två kulturer på ön, d.v.s. TRB och GRK. På det södra svenska inlandet har det ansetts att stridsyxekulturen (STY) kom att ersätta TRB i inledningen av MN B (ca 2800 f.v.t.), men att kulturen aldrig fick fotfäste på Gotland. Denna artikel har som syfte att diskutera de tidigare slutsatserna och lyfta fram en annorlunda synvinkel att se på Gotlands sena mellanneolitiska material.
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The emergence of the Corded Ware Culture (ca. 2800–2000 BC in Estonia) meant major socio-cultural changes in the eastern Baltic Sea area. One of the key sites from this period is Narva-Jõesuu IIB, located in the Narva-Luga Klint Bay region (north-east Estonia) and excavated in 2011–2018. This article focuses on a small group of material culture: the whetstones, and in particular the suspended whetstones or ‘whetstone pendants’ found in the settlement contexts and the two burials studied at the site. It presents these finds, and looks for parallels and discusses the suspended whetstones in the broader context of northern and eastern Europe. At present, the whetstones from Narva-Jõesuu seem to be rather unique specimens in the Corded Ware context and might even represent the legacy of forager traditions where suspended whetstones are known.
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In this paper we explore the mid-Neolithic ritual evidence associated with the Pitted Ware Culture groups on the Island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. We discuss collective spaces and actions and question whether the graves are the result of a sedentary-settlement concept. A nuanced approach is advocated, which brings to light the complexity of the individual inhumations found at cemeteries as part of ritual actions tied to specific place and collective space alike. These burials are apparently part of a collective ritualised expression, but also individualised in terms of the personal expressions found in the grave goods, body position and treatment of skeletal remains. We will use several case studies which will explore group identity and dynamics in an Island context as well as how certain expressions are seen in the individual grave-rituals.
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In South Sweden the third millennium BC is characterised by coastal settlements of marine hunter-gatherers known as the Pitted Ware culture, and inland settlements of the Battle Axe culture. This thesis outlines the history of research of the Middle Neolithic B in general and that of the pottery and burial practices in particular. Material culture must be understood as the result of both conscious preferences and embodied practices: technology can be deliberately cultural just as style can be un-selfconscious routine. Anthropological and ethnoarchaeological research into craft and the transmission of learning in traditional societies shows how archaeologists must take into consideration the interdependence of mind and body when interpreting style, technology and change in prehistory. The pottery crafts of the Pitted Ware and Battle Axe cultures were not just fundamentally different technologically, but even more so in the attitudes toward authority, tradition, variation and the social role of the potter in the community. The Battle Axe beakers represent a wholly new chaîne opératoire, probably introduced by a small group of relocated Beaker potters at the beginning of the period. The different attitudes toward living bodies is highlighted further in the attitudes toward the dead bodies. In the mortuary ritual the Battle Axe culture was intent upon the creation and control of a perfect body which acted as a representative of the idealised notion of what it was to belong to the community. This focus upon completeness, continuation and control is echoed in the making of beakers using the ground up remains of old vessels as temper. In contrast, the Pitted Ware culture people broke the bodies of the dead by defleshing, removal of body parts, cremation, sorting, dispersal and/or reburial of the bones on the settlements. The individuality of the living body was destroyed leaving the durable but depersonalised bones to be returned to the joint collective of the ancestors. Just as the bodies were fragmented so were the pots, sherds and bases being deposited in large quantities on the settlements and occasionally in graves. Some of the pots were also tempered with burnt and crushed bones. At the end of the Middle Neolithic the material and human remains show evidence of a growing effort to find a common ground in the two societies through sharing certain mortuary rituals and making beakers with a mix of both traditions, stylistically and technologically.
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The prehistoric period of Gotland Island covers around 8000 years of human occupation. In this paper we will concentrate on the period from the initial coloniza-tion to the end of the Bronze Age, a period of c. 7000 years. The prehistory of the people, who populated the Island of Gotland during this time, is diversified and reflects a variety of activities and lifestyles, which are influenced and interact with different regions around the Baltic Sea. The cultural traits seen in the material culture point to various contacts spheres over time. So far we do not have any conclusive evidences if the initial Mesolithic groups, whom were the pioneers to Gotland, settled here on a permanent basis and could be considered as the original ancestors of the Gotlan-dic people. This is something that was suggested by Österholm (1989). It seems more likely that various groups of settlers have arrived in Gotland at different times and/or that it has been a constant flow of goods and genes both from the Scandinavian and Baltic areas during the investigated time span. Throughout these 7000 years this region has also experienced dramatic environmental changes, which have affected the living conditions and patterns of subsistence for the groups of people living here. In this paper we will discuss dif-ferent prehistoric lifestyles and the question of origin of the people living on Gotland. This is done in the light of our new research where we are compiling and re-analyzing old data as well as working with some specific case studies carrying out new excavations. ThE PIonEER sETTLEMEnTs on goTLAnd Gotland was first populated by humans around 9400 years ago. The initial traces of human activity are found on the Lime Stone Rock Island Stora Karlsö in the large open mouth cave Stora Förvar (Lindqvist and Possnert, 1999). Here traces of activities of human oc-cupation and human skeletal remains have been found. The remains indicate subsistence based on seal hunting and fishing. Since human skeletal remains are found in the cave deposits and the distribution of seals hunt-ed at various seasons are indicated (Storå, 2001) the bones has been interpreted as intentional burials and that there could have been an around the year occupa-tion (Lindqvist and Possnert, 1999). Another possibil-ity is that Stora Karlsö and the cave of Stora förvar (great storage place) (Fig.1) was a special site used occasionally, but around the year by groups from some of the mainland areas surrounding the central Baltic Sea. However, the pioneers who reach the island in the late boreal period had to adapt to an unfamiliar environment and had to change subsistence strategies from hunting big game to rely on marine resources as fish and seal. The earliest sites on the "mainland" of Gotland range between Early-Mid Mesolithic and ended c. 7400 years ago when what appears to be a 1000 year hiatus is indicate in the available radiocar-bon record. These sites have generally been difficult to find since it is likely that the main bulk of them was situated by the coast at the time of occupation and thus subsequent covered by the Litorina maximum transgression which appeared in close proximity in time with the abandonment of the sites. The changes in the Baltic Sea is not as dramatic during the Early Holocene as during the Late Pleistocene but environ-mental changes probably affected the success of the first colonisation phase. When the first people arrived at the end-phase of the Ancylus fresh water lake, the water level slowly increased and transformed the Baltic basin into the transitional Mastogloria stage (Lindquist and Possnert, 1999). Veski et al., 2004, p. 83) have estimated that cyclonic activities increased in the Bal-tic Sea around 8200 years ago, which was caused by climatic changes in the North Atlantic Region. This might have affected the lifestyles of the pioneer set-tlers to this Island environment. When it concerns the ISSN 1392-6748
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In this paper I will summarise the evidence of monumental architecture during the Neolithic period on the island of Gotland. The archaeological record shows the presence of only one confirmed and one suggested Megalith structure, of Dolmen-type on the Island. The human skeletal remains found here indicate collective burials including individuals of both sexes and of various ages. Another stone monument, which might be interpreted as a Causeway structure (Sa-rup-type,) may derive from the Neolithic time. During the middle Neolithic (Pitted Ware Culture phase) there is an absence of stone grave architecture and the burials from this time are found in shallow oval pits, often as individualised and single burials. In the Late Neolithic, stone cist buri-als appear and they are distributed all around the Island. These usually contain one or a few individuals and are in some cases covered by Early Bronze Age cairns, indicating continuous use at the sites into this period. These changes in the burial practises during the Neolithic demonstrate a trend towards a higher degree of selectivity among the individuals buried, which may indicate a trend towards a higher level of stratification in the society.
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Rethinking questions of identity, social agency and national affiliation, Bhabha provides a working, if controversial, theory of cultural hybridity - one that goes far beyond previous attempts by others. In The Location of Culture, he uses concepts such as mimicry, interstice, hybridity, and liminality to argue that cultural production is always most productive where it is most ambivalent. Speaking in a voice that combines intellectual ease with the belief that theory itself can contribute to practical political change, Bhabha has become one of the leading post-colonial theorists of this era.