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IIAS Newsletter | #44 | Summer 20071
Asia’s Colonial Photographies
Janet Hoskins
C
olonial postcards are often pub-
lished and critiqued for their racist
and propagandistic content, but the eth-
nographic value of the postcard has been
neglected, as has the content of the mes-
sages printed on the other side. Includ-
ing messages in the analysis amplifies
and complicates the visual tendency
to stereotype, exoticise and, at times,
demonise. There is sometimes a syn-
ergistic consonance between image and
message, at other times an unconscious,
ironic or metaphoric dissonance.
A reading of colonial postcards from
both sides, especially large collections
like the 2617 postcards in the Getty Cul-
tural Exchanges Archive, suggests that
we need to return them to the dialogical
context in which they were first sent.
Rather than reading them as aspects
of a totalising ‘colonial gaze’, we par-
ticularise the gaze, and recognise subtle
variations in its content. The caption
offers an official guide to interpreting
the image, but the scribbled message is
more personal, telling the reader “this
is what you should think when you look
at this card”. It simulates, across a great
separation of time and place, the expe-
rience of gazing together at the same
image, and offers us data to historicise
the reception of these cards in a colonial
context. The signatures on many cards
are illegible but the addresses are not,
so the best analytic angle open to us is a
‘reception study’ - looking at the cards
from the perspective of the readers,
consumers of the colonial spectacle and
listeners to distant confessions. This
focus offers us a more nuanced and
complex perspective on how postcards
are gendered, as they move from pre-
dominantly male senders in Indochina
(71% of those in the Getty collection) to
predominantly female addressees (59%
of those whose addressee could be gen-
dered).
Commentators of the period referred to
postcard collecting as a ‘feminine vice’
(Naomi Schor 1994: 262), and women
were major donors of museum collec-
tions and published announcements in
exchange journals (Mathur 1999: 112).
The postcard was the very example of
the feminine collectible (Schor 1994:
262), but the activity of sending cards
encompassed both genders and many
different subject positions in colonial
society, from simple soldiers and house-
wives to elite commanders and ladies of
leisure. Opening family albums which
display the images but conceal the mes-
sages provides the scholar with the
transgressive thrill of lifting them out
of their plastic slots and indulging in
the guilty pleasure of reading someone
else ‘s mail.
The colonial postcard, which had its
heyday in the first two decades of the
20th century, came to represent both
the technological triumphs of western
photography (printing and mass pro-
duction) and the political triumphs of
European conquest and expansion.
Postcards from the Edge of
Empire: Images and Messages
from French Indochina
Postcards from French colonies are sold today as nostalgic evocations of a vanished world. The erotic, opium-
infused images of Indochina have been particularly popular since the elegant fiction of exotic utopia they depict
was carefully constructed to justify the colonial enterprise1
(1) (Card #8 Una Bayadere Annamite: Sor-
tie de bain d ‘une jeune femme annamite)
The text, composed on April 17, 1908, reads
on top of the image “Ni formes, ni couleurs!
Rien de beau chez elle!” (“No form and no
colour! Nothing beautiful about her!”) On
the back: “My dear Jane, I prefer to send
you a few examples of this stunning col-
lection. You will thus be able to judge for
yourself the women who are represented on
these cards: I agree with you: these yellow
skins do not appeal to me at all! Oh, when
will I be able to see again the pale faces of
the pretty women in France!” The eroticized
image is a way of flirting and teasing the
young woman it is addressed to, giving
her a frisson of the temptations of the
Orient, while apparently assuring her of the
writer ’s fidelity.
(2) Tattouer au travail
Another card out of 11 sent to the same Jane as
(1) repeats the theme of nudity and flirtation, by
showing a scene of naked pain with the cheery
greeting (“I wish you many joys! And you?”) with
on the back an elaborate description of how the
skin is decorated (dated July 10, 1908): “They
use a long piece of bamboo which becomes a
very fine needle. How much they must suffer!
But they are disciplined to accept it, and perhaps
a quarter of those people we see do have their
bodies decorated with tattoos in this fashion.”
(3) Types d ‘Extreme Orient
Racial differences and racial stereotypes were
a common theme of postcards of this era, such
as this portrait of three types (races) identified
as the Annamite (Vietnamese), Malabar (India)
and Chinois (China), followed by the comment
(dated February 2 190) “Ce sont les trois races
qui dominent ici, et elles se valent bien!” (“These
are the three races which are dominant here, and
not one of them is worth more than the other!“)
(4) Une horizontale Annnamite
The Pigeon French phrase “chi trouve 2ième
femme pour Jean, beaucoup jolie!” ( “I ‘ll find
you a pretty second wife!“) mimes invitations
from local touts. The locker room tone of
this card and several others recalls Alloulla ‘s
analysis of The Colonial Harem cards printed in
North Africa (Alloulla 1989).
Postcards were the public emblem of
colonial travel, and the preferred form
of correspondence for overseas resi-
dents of all classes. Printed both as part
of imperial propaganda efforts (Mac-
Kenzie 1984) and church-based mis-
sionary societies (Mathur 1966), their
main use was in personal communica-
tion. Their messages provide us with a
diaristic form of note-jotting, reflecting
on the daily grind, the experiences of
feeling lost or disoriented, and - most
interestingly - the projection of inner
feelings onto exotic others, the use of
visual images as foil for comments both
sardonic and occasionally sincere.
The first French postcards were printed
in 1873, and in French Indochina the
first series of cards was published in
1900 by François-Henri Schneider and
Raphael Moreau of Hanoi (Franchini
and Ghesquière 2001: 220). Within a
year, they had published 3000 cards,
and soon a competition developed with
Pierre Dieulefils, a retired military
officer in Tonkin, who issued more than
5000 post cards from 1902 to 1925 (Vin-
cent 1997). The photographer is not
always known or acknowledged on the
cards, but the Saigon firms of August
Nicolier and later Salin-Vidal published
many early photographs by Émile Gsell
(Franchini and Ghesquière 2001: 224).
Several Chinese photographers (Tong
Sing, Pun-Lun,Yu Cong) and one Viet-
namese (Phan Chau Trinh, an exiled
nationalist) were well known, although
their photographs were sometimes
rejected from official colonial publica-
tions (Franchini and Ghesquière 2001:
241).
The French community in Indochina
was tiny, estimated at between 25,000
and 42,000 at its peak in 1940, which
was roughly 0.2 percent of the total
population. At the turn of the century,
almost all French citizens in Indochi-
na were born in France, and the vast
majority expected to return there, so
they tended to see themselves as exiles
rather than settlers. While Indochina
was far from France both spatially and
conceptually, its elaborate temples and
exotic culture made it ‘the pearl of the
Extreme Orient’ (a rival to British India
‘s ‘jewel in the crown’), and it was pro-
moted as the most civilised, as well as
the most profitable, of the colonies.
IIAS Newsletter | #44 | Summer 2007 17
Asia’s Colonial Photographies
Few of the writers of the belle epoque
expressed a desire to spend the rest of
their lives in what seemed a remote out-
post of a far-flung empire. Some were
bored, depressed and homesick, while
others found their adventurous travels
exciting, interesting and challenging.
As a group, they were wealthy and had
great economic power, since they con-
trolled the most sizeable French colo-
nial economy after Algeria ‘s (Brocheux
and Hemery 1995: 310). As individuals,
however, many were poor and plagued
by debt and disease, often asking rela-
tives in Europe for financial assistance.
Dysentery and malaria were endemic,
and cholera was an intermittent threat
to public health. Colonial nostalgia has
come to cloak the region in a fog of dark
romanticism, epitomised by the cliché
of an opium-inspired reverie, in which
naked concubines and noble savages
float around on sampans, drifting across
the bay of Ha Long. Postcard messages,
while they often comment sardonically
on these themes, also move us away
from remembered delights to everyday
concerns, and show us a population not
merely reflecting on a lost past but grap-
pling with present concerns.
It is my argument that the interior-
ity of the coloniser is often made vis-
ible through images of the colonised.
Although racial stereotyping remains
part of the picture, there is also a more
subtle process of seeking out the mys-
teries of the ‘natives’ and using this
peculiar world as a mirror to reflect
upon aspects of their own lives. In 1854,
Oliver Wendell Holmes described pho-
tography as the mirror with a memory, a
new technology that reflected one‘s past
to oneself. What he failed to understand
was that the heyday of popular photog-
raphy and postcards coincided with the
heyday of empire. Holmes‘s mirror
encompassed colonised peoples and
lands, whose frozen images would pro-
vide alternative selves through which
colonial residents might search for their
own reflections.
The postcard writers had a variety of
reactions to the images, and while we
do not know very much about them as
individuals, we can contexualise their
comments and try to understand them
for what they are - part of a process of
mirroring and projection, which is
uniquely suited to the world of photog-
raphy. Erotic images (figs. 1, 2, 4, and 5)
make up about a quarter of the whole,
followed by scenes of daily life (3, 6, 7,
9) and landscapes or street scenes (8).
Sardonic jokes and cheery greetings
inscribed in the front image are often
paired with painful confessions on the
back (5, 8).
One couple in Hanoi, Paul and Berte
Ullman, received over 70 postcards
from former houseguests, another
couple who lived in Laos from 1904 to
1908. Mr. Ullman was an engineer and
the Chief of Public Works in Hanoi.
The sender is a railroad official near-
ing retirement who writes that he is
depressed and tired. He feels homesick
and believes he is cursed with bad luck
(#7:J‘ai toujours le guigne qui me pour-
suit), He worries about his health and
his finances and declares he has no taste
to stay on in Indochina. His wife, on the
other hand, describes life as wild and
full of charm, and is enthusiastic about
the beauty of the countryside, local fes-
tivals, women‘s hairstyles and theatri-
cal performances. He finds the weather
exhausting (énervant), while she finds it
invigorating (température idéale). Their
child becomes tanned and healthy from
the mother‘s perspective, but tired and
vulnerable from the father’s. He sends
26 cards, all of them rather restrained
and respectful, to the man who may
be his employer. She sends 43 cards,
filled with a large, loquacious script, to
the woman she describes as her dear
confidant. They seem to inhabit two
very different countries - hers is utterly
enchanting, while his is repugnant.
The transition from a glorified, mas-
culinist age of conquest (which in
Indochina corresponds to the turn
of the 20th century) to a tamer, more
bourgeois form of settler colonialism
is not only denied in French colonial
postcard images, it is the motivation for
their miniature format. Susan Stewart
observes that “The miniature, linked to
nostalgic versions of childhood and his-
tory, presents a diminutive, and thereby
manipulable, version of experience, a
version which is domesticated and pro-
tected from contamination“ (1993: 69).
Similarly, the postcard image embodies
many potentially troubling aspects of
colonial life, such as racial inequality,
sexuality, violence and, at least for the
writer, transforms what might other-
wise be threatening and overwhelming
into something small, endearing, and
exotic.
“I let myself live between fierce ani-
mals and forests”, one writer tells us
on the back of a card showing a Viet-
namese woman in a rocking chair,
adding that “here there is much wild
game and wild lovemaking, and there
are also rabbits.”His reference to a
soft furry small and decidely benign
animal familiar to him from his child-
hood ‘downsizes’ the exotic menacing
wildness of his surroundings, and also
domesticates it, as does the picture
of the native woman in his (western-
ised) home. A ‘hot rabbit’(lapin chaud
in French slang) designates an ardent
lover, while one who ‘leaves behind
a rabbit’ (poser un lapin) has jilted his
beloved and gone his own way. The
rabbit, which lives both in the wild and
captivity, and is both eaten and kept as a
pet, is a crucial image of the transition
from conquest to concubinage, from
penetration to cohabitation. The writer
identifies with the rabbit, an animal
known both for its sexual assertiveness
and for its cuddliness, but also one not
usually associated with long term fidel-
ity. It miniaturises the colonial experi-
ence into one of comforting familiarity,
but reminds the reader of the fact that
the writer will someday leave his part-
ner ‘rabbit’ (the native woman) behind
to return to France. <
Notes:
1 Norindr, Panivong, 1996. Phantasmatic
In do ch ina: Fre nc h Colo ni al I de ol ogy in
Architecture, Film and Literature. Durham,
North Carolina: Duke University Press.
Morton, Patricia, 2000. Hybrid Moderni-
ties: Architecture and Representation at the
1931 Colonial Exposition, Paris. Cambridge,
Mass: MIT Press.
References
Brocheux, Pierre and Daniel Hemery
1995 Indochine: la colonisation amigue 1858-
1954 (Paris: la Decouverte).
Franchini, Philippe and Jerôme Ghesquière,
eds.
2001 Des Photographes en Indochine: Tonkin,
Annam, Cochinchine, Cambodge et Laos
au XIXième Siècle. Paris: Réunion des
Musées Nationaux.
MacKenzie, John
1984 Propaganda and Empire: The Manipu-
lation of British Public Opinion 1880-
1960, Manchester University Press.
Mathur, Saloni
1996 Re-visualising the Missionary Subject:
History, Modernity and Indian Women.
Third Text. v. 37 (winter) : 53-63.
1999 Wanted Native Views: Collecting colo-
nial postcards of
Schor, Naomi
1994 Collecting Paris. In J. Elsner and R.
Cardinal, eds. The Cultures of Collect-
ing, Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, p. 252-74.
Stewart, Susan
1993 On Longing: Narratives of the Mini-
ature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the
Collection. Durham: Duke University
Press.
Vincent, Thierry
1997 Pierre Dieulefils: Photographe d ‘Indo-
chine. Gignac-la-Nerthe: Borel et Fer-
aud.
() La Japanaise Oki Kon
Repulsion mixes with attraction again in this image of a Japanese courtesan
baring her breast, inscribed with the local gossip: she was killed by a jeal-
ous client . The back text says: Saigon 8 November. “My old buddy boy
(vieux potaux), You know the punishment that I received at the infirmary
when you left Saigon, the Colonel changed that into 1 days in prison. After
that I went back into the hospital for hot piss <gonorrhea> and cystitus.
When I get out I will send news of our pals.” The women are presented by
implication as a possible source of his infection, perhaps during an unau-
thorized leave taken in the company of the male addressee.
() Charette de Buffle
A postcard of rice fields from Tonkin bears this message for Eugenie: “Thank you for your sign
of affection. I am glad to see you haven ‘t forgotten me. It is useless to tell you how my life has
become sweeter here, here one can live like a landlord, and the climate is healthy which is very
appreciated. We are getting along marvelously, my little doll as well, though she has become a
real devil. At this instant she is on the veranda with her congaie playing the tamtam (annamite
music). At least the time is passing and my daughter is growing up without causing me too
much trouble.” The message of European comfort and prosperity is directly juxtaposed to the
products of native labour.
(7) Enfants mois
“My dear little friend, Please hug your father and
mother and tell them that next Sunday I have to
go off on a hunting expedition among the gentle-
men who live on the other side. Big kisses to my
little Georges.” Naked ethnic minority children
holding cross bows are sent to a young friend
or relative with news of a visit to their territory
by the writer, underlining an implied contrast
between the lives of children in France and
Indochina.
(8) Repas annamite,
The front of this card says in misspelled Eng-
lish, “What a joye!” while the back describes (to
a daughter studying in London) the “dirty and
disgusting” foods that local people eat. This
card comes from a long series sent by this man
to both his son and his daughter, with a clearly
gendered selection of images - cooking, theater
troops and village scenes for his daughter, mili-
tary fortifications, ethnic minority warriors and
soldiers for his son.
(9) Les bonzes a la pagode
(dated December 11, 191) Back text: “What can
we hope for if not the end of this cruel war and
that God will keep us in good health! I hope that
the end of all that is near, and that soon God
will tell you that we should all come together
to cry and pray together for those who have so
courageously given their lives for the country
and for God!” Christian prayers are invoked with
the image of Buddhist monks, in a text showing
more identification than distance.
