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Michel Foucault: Security, Territory, Population. Lectures at the Collège de France 1977-78
Abstract
ISBN 978-1-403-98652-8
edited by Michel Senellart ; general editors, François Ewald and Alessandro Fontana ; english series editor : Arnold I. Davidson ; translated by Graham Burchell.
... Furthermore, in line with Foucault's notion of governmentality, as explained by Senellart et al. (2007), both national and municipal Dutch policies, aim to let sex workers self-regulate their behavior by increasing surveilling instruments (e.g., license application conversation). Through these application conversations, the government aims to assess applicants' self-sustainability to prevent those people who seem not self-sustainable enough, from legally operating in this sex industry. ...
... Nevertheless, Broekers-Knol (2021:15), admits that these conversations will be limitedly effective and that they probably only will uncover the most harrowing cases. Therefore, on the one hand, the government motivates sex workers to comply with the desired normative behavior, which Foucault refers to as disciplinary normalization (Senellart et al., 2007). On the other hand, with this, the government excludes sex workers who are not eligible for a license (e.g., non-European migrant sex workers) from governmental protection if they keep doing or start doing unlicensed sex work. ...
... The French philosophers Michel Senellart and François Ewald, and Italian professor Alessandro Fontana edited the transcripts of the lectures that Foucault gave about governmentality. Therefore, by referring toSenellart et al. (2007), I indirectly refer to Foucault's ideas and theories. ...
In the current Dutch political debate about doing home-based sex work, there is a conflict between governmental actors and the sex workers who are addressed by them. On the one hand, the dominant political risk discourse around sex work claims that home-based sex workers (HBSWs) are susceptible to abuses in the sex industry (e.g., exploitation and human trafficking). On the other hand, HBSWs often deliberately want to work from home, since they feel safer or they can do their job more autonomously. Because of the illegalization and regulation of working from home, these workers are 'pushed into secrecy'. Therefore, they are deprived of their voices and excluded from both the policy-making process and research. From this conflict, the following research question emerged: "How do home-based sex workers in The Netherlands navigate the effects of regulative sex work policies and how can these policies be challenged?". By analyzing national and municipal policies and interviewing HBSWs in The Netherlands, I investigate the aforementioned conflict between the policy-making process and what happens in the field that these policies address. As a result, I demonstrate how the dominant political discourse around safety in The Netherlands conflicts with the discourse of agency, which operates among HBSWs. More specifically, while the political risk discourse around sex work depicts HBSWs as vulnerable, these sex workers show their resilience and self-sustainability in the way they navigate these regulations and systematic oppression.
... Over the course of several publications, Michel Foucault (1978Foucault ( , 2004 made the case that, beginning in the eighteenth century, Western Europe witnessed a transformation in the ways people imagined the responsibilities of government and sovereign power. Foucault's argument went something like this: unlike the Middle Ages, when sovereigns considered the upkeep, protection, and growth of their estates as their primary responsibility, the late eighteenth century saw the emergence of the care of human populations as biologically living entities as the primary preoccupation of monarchs and governments. ...
... Over the course of several publications, Michel Foucault (1978Foucault ( , 2004 made the case that, beginning in the eighteenth century, Western Europe witnessed a transformation in the ways people imagined the responsibilities of government and sovereign power. Foucault's argument went something like this: unlike the Middle Ages, when sovereigns considered the upkeep, protection, and growth of their estates as their primary responsibility, the late eighteenth century saw the emergence of the care of human populations as biologically living entities as the primary preoccupation of monarchs and governments. ...
... Foucault's argument went something like this: unlike the Middle Ages, when sovereigns considered the upkeep, protection, and growth of their estates as their primary responsibility, the late eighteenth century saw the emergence of the care of human populations as biologically living entities as the primary preoccupation of monarchs and governments. This shi in the sovereign's object of concern enabled the rise of a collection of "sciences of man" (e.g., public health, economics, urban planning, anthropology) that focused on the creation of a milieu where human populations could thrive as primarily biological and economic beings (Foucault 2004;Rabinow 2005). Foucault named this emergent modality of power "biopolitics." ...
... The theory of governmentality by Michel Foucault was adopted in this research. In Security, Territory and Population, Foucault (1978) coined governmentality as the conduct of conduct. Governing involves the use of vast techniques, practices, narratives, or strategies to model and adjust people's behavior toward specific outcomes (Lemke, 2002;Korteweg, 2017). ...
... The study specifically considered the perspectives of accompanying spouses in the Free State province. (Foucault, 1978). Governmentality is framed as the "conduct of conduct" [ (Foucault, 1978), p. 220-1], which oscillates between "governing self to governing others." ...
... (Foucault, 1978). Governmentality is framed as the "conduct of conduct" [ (Foucault, 1978), p. 220-1], which oscillates between "governing self to governing others." It denotes any effort to craft behavior in line with a particular assortment of norms and for various outcomes through considerable forethought and consideration (Lemke, 2012). ...
Introduction:
This study sought to ascertain the macro governing policies and factors that influence the integration of female accompanying spouses in the Free State, into the South African labor market.
Methods:
Utilizing a qualitative approach, thirteen one-on-one interviews, consisting of an initial purposive sample and a subsequent snowball sample, were conducted for data gathering. The study employed thematic analysis to interpret the data.
Results:
The findings revealed that governing policies emerging from South Africa's migration legislation, and factors such as spouse dependence, reinforcement of traditional gender roles, and restrictive employment legislation which forced deskilling of qualifications, mainly impacted the conduct of accompanying spouses concerning the labor market.
Discussion:
This study contributes to the literature on labor market integration (LMI) from an underexplored South-to-South standpoint by delving into the experiences of skilled female migrants in the family migration setting. A neglected facet of Michel Foucault's governmentality theory was used to investigate the labor market assimilation needs of female accompanying spouses. The study's qualitative approach renders the findings much less generalizable than a quantitative inquiry. It is important to note that LMI research is considerably setting-specific, despite some aspects of this study being applicable to other settings in the Global South. South Africa continues to be a pivotal regional hub for migration in the Global South, yet it has a complex migration governance framework that sets up a specific, while broadly exclusionary, macro context for accompanying spouses. This study zones in on issues that could inform more effective family migration policy.
... Having listed the privatisations already undertaken and those planned, she stated, 'Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul' (Thatcher 1981). What Thatcher wanted to engineer socially was a repurposed version of the eighteenth-century figure of homo economicus, described (presciently in the late 1970s) by Foucault (2008) as an individual who is an 'entrepreneur of himself, being for himself his own capital, being for himself his own producer, being for himself the source of [his] earnings ' (2008:226)-the kind of person who is agile and who 'accepts reality or who responds systematically to modifications in the variables of the environment ' (2008:270). Such a person, viewing themself as embodying a bundle of marketable skills (Urciuoli 2008;Gershon 2011Gershon , 2017, which collectively comprise their human capital (Becker 1962;discussed below), is held to be 'eminently governable' (Foucault 2008:270) having been 'freed' (in neoliberal terms) to pursue their own self-interest in an ever-expanding marketplace. ...
... Governmentality refers to the ways in which the modern state is held to exercise power, less through the use of brute force than through the myriad institutions at its disposal. In understanding how subjects are governed, Foucault shifted his focus from an initial concern with the ways in which the modern state governs (Foucault 1977(Foucault , 2007 to governmentality in its neoliberal guise (Foucault 2008). Central to the latter is the cultivation of 'choice, autonomy, self-responsibility, and the obligation to maximise one's life as a kind of enterprise' (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde 2006:91). ...
... Governmentality refers to the ways in which the modern state is held to exercise power, less through the use of brute force than through the myriad institutions at its disposal. In understanding how subjects are governed, Foucault shifted his focus from an initial concern with the ways in which the modern state governs (Foucault 1977(Foucault , 2007 to governmentality in its neoliberal guise (Foucault 2008). Central to the latter is the cultivation of 'choice, autonomy, self-responsibility, and the obligation to maximise one's life as a kind of enterprise' (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde 2006:91). ...
Neoliberalism has permeated every sphere of social life, including education and language learning, seeking to produce a particular kind of subject, homo economicus , with the dispositions required to manage the self as an economic project. This article unravels the workings of the unfulfilled promise of neoliberal English education and its damaging consequences on a high-achieving female university graduate in the context of contemporary Hong Kong. Combining Marxist and Foucauldian perspectives, while simultaneously drawing on Goffman's concepts of stigma and spoiled identity, our analysis is informed by positioning theory and captures the impact of what we have termed the English language gaze on our informant's sense of self. Seen through a Foucauldian lens, the data reveal the extent, but also the limits, of her assimilation of neoliberal governmentality, while the Marxist lens allows us to account for her plight in terms of alienation and the resulting stigma of a spoiled identity. (Neoliberalism, governmentality, alienation, stigma, spoiled identity, English learning, English language gaze)*
... His famous definition appears in the last chapter of The History of Sexuality I, which was initially published in 1976: [We] speak of bio-politics to designate what brought life and its mechanisms into the realm of explicit calculations and made knowledge-power an agent of transformation of human life (...) For millennia, man remained what he was for Aristotle: a living animal with the additional capacity for a political existence; modern man is an animal whose politics places his existence as a living being in question. (Foucault 1978, 143) Already at use in a series of conferences conducted in Rio de Janeiro, in 1974, about the origins of "social medicine" (Foucault 2001a, 210), "biopolitics" would become a key notion in the lectures delivered at the Collège de France between 1976 and 1979 (Foucault 2003b(Foucault , 2008(Foucault , 2009). Instead of analyzing to what extent political institutions are effects of our biological condition, the French thinker questioned whether modern times are not synonymous with an era when the bare life of human beings becomes the primary target of politics, thus enabling a whole range of strategies, techniques, and mechanisms for the "management" of life and the enhancement of our natural traits. ...
... However, the approach later undertaken in the lectures on Security, Territory, Population (Foucault 2009) allows us to distinguish three levels of "biopolitical normalization": law, discipline, and security. To be more precise, we have to distinguish the legal system (involving "a binary division between the permitted and the prohibited", and also a link between prohibition and punishment), the disciplinary mechanism (involving techniques of surveillance, correction, and so on), and the apparatus (dispositif) of security. ...
... To be more precise, we have to distinguish the legal system (involving "a binary division between the permitted and the prohibited", and also a link between prohibition and punishment), the disciplinary mechanism (involving techniques of surveillance, correction, and so on), and the apparatus (dispositif) of security. As to the functions of an apparatus of security, we might again distinguish three of those: (a) to insert a phenomenon "within a series of probable events"; (b) to insert "the reactions of power to this phenomenon" in "a calculation of cost"; (c) to establish, "instead of a binary division between the permitted and the prohibited", something like "an average considered as optimal on the one hand, and, on the other, a bandwidth of the acceptable that must not be exceeded" (Foucault 2009, 20-1). ...
... Foucault introduced his concept of governmentality in his lecture series in 1977-1978 'Territory, Security and Population' in which he conceptualizes the notion as a specific historical phenomenon or regime of power ). Governmentality is the name for the regime of power deployed in the eighteenth century which had "the population as its target, political economy as its major form of knowledge and apparatuses of security as its essential technical instrument" (Foucault 2007b;Senellart 2007). The introduction of this concept should be understood in the context of Foucault's intellectual journey of understanding power beyond the notion of the law (Davidson 2003). ...
... Foucault (2003) linked the instruments of biopolitics to the notion of security. 20 In his lecture series of 'Territory, Security andPopulation' in 1977-1978, he wanted to elaborate further on these security mechanisms, but this led him more to focus on the concept of government, and ultimately, he introduced the notion of governmentality (Senellart 2007). Foucault seemed to use the notion of governmentality as a synonym of biopolitics (and in particular how the latter evolved and came into being from the end of the eighteenth century onwards) (Foucault 2007b;Senellart 2007). ...
... 20 In his lecture series of 'Territory, Security andPopulation' in 1977-1978, he wanted to elaborate further on these security mechanisms, but this led him more to focus on the concept of government, and ultimately, he introduced the notion of governmentality (Senellart 2007). Foucault seemed to use the notion of governmentality as a synonym of biopolitics (and in particular how the latter evolved and came into being from the end of the eighteenth century onwards) (Foucault 2007b;Senellart 2007). ...
Neoliberalism has been key term of political and academic debate since the 1990s. Nevertheless, in spite of this centrality, the concept remains vague and highly contested. An influential approach to grasp neoliberalism is the governmentality approach. Nonetheless, academics have pointed to the limitations of using Foucault’s oeuvre on governmentality for understanding neoliberalism. In particular, they have urged to develop a more sober assessment of the theoretical possibilities of using Foucault’s method and concepts to understand (the hegemony of) globalized neoliberalism. In this article, I argue that Foucault’s method on governmentality is far from a limitation in social science. The latter deals with the study of social change. Scholars who want to study social change have to deal with an important epistemological problem: how to study social change without presupposing a certain outcome. Or how to study social change without feeding the hegemonic beast (neoliberalism) you want to slay in the first place? Starting from the argument that we have to go beyond neoliberalism in social theory, this article deals with the question how this could be achieved. I argue that Foucault’s (extended) notion of governmentality (taking into account the notion of counter-conduct) is a methodological concretization of the work of Leitner and colleagues who developed a research agenda in order to decenter neoliberalism in the analysis of contestation and change.
... Furthermore, the field note illustrates that financial education does not merely entail teaching citizens the " facts" of finance and how " the numbers work", but also involves attempts to foster financially savvy and self-reliant subjects. Hence, financial education is a site of governing and transforming subjectivities, a form of neoliberal governmentality ( Foucault et al. 2007;Marron 2014;Pettersson & Wettergren 2020) attempting to make citizens financial " entrepreneurs of themselves" ( Foucault & Senellart 2008: 270). ...
... When introducing the notion in Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-1 978 (2007, Foucault claims that we will find forms of counter-c onduct in the game of power and freedom that constitutes all forms of government of people. In defining the concept, Foucault et al. ( 2007) distinguished counter-conduct from other notions such as " revolt", " disobedience", " insubordination", " dissidence" and " misconduct", explaining that these are either too strong, too weak, too local, too substantial, too political, or too passive ( see also Davidson 2011). In short, counter-conduct can be understood as the refusal to let oneself be conducted in this or that way ( Lorenzini 2016: 4). ...
... One avenue for geographers and other social scientists seeking to overcome the territorial trap is found in Michel Foucault's (2007, 2008, 2010 writing on governmentality. In his framing, "regimes of governmentality" are a loose set of political tactics and mentalities that define the relationship between those individuals who govern and that which is governed (a population, territory, or some combination thereof) (Lemke 2019;Veyne 1997). ...
... For example, many regimes specifically permit or create certain islands of freedom within the wider illiberal order. These "heterotopic" spaces (Foucault 1986) may be zones where liberal forms of governmentality are practiced and accepted, but they are often walled off, literally and figuratively, from the mechanisms of autocratic control and discipline that prevail in the state at large. This spatialization can take many different forms, ranging from strictly policed territorial leases or concessions to a foreign military or government (as in a base or embassy) to the more diffuse but unpoliced private spaces of corporations, homes, or sites of illegal activity (Koch 2013;Koch and Vora 2019). ...
Authoritarianism has emerged as a prominent theme in popular and academic discussions of politics since the 2016 US presidential election and the coinciding expansion of authoritarian rhetoric and ideals across Europe, Asia, and beyond. Until recently, however, academic geographers have not focused squarely on the concept of authoritarianism. Its longstanding absence from the field is noteworthy as geographers have made extensive contributions to theorizing structural inequalities, injustice, and other expressions of oppressive or illiberal power relations and their diverse spatialities. Identifying this void, Spatializing Authoritarianism builds upon recent research to show that even when conceptualized as a set of practices rather than as a simple territorial label, authoritarianism has a spatiality: both drawing from and producing political space and scale in many often surprising ways. This volume advances the argument that authoritarianism must be investigated by accounting for the many scales at which it is produced, enacted, and imagined. Including a diverse array of theoretical perspectives and empirical cases drawn from the Global South and North, this collection illustrates the analytical power of attending to authoritarianism’s diverse scalar and spatial expressions, and how intimately connected it is with identity narratives, built landscapes, borders, legal systems, markets, and other territorial and extraterritorial expressions of power.
... One avenue for geographers and other social scientists seeking to overcome the territorial trap is found in Michel Foucault's (2007, 2008, 2010 writing on governmentality. In his framing, "regimes of governmentality" are a loose set of political tactics and mentalities that define the relationship between those individuals who govern and that which is governed (a population, territory, or some combination thereof) (Lemke 2019;Veyne 1997). ...
... For example, many regimes specifically permit or create certain islands of freedom within the wider illiberal order. These "heterotopic" spaces (Foucault 1986) may be zones where liberal forms of governmentality are practiced and accepted, but they are often walled off, literally and figuratively, from the mechanisms of autocratic control and discipline that prevail in the state at large. This spatialization can take many different forms, ranging from strictly policed territorial leases or concessions to a foreign military or government (as in a base or embassy) to the more diffuse but unpoliced private spaces of corporations, homes, or sites of illegal activity (Koch 2013;Koch and Vora 2019). ...
... Linking administrative governmental involvement with the population, and the development of the biological sciences, biopolitics describes the series of articulated, explicit governmental strategies centred on sustaining the optimisation of the 'life' of the population Foucault 2007). It is in the development of the policy state at the beginning of the seventeenth century that the political rationality to enable the formation of biopolitics emerged (Rutherford 2000). ...
... But the emphasis on the early-modern "self-consciousness of government" (Senellart 2007 ;387, cf. Foucault 2008 : 2) might be unnecessarily restricting, particularly when we consider how Foucault himself saw governmentality drawing on earlier forms and techniques of power, in particular the pastoral one. ...
... A gyarmatosító rasszizmus Fanon által megfogalmazott kritikájával szorosan összefügg az európai humanizmus és az univerzalizmus kritikája. A gyarmatokon az európai humanizmus nem a szabadságot, az egyenl séget és a testvériséget, hanem -Foucault (2003) megfogalmazásával élve -a biopolitikát valósította meg, Mbembe (2003) terminológiája szerint pedig nekropolitikát folytatott: tehát a hatalom, az er és a jog eszközeit arra használta fel, hogy mások életér l vagy haláláról rendelkezzen (lásd Foucault 1990Foucault , 2007Agamben 2005;Weheliye 2014). A gyarmatosító rasszizmus a modern orientalista struktúrák alapja, mely a gyarmatosítottakat testi és nekik tulajdonított morális tulajdonságok alapján rasszosított kategóriákba sorolja (Fanon 2006) -ez a rasszosított diskurzus a gyarmatokon kétszín ségként, kett s nyelvként, valóságtorzításként, hazugságként jelent meg, és er szakot képviselt (Mbembe 2008). ...
... A kutatás elméleti hátterét Carl Schmitt ([1922]1992), Hannah Arendt (1976), Michel Foucault (1990Foucault ( /1999Foucault ( , 2003Foucault ( , 2007, Giorgio Agamben (1998) és Achille Mbembe (2003) munkái képezik, melyek központi gondolata szerint a menekült az "életre nem méltó élet", melyet a modern biopolitika "halni hagy". Foucault kutatásai megállapítják, hogy a modern hatalom figyelme elsősorban az életre, pontosabban a népesség biológiai létezésére irányul (a fogalom komplex eŕtelmeześet e helyütt nem reśzletezem). ...
A menekültkérdés magyarországi kormányzati diskurzusa: az idegenellenesség biopolitikai szemiotikájához Kulcsszók: szemiotika, nyelvészet, biopolitika, hatalom, globalizáció, diskurzus A kutatás célja a menekültkérdés magyarországi kormányzati diskurzusának elemzése, illetve a téma három központi fogalma-menekült, menekültkérdés és határzár-szemiotikájának jobb megértése. A vizsgálat arra keresi a választ, hogy miként képes a hatalom diskurzuselemek és-stratégiák használatával a menekültkérdés új gondolati keret-és fogalomrendszerét megteremteni. A kutatás módszertana a kvalitatív diskurzuselemzés hagyományait követi. A kutatás korpusza: a 2015. júniusi nemzeti konzultációs levél és kérdőív, a hozzá kapcsolt 3 óriásplakát, a szeptemberi kormányplakát, valamint a 2015. május közepétől szeptember végéig tartó időszak kormányzati menekültdiskurzusa (elsősorban a kormányzati honlapon publikált miniszterelnöki beszédek és interjúk, kormányszóvivői és miniszteri megnyilatkozások és időnként az írott sajtóból származó szövegek). A jelen tanulmány a kormányzati diskurzus kontextusaként kezeli a menekültek kormánytól független médiareprezentációját, illetve a külföldi plakátkampányt-ezek részletes bemutatására és elemzésére azonban nem terjed ki.
... When introducing the notion in Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-1 978 (2007, Foucault claims that we will find forms of counter-c onduct in the game of power and freedom that constitutes all forms of government of people. In defining the concept, Foucault et al. ( 2007) distinguished counter-conduct from other notions such as " revolt", " disobedience", " insubordination", " dissidence" and " misconduct", explaining that these are either too strong, too weak, too local, too substantial, too political, or too passive ( see also Davidson 2011). In short, counter-conduct can be understood as the refusal to let oneself be conducted in this or that way ( Lorenzini 2016: 4). ...
... power relations between categories shaped by the state, they also question or at least highlight the tensions, transactions and negotiations modernity brought about. A useful way to connect the problems of circulation between ethnic categories and circulation between moralities of economic exchange is to turn to the notions of trust and moralities.Foucault, Michel, Michel Senellart, and Arnold Ira Davidson. 2007. Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-1978. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 51 Nora, Pierre (ed). 1984. Les lieux de mémoire. Paris: Gallimard. Kertzer, David I., and Dominique Arel. 2002. Census and identity: the politics of race, ethnicity, and language in national ...
This qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation explores the tensions between competing nation-building projects in Ukraine's westernmost multi-ethnic Zakarpattia region - and the essentialization of rigid ethnic boundaries these entail - with the daily experience of locals who are involved in myriads of informal economic exchanges necessitating complex solidarity networks constantly bypassing geopolitical and ethnic boundaries.
... Kronoberg and Jämtland organized the PTA as a municipal association instead. 322 Malmöhus Läns Trafik AB, Styrelseprotokoll 1980-08-27;Malmöhus Läns Trafik AB, Styrelseprotokoll 1980-11-19;Malmöhus Läns Trafik AB, Årsberättelse 1981, 1982 had expanded to five persons, with Ingemar Bryman hired as traffic economist and Ane Sjetne as clerk. 323 As we saw in the previous sections, the company's aims inscribed in the traffic agreement between the owners of Malmöhus Läns Trafik AB corresponded well with the intentions of the public transport reform of 1978. ...
Planning local and regional public transport in so-called ’transit corridors’ – i.e.,
to concentrate infrastructure and resources to few, but attractive corridors in a
city or a region – is commonplace in contemporary public transport planning.
In this thesis I analyze how transit corridors have come to dominate the policies
and planning practices of public transport governance through a case study of
Malmöhus County and Region Skåne between 1970 and 2020.
The thesis shows how the organization of decision-making, planning practices,
and the spatial and technological configuration of public transport in Malmöhus
and Skåne have been sites of an ongoing struggle between political actors
and levels for influence over ideas and resources. The analysis offers a new
understanding of the fundamental values and processes of public transport
policy and planning, and the conflicts that arise when values and organizations
collide in the search for efficient, equitable and sustainable mobility.
... That said, Foucault's (2007;2008) analysis of economics knowledge spanning a period of two hundred years since the times of Smith to 20th-century neoliberalism illustrates how economics is part of the 'politics of truth' not solely of scientific explanations in their own right. In order to grasp the power aspect of the economics discipline and, as such, reveal the (dis)positive role of economics in the (neo)liberal governmentality that is concerned with the production and exchange of truths as much as with the production of commodities, Foucault suggests a methodological way of studying the history of economics knowledge. ...
... To use a philosophical metaphor, it is a space that protects its inhabitants from the wilderness outside the city walls. The philosopher and historian Michel Foucault saw this as one of the central themes in modern society and its urban planning, and it was something he presented in his lectures at the Collège de France between 1977 and 1978 (Foucault, 2007). Through knowledgeor biopower, to use Foucauldian terminology of the power over bios (life)the city is planned with the intention to create security for its inhabitants. ...
This chapter analyses how security has become a central topic for public transport in Sweden and how it can be understood in relation to people with disabilities who experience insecurity when traveling by bus or train. The chapter analyses public transport using Michel Foucault’s concept of dispositif de sécurité, namely how institutions and administrative arrangements maintain and enhance a certain form of control to reduce uncertainty among those who travel. This perspective is used to better understand today’s political goal that public transport should not only be accessible by being secure, but also by being usable for all. The chapter discusses the experiences of three individuals to show how uncertainty arises in everyday situations using public transport. It argues that there is a difference when it comes to security – on one side it is a feeling in people’s everyday lives, and on the other it is a predictable and transparent perspective in a specific system. In this way, security – in relation to accessibility – is framed by transport organisations as something that people with disabilities can expect when they use public transport. At the same time, the individual experiences often only fit into the rhetoric if they are transformed into the organisations’ way of looking at security, let alone as numbers in a diagram or as programme text.
... To use a philosophical metaphor, it is a space that protects its inhabitants from the wilderness outside the city walls. The philosopher and historian Michel Foucault saw this as one of the central themes in modern society and its urban planning, and it was something he presented in his lectures at the Collège de France between 1977 and 1978 (Foucault, 2007). Through knowledgeor biopower, to use Foucauldian terminology of the power over bios (life)the city is planned with the intention to create security for its inhabitants. ...
This book explores the societal resistance to accessibility for persons with disabilities, and tries to set an example of how to study exclusion in a time when numerous policies promise inclusion.
With 12 chapters organised in three parts, the book takes a comprehensive approach to accessibility, covering transport and communication, knowledge and education, law and organisation. Topics within a wide cross-disciplinary field are covered, including disability studies, social work, sociology, ethnology, social anthropology, and history. The main example is Sweden, with its implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities within the context of the Nordic welfare state. By identifying and discussing persistent social and cultural conditions as well as recurring situations and interactions that nurture resistance to advancing accessibility, despite various strong laws promoting it, the book’s conclusions are widely transferable. It argues for the value of alternating between methods, theoretical perspectives, and datasets to explore how new arenas, resources and technologies cause new accessibility concerns — and possibilities — for persons living with impairments. We need to be able to follow actors closely to uncover how they feel, act, and argue, but also to connect to wider discursive and institutional patterns and systems.
This book will be of interest to scholars and students of disability studies, social work, sociology, ethnology, social anthropology, political science, and organisation studies.
... To use a philosophical metaphor, it is a space that protects its inhabitants from the wilderness outside the city walls. The philosopher and historian Michel Foucault saw this as one of the central themes in modern society and its urban planning, and it was something he presented in his lectures at the Collège de France between 1977 and 1978 (Foucault, 2007). Through knowledgeor biopower, to use Foucauldian terminology of the power over bios (life)the city is planned with the intention to create security for its inhabitants. ...
... While there were countless cracks, accommodations, and resistances to these laws, their intent was increasing the 'legibility' of the population and shaping governmentality. 57,58 Notably, Ponte's construction existed at the tail end of this regime of political aesthetics and governmentality, ill-fit for its moment. ...
Completed in 1975 at the height of Grand Apartheid-era ambition, Ponte City is a hollow, high-modernist cylindrical tower looming over Johannesburg, South Africa, northeast of its central business district. The racialized utopian imaginaries underpinning Ponte's design and construction represent a concrete manifestation of the most panoptic ideologies of white-minority rule: paranoid regulation and control of space, ethno-racial homogeneity, and complete social stratification. Yet in practice, Ponte was outmoded as soon as it was completed: its speculative vision aligned merely with residue of an earlier historical moment. Drawing on a seminal 1975 Planning & Building Development report from the building's architects, contractors, and management team, I problematize Ponte's formal structure and its design team's aspirations and place the dynamic ambitions of Ponte within 20 th-century social theory and South African history, attending to inflection points, disjunctures, and revelations. Then, attending to historic remnants, I examine the building's multiple subsequent re-appropriations since the pacted transition from apartheid governance to contemporary post-apartheid democracy. In so doing, I consider global governance struggles against hegemony and apartheid, arguing that Ponte City represents both a key public site of apartheid-era ambition, of racial paranoia in the post-apartheid era, and of counter-conduct and resistance both during and after apartheid. I pair a review of audio, visual, and cinematic media engaging Ponte from the 1970s with insights from conversations with artists Mikhael Subotzky and Stephen Hobbs; these media enliven the ways that Ponte residents have repurposed the building since its modernist origins, with new and layered aspirations. I conclude by situating Ponte in a contemporary Johannesburg context laden with inequality, eviction, urban dispossession, and renewed postmodern dreams of high-density residential living. In complex and often paradoxical ways, and across distinct institutional arrangements, Ponte reflects, absorbs, and renders meaningful struggles for power, dignity and livelihood in the City of Gold.
... Foucault undertook to study the nature and function of the norm and normalisation. There are numerous explanations of his understanding of the norm and its functions, but the general gist of his understanding of the norm crystalises in another series of lectures that he gave at the Collège de France between 1977 and 1978 and collected in Security, Territory, Population (Foucault 2007). With the invention of statistics, the norm, what is normal, was deduced. ...
Michel Foucault’s modes of power (sovereign, disciplinary and bio-politics) have dominated both our understanding of power and norm. It is pretty impossible to think of the organisation of life outside his thinking. Here I argue that the idea and practice of mutual aid, articulated by Peter Kropotkin in his 1902 book Mutual Aid (2009) stirs us towards a different understanding of the management of life, bereft of hierarchies and bestowed with co-operation and care. Moreover, as I argue, the existence of mutual aid groups and practices challenges the very idea of the norm. This has become even more apparent during the Covid19 pandemic with the surfacing of mutual aid groups globally. It is therefore rather misleading to understand our present as generator of the ‘new normal’; such claims are mere rhetorical devices aiming at keeping us in our place.
... This provides new reasons to facilitate exchanges. The mechanism that enables the promotion of the mind, whether internally or externally motivated, is based on governmentality as a power that symbolizes the market principle from a macro perspective (Foucault, 2007;2008). While the introduction of market principles can encourage aid, this can also result in the loss of intrinsic social significance and make people economically minded. ...
This dialogue contribution discusses whether it is possible to create favorable new social assistance under the market principles, based on the Ouen or Õen (aid) consumption in Japan. The meaning of consumption has changed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In Japan, aid consumption is increasing. This means helping local restaurants and producers by willfully and proactively buying and consuming their services and products. This is a favorable form of new social assistance and the result of strong marketing and market functions. The penetration of market forces may surpass pure altruistic behavior such as donations and gifts, by creating new market-linked forms of aiding, boosting and supporting.
... However, this is contradicted by Senellart in Foucault, Senellart, and Davidson (2007) who said: ...
This paper attempts to reduce confusion in project management practice by applying academic rigor to an evaluation of governance terminology in the project and general management practitioner reference documents. It compares definitions in these documents against each other as well as against a set of previously published definitions of governance terms developed using a rigorous definitional refining method. It finds many inconsistencies in governance terminology between the reference documents analyzed. These include the relationship with accountability, presumption of the joint-stock company model, inclusion of items considered unwarranted by the reference definitions and the means of handling legitimate inclusions. The existence of these inconsistencies indicates there is a need for a general acceptance of a set of internally consistent governance terms and for these to be brought into the various practitioner reference documents. A set of terms is proposed. This paper contributes to the literature reviewing terminology in management and project management as well as the literature reviewing the veracity and interoperability of commercially available project management products. Projects, business, and academic research can all benefit from the removal of confusion from the definition of governance and related terms. This can potentially avoid waste of time, resources and money, facilitating building social and physical systems and infrastructure, benefitting organizations generally, whether public, charitable or private.
The article introduces the concept of the imaginary of behavioral governing to capture the view on the role of behavioral research in governing behavior that is widely shared in the academic and public discussions about behavioral policy (nudging), including the recent debates about reliance on big data and algorithms to influence people's behavior. It is believed that behavioral science provides knowledge of stable regularities of behavior and of the cognitive processes that lead to them, and that policymakers/governments act upon this knowledge to change behavior of individuals. I argue that this set of claims about the knowledge provided by the behavioral sciences is not substantiated in behavioral research. The formal theoretical frameworks of behavioral science come to be interpreted—via the imaginary of behavioral governing—as relating to human agents that power can act upon. I reflect on the possible point of entry for critique of this imaginary and its effects.
Censuses and surveys represent a two-edged sword. They are both a technology of governance for national and former colonial administrations and a tool of recognition for the minoritized. In this article, I discuss the history of censuses and surveys in a Danish context, arguing that the regional and local history of registration is crucial for understanding how and why religious identity becomes visible and important as a measure for the population. Applying the case of a national survey on religiosity in relation to the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church in 2020, I ask how religion comes alive through the strategic use of artificial ideal types aimed at mapping a religious mainstream. Surveys introduce a distance to messy religious reality, thereby reducing complexity and richness. Yet this distance also allows the researcher to ask new questions that go beyond the immediate religious experience.
A structural correspondence is found between the process whereby Catholicism prevents the infallibility of the people of God (sensus fidei) from becoming schismatic by appealing to the final authority of the magisterium, and the way democracy disables the immediate power of the acclaiming people, opposing the People’s direct participation by means of the mediation of a variety of institutions. The exigency of an unmediated, individual access to God’s voice found in both Pentecostalism and the Prosperity Gospel, on the other hand, is structurally analogous to the populist rejection of the symbolic character of the democratic “People” and the rejection of any mediation between the faction-people and the gifts of the Spirit.
La Guerra de la Triple Alianza (1864-1870) fue un acontecimiento catastrófico que devastó a gran parte de la población paraguaya y dejó al país sumido en una profunda crisis económica. El presente trabajo explora las secuelas de este conflicto en el proceso de consolidación de los enclaves destinados a la explotación de la yerba mate durante el largo período de reconstrucción nacional en Paraguay. Para ello, se enfoca en la crónica “Lo que son los yerbales” del escritor hispano-paraguayo Rafael Barrett (1876-1910), y en otros escritos suyos que rodean y amplían el sentido del texto. La escritura de Barrett ahonda críticamente en el significado del enclave yerbatero como un nuevo espacio liberal donde la guerra continúa por otros medios, y donde la economía de mercado actualiza la cesura entre vidas valiosas y vidas prescindibles analizada por la tradición del pensamiento biopolítico que inaugura el trabajo de Michel Foucault. Excediendo este marco, el ensayo propone considerar la noción de inadaptación en la doctrina libertaria de Barrett como una intervención afirmativa opuesta a la biopolitización de la vida operante en los yerbales y, por extensión, en el proyecto de reconstrucción nacional en el Paraguay de posguerra.
The article deals with the problems of state policy in the field of railway transport. Are analyzed two approaches to the state policy in the field of railway transport, the forms of ownership in the situation of sanctions on railway transport and competitors close to it – first of all, this is the aviation transport. The question is about the effectiveness of public policy to achieve the stability and sustainability of transport. The article analyzes the goals, implementation, and effectiveness of the state policy in the field of railway transport from the end of 2019 to the beginning of 2022 under the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and sanctions. The question of the role of ideology in the formation of the concept of public policy and the ways of its implementation is raised. The role of the driver, conductor and police for security on the territory of transport, including in the conditions of a pandemic, is being studied. A comparative analysis of the goals of state programs is carried out.
In Chap. 4, “For a New Political Militancy: The GIP Experience and the Arts of Living”, I focus on the following question: How did the topics courage of truth and individual autonomy allow Foucault to rethink political militancy and the ethics of an intellectual? To understand such issues, I highlight a specific political militancy experience of Foucault’s during which, together with Jean-Marie Domenach and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, he established GIP—Prison Information Group—between 1971 and 1972. Along with the above-mentioned questions, Chap. 3 deals with Foucault’s diagnosis of his own actuality, focused on rejecting the type of individuality produced by Modern State and promoting new modes of subjectivity. The theme of creating new modes of life which he finds in ancient culture is linked to the purpose of the new liberation movements in the 1970s and the 1980s, which suggest the existence of new relationships which are no longer tied to codes and institutions.KeywordsGIPNew modes of existenceRethink political militancy
In Chap. 3, “Philosophical Life and Revolutionary Militancy: Cynicism, the Specific Intellectual, and Critique of the Revolutionary Party,” highlights the importance of Foucault’s study of Socratic and Cynic parrhēsia. Moreover, it indicates how ancient cynicism resonates in modernity, especially in the revolutionary movements throughout the nineteenth century, such as anarchism. While Cynics count on true life to transform this world, Christian asceticism relied on obedience to the other to reach the other world. Therefore, I intend to demonstrate how Foucault emphasizes the relevance of Cynicism, defending a political militancy that grounded on transformation of the world through its own mode of life. Cynics criticize social conventions through existence as living scandal in the public square. They start from political engagement concerned with caring for self, for others and for the entire human race, proposing daily intervention in people’s lives. Foucault, therefore, sees in the Cynics a form of political militancy built on autonomous values.KeywordsSocratesAncient cynicismPolitical militancy
One of the productive political-philosophical concepts Foucault developed is that of governmentality. According to Foucault, governmentality is in many respects the heir of pastoral power. However, Foucault has never conclusively demonstrated the genealogical link between pastoral power and governmentality. The hypothesis that I want to put forward is that the “missing link” in this genealogy should be situated in the governmental transformations that took place in the period of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, more specifically in the period of the “confessionalization”. To substantiate this claim, I briefly discuss the ideal-typical relationship between pastoral power and governmentality while indicating how Foucault accounts for this relationship. I then criticise his account by showing that it fails to expose the genealogical link between pastoral power and governmentality. Finally, I show how, from a genealogical point of view, the confessionalization theory makes a convincing connection between the revival of pastoral power during the Reformation and the development of a “confessional governmentality” in which religious and secular authorities intersect.
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare and exacerbates the existing insecurities of sex workers. This paper asks: What are sex workers’ everyday experiences of (in)security? And: How has the COVID-19 pandemic influenced these?
Methods
We engage with these questions through collaborative research based on semi-structured interviews carried out in 2019 and 2020 with sex workers in The Hague, the Netherlands.
Results
Revealing a stark mismatch between the insecurities that sex workers’ experience and the concerns enshrined in regulation, our analysis shows that sex workers’ everyday insecurities involve diverse concerns regarding their occupational safety and health, highlighting that work insecurity is more multi-faceted than sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Widespread employment and income insecurities for sex workers are exacerbated for transwomen and male sex workers. Their legal liminality is enabled not only by the opaque legal status of sex work in the Netherlands, but also by the gendering of official regulation. The COVID-19 pandemic made visible how the sexual and gender norms that informally govern sex workers’ working conditions intersect with hierarchies of citizenship, complicating access to COVID-19 support, particularly for migrant sex workers.
Conclusions
Sex work regulation in the Netherlands leaves workers in a limbo—not without obligations and surveillance, yet, without the full guarantee of their labour rights.
Policy Implications
To effectively address sex workers’ insecurities, a shift in regulation from its current biopolitical focus to a labour approach is necessary. Besides, public policy and civil society actors alike need to address the sex industry’s harmful social regulation through hierarchies of gender, sexuality and race.
מסה קצרה: המחאה העממית ואלימות המדינה הקולוניאלית המתיישבת במאי 2021
To avoid a ‘tsunami’ of repossessions in the years following the global financial crisis, Ireland reformed its system of debt relief in 2013. For the first time Ireland was to have a state-of-the-art system to help debtors discharge their unpayable liabilities, at odds with the punitive Victorian system of bankruptcy which preceded it. While these changes were touted as ground-breaking and innovative, I demonstrate through original qualitative research with debtors, and the Insolvency Service of Ireland's (ISI's) operators that little has changed. When disaster strikes and debtors fall behind on payments, they are encouraged to undergo a process of soul searching and self-criticism involving reflection on their behaviour and finances. This article explores how this governmentalisation of debt and its relief creates responsible financial subjects fit for the market, simultaneously ensuring the stability of the fragile Irish credit system. The insolvency practitioners who run the service advise that only by confessing their wrongdoing (i.e. irresponsible spending), and making lasting change can they become worthy of debt relief.
Purpose—This paper interprets the role and professional issues of public sector performance auditing (PA) as a mechanism of neoliberal governmentality in the New Public Management (NPM) era by drawing on a Foucauldian conceptual lens to chart directions for future research.
Design/methodology/approach—The study employs the Foucauldian concepts of visibility and identity to interpret performance auditing against the background of neoliberal imperatives of public sector management.
Findings—As the growing emphasis on PA in recent decades can be understood as driven by the concurrent development of neoliberal and NPM rationalities, the relatively underexploited concepts of visibility and identity allow further inquiry into important PA issues. This paper identifies avenues for future research under three themes: (a) the issue of visibility in neoliberal governmentality and potential for auditors-general to expand domain of influence of NAOs through the PA role; (b) the potential for PA as a unified distinct specialisation; and (c) the neoliberal idea of professional identity as individual expert and its interplay with the potential emergence of PA as a distinct function within the accounting profession.
Research limitations/implications—This conceptual paper is anticipated to stimulate future PA research. Key areas in this respect include the position and authority afforded to PA and the possibility of transformation in auditors’ conception of their professional worldview.
Originality/value—This paper charts directions for future research by interpreting PA using
Foucauldian concepts of visibility and identity that remain to be exploited in PA research.
Keywords—Performance auditing; Public-sector management; Neoliberal governmentality; Entrepreneurial self; Professionalisation
The Routledge Handbook of Translation History presents the first comprehensive, state-of-the-art overview of this multi-faceted disciplinary area and serves both as an introduction to carrying out research into translation and interpreting history and as a key point of reference for some of its main theoretical and methodological issues, interdisciplinary approaches, and research themes.
The Handbook brings together 30 eminent international scholars from a wide range of disciplinary backgrounds, offering examples of the most innovative research while representing a wide range of approaches, themes, and cultural contexts. The Handbook is divided into four sections: the first looks at some key methodological and theoretical approaches; the second examines some of the key research areas that have developed an interdisciplinary dialogue with translation history; the third looks at translation history from the perspective of specific cultural and religious perspectives; and the fourth offers a selection of case studies on some of the key topics to have emerged in translation and interpreting history over the past 20 years.
Exploring the intersectional identity of multiracial individuals, this work seeks to broaden understandings of identity by applying a Foucauldian lens.
For Francis Bacon (1561–1626), toleration is an end-state goal. In his New Atlantis, Christians and Jews alike live peaceably together as they did not in the England of his time, from which Jews were banned. Yet, for Bacon, toleration was not always, in the first instance, regarded as the means for its own attainment. The present article situates Bacon's utterances on religious warfare within four contexts: the writings of Richard Knolles, Giovanni Botero, Alberico Gentili, and Bacon's own works advocating British imperial hegemony and a pan-European league of (Protestant) Christians. Having situated Bacon's advocacy of religious warfare within these contexts, the present article argues that Bacon invokes the rhetoric of religious warfare as part of a strategy to secure British (and Protestant) dominance in global politics, not least against the rival power of the Spanish Habsburgs. The article thus aims to lay out Bacon's various pronouncements on religious warfare with and against the contextual material for a fuller and richer understanding of Bacon's project. Bacon aims, the article argues, at a peace requisite to the fulfilment and advancement of scientific progress and aims at an ultimate toleration in religious affairs. Yet, for the success of that project, Bacon regards the defeat of the Inquisition and the political power that supports it as a necessary precondition, for which the invocation of all requisite means, including targeted and specific injunctions to ‘holy war’, is held, by Bacon, to be politic. For Bacon, the problem of religious warfare is that such warfare must, in his view, however infelicitously, be urged and waged for the very purpose that it may (at some future time) be abated and, finally, ended.
Yönetmek/idare etmek yerel, bölgesel, ulusal ve uluslararası ölçeklerde gerçekleşen bir olgudur. İçinde olunan Antroposen çağ, politik ve idari kararlar ile dünyada yapısal ve biyofiziksel dönüşümlere neden olunan bir biyopolitika dönemini temsil etmektedir. Bu dönemde sürecin yönetimi ve devamlılığı, uygulanan neoliberal politikalar ve sürdürülebilir kalkınma kavramı üzerinden sağlanırken; ekolojik kriz ve iklim değişikliği etkilerini giderek daha fazla bir biçimde göstermektedir. Bu durum, küresel çevre politikası ve uluslararası ilişkilerle ilgili çalışmaların ön plana çıkmasına, devletler tarafından farklı biyopolitikalar geliştirilmesine ve uzaktan yönetim
sistemlerinin oluşmasına neden olmaktadır. Çünkü günümüzde biyopolitik stratejiler aracılığıyla sadece ekonomik değil, ekolojik ve sosyal alanlara da etki etmek mümkündür. Bu çalışma kapsamında devletlerce Antroposen çağda uygulanan yönetim politikaları, Foucault’nun biyopolitik yönetimsellik yaklaşımı üzerinden irdelenmiş ve söz konusu yaklaşım, uluslararası alanda Birleşmiş Milletler’in öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen küresel iklim değişikliği müzakereleri bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir.
We contemplate Deleuze and Guattari's discussion of in/compossibility through engagement with practices of spatial planning and development at the urban fringe in Australia. In such sites of ecosystem transformation, the presence of wildlife, such as mosquitoes, is often deemed incompossible with felicitous human habitation. We suggest that regarding worlds like those of mosquitoes and humans as divergent, rather than incompossible, opens up opportunities for inclusive disjunctive syntheses which affirm the disjoined terms without excluding one from the other. Relating inclusive disjunction to intensive milieu, we call for development of a more milieu-based approach to planning to facilitate more-than-human coexistence differently.
Social networking sites have become increasingly relevant in the study of democracy and culture in recent years. This study explores the interconnectedness of social networks, the imposition of state control, and management of social behavior by comparing various literature on the operation of repression in Thai and Philippine cyberspaces. It examines the overt and covert policing of daily interactions in digital environments and unpacks governmental technologies’ disciplinary mechanisms following Michel Foucault’s notion of government and biopolitical power. Subjugation in the context of social networks merits analysis for it sheds light on the practice of active and passive self-censorship—the former driven by the pursuit of a moral self-image and the latter by state-sponsored fear. In tracing various points of convergence and divergence in the practice of cyber control in Thailand and the Philippines, the study found newer domains of regulation of social behavior applicable to today’s democracies.
In this piece I explore resonances between Foucault's engagements with political theology and a localized political spirituality embedded in a vast popular uprising in Colombia's Afro-Pacific littoral in May of 2017. I follow the prompt of Foucault's late remarks regarding a “philosophy of the future” that would emerge beyond the frontiers of Europe, attentive to ideas that emerge in people's lived experiences and struggles on the ground; and moved by how life is affirmed otherwise in these practices of resistance. I approach the ethnographic site from this angle, to probe the potentialities and limitations of Foucault's “tactical pointers” for understanding the political force of the popular Catholicism that played a decisive role in this uprising. A form of Christianity that, in the heterogeneous and discontinuous traces of liberation theology in Latin America not only departs drastically from Foucault's characterization of Christianity in his genealogy of moral experience in the West, but also defies in intriguing ways his distinction between “liberation” and “practices of freedom”, and the conceptualization of resistance articulated around it.
This essay explores the conditions of possibility for the critique of the new illiberalism exemplified by leaders such as Donald Trump and Jacob Zuma. It proposes three hypotheses. The first is that corruption is more than just a failure of the Rule of Law, but is also its innermost possibility and end result. The second is that the new illiberalism presupposes the sublation of a certain tradition of critique (focused on the practices of unmasking and transparency). The third is that critique today needs the courage to face a “giddy world.”
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