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39
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj
MMIIGGRRAANNTT HHOOUUSSIINNGG IINN TTHHEE CCIITTYY
AANNDD TTHHEE VVIILLLLAAGGEE:: FFRROOMM
MMEELLBBOOUURRNNEE TTOO ZZAAVVOOJJ
Zavoj conjures an image of a southern European
village, its stone and timber traditional dwellings sit
picturesquely on the slopes and a white Byzantine-
style vernacular church elevated beyond the houses
is luminous in the crisp mountain air. A picturesque
image ties the village to place as stable and the ver-
nacular as unchangeable tradition, overlooking its
transitional reality. In the late 1980s the village
comprises more than one hundred houses of which
about eighty are old, some maintained and inhab-
ited and some in a state of disrepair. A corner of an
old house is demolished and a new fragment has
appeared, displacing one corner of an old house
that is otherwise deteriorating. Twenty years later
many new houses, small and mean and expedient
are scattered through the village. New houses are
left eternally incomplete and become sites of ongo-
ing construction. These are uninhabited. These new
houses and new fragment-houses are introduced
by the returning migrants and not by the remaining
local village inhabitants. In the new millennium the
contrast between a large number of new construc-
tions and the increased disintegration of the existing
vernacular architecture illustrates the nature of
transformation in and of the village.
The discourse on migration has attended less to the
forces and conditions that generate emigration,
and to the processes of departure and the changes
incurred in places of emigration (Sayad, 2004;
Cairns, 2004). It has emphasized that the migrant
is not so much a traveller, but a figure oriented
towards settlement and a particular destination.
However, this paper investigates what two types of
migrant houses - one in the city of immigration
(Melbourne, Australia), and the other in a village of
emigration (Zavoj, Republic of Macedonia) can
reveal about emigration and immigration.
The focus will be on the Zavoj migrant house
as a significant house, a house that points to ways
that architecture makes explicit other processes of
migration, namely that of 'return'. Here there are
several intertwined communities and nations, and
also different notions of community and nation. It
has been noted that diaspora is constituted through
longer distances, severe separation, and a taboo
on return. And yet implicit in many more autobio-
graphical accounts is that one only leaves with a
promise to return. The conflict and question of
return is at the centre of the migrant's imagination
(Berger & Mohr, 1975). The study goes inwards
and underneath through the figure of the migrant,
the figure through which the two migrant houses
Mirjana Lozanovska
AAbsstract
This paper will discuss the kinds of communities that evolve through historical practices of migration. The migrant
house is associated with a new architecture that had appeared in the cities of immigration of the new worlds
(Melbourne, Toronto, Chicago). It is perceived as a stereotypical symbolisation of immigrants from Southern European
origins that had arrived in the decades following the Second World War. The appearance of houses built by return-
ing migrants in sites of origin suggests other trajectories, other modes of travel, and other forms of community. Central
to the thesis of this paper is the testimony of two types of migrant houses. The study draws on theories of migration
that address the site of departure, the site of arrival, and the question and conflict of return which is at the centre of
the migrant's imaginary. This study will examine the migrant houses in the village of emigration (Zavoj in Macedonia),
migrant houses built by returning emigrants. A study of the two houses of migration implicates a set of networks, forces,
relations, circumscribing a large global geopolitical and cultural field that questions our understandings of diaspora,
the binary structure of dwelling/travelling, and the fabric and fabrication of community. In addition, the paper will
explore the notion of house as an imaginary landscape, a psychic geography narrated through migratory travels.
Keywordss:House, City, Village, Migrant Return, Community.
MIGRANT HHOUSING IIN TTHE CCITY AAND TTHE VVILLAGE:
from MMelbourne tto ZZavoj
40
Mirjana Lozanovska
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj
are deeply associated. The paper will explore the
subjective nature of the house, the migrant house
as architecture of a psychic geography.
NNAATTIIOONN-SSTTAATTEE AANNDD IIMMAAGGIINNAARRYY
CCOOMMMMUUNNIITTYY
Migration intersects the local-global discourse as a
dynamic force, but one that invariably oscillates
between tipping the balance either too strongly
towards external forces (economics, politics, global
media culture), or tipping it towards internal forces
(home/land, dwelling and dwelling practices, cus-
toms, languages, memory) (Castles & Miller 2003:
Gunew S. 1994). Zavoj is a village in the Republic
of Macedonia, and Melbourne a cosmopolitan city
in Australia. Macedonia and Australia are inextri-
cably tied through migration processes, but in order
to address the nature, texture, and consequences of
this link, Macedonia, both as nation-state and
community needs to be addressed. The particular
location of Macedonia in a geopolitical cultural
context can inform the broader theories on nation-
state, diaspora, homeland and identity.
Migration discourse conflates the contradic-
tory processes of emigration and immigration, with
too little or no consideration for the differential his-
tories of emigration. Sayad has argued, "each set of
initial conditions generates a different class of emi-
grants, who will, in immigration produce a different
class of immigrants (Sayad 2004: 178)."
Emigration from Zavoj is associated with economic
necessity and the devaluing of rural work and pro-
duction. The devaluation of rural work was affect-
ing villages at the turn of the 19th and 20th cen-
turies, but it has a particular trajectory for Zavoj
firstly as a village within the federation of republics
known as Yugoslavia, and since the early 1990s as
Figure 1. Migrant house, Melbourne, built by Southern European migrants, c. 1970s
Figure 2. Migrant House in the village, Zavoj,
Republic of Macedonia, 2005.
41
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj Mirjana Lozanovska
a village in the newly formed Republic of
Macedonia. After World War Two, Yugoslavia
entered an intense period of industrialisation and
increased state ownership of agricultural industries
(Achkoska, 2007), making livelihood in the village
less and less viable. A mass exodus of rural people
from villages after World War Two initially settled in
local towns in Macedonia; but by the 1960s they
were emigrating abroad in large numbers, and in
the mid 1960s an agreement was made between
Yugoslavia and Australia.
Enormous, continuing labour migrations in
the post-war world, and the influx of migrations of
people in recent times have contributed to breaking
up the unitary formation of the global context. The
cultural diversity that migration entails is a serious
challenge to national identity (Castles, Kalantzis,
Cope, Morrissey, 1988). Melbourne was the focus
of a post-war Southern European influx that caused
a sharp shift from homogeneity to great cultural
diversification in Australia (Burnley 2001; Jupp
2001; Murphy 1993). Migrant houses are histori-
cally associated with the houses built by first gener-
ation Southern European immigrants built between
1950 and the late 1970s. While houses in which
migrants live can barely be differentiated in clear
physical ways from the typology of houses built in
Australia, the perception that they are different is a
strong myth. During the reign of the White Australia
Policy (1901-1972), Southern European immi-
grants were the least racially desirable, and marked
as unskilled labour immigrants.
What kind of community is constructed after
migration? Psychoanalytic theorists Slavoj Zizek
(Zizek S. 1993) and Renata Salecl (Salecl 1994),
have analysed the idea of the nation and the disin-
tegration of Yugoslavia, and propose that a coun-
try is not just a piece of land, but a narration about
this land. It is through stories, legends and narra-
tives that the idea of the homeland is constructed.
Through these fictions about themselves and the
land they inhabit, people construct and reconstruct
their cultural and national identity. Since the social-
ist Federation of Yugoslavia disintegrated in the
early 1990s, the Republic of Macedonia has found
its bid for recognition as a nation-state blocked
(Cowan 2000, Danforth 1995, Roudometof
2000). All of the neighbouring states (Serbia,
Bulgaria, Albania, Greece) have been unsupportive
to the formation of the Republic of Macedonia
(Gunew 2004: 46-50). Its accepted nomenclature
in the West indicates its contingency as a nation-
state and is symptomatic of Macedonia as only
ambiguously a part of Europe (Gunew 2004: 46-
50). Kosovo and Albania have become a local
capital through which a new (American) global
capitalism operates as a decentred and decen-
tralised form of economic and political power (Hall
1997, Chow 1993). The most vigorous and force-
ful campaign against the republic has come from
Greece. Despite its weakness, the new Republic of
Macedonia has opened a symbol for a homeland
of the many versions of Macedonian ethnicity,
including references and associations to places,
peoples and histories in Bulgaria and Greece
(Danforth 1995; Hill 1989). Macedonia has erupt-
ed as a 'space of weak power' in which the local
histories and identities, the margins attempt to
speak for themselves, retelling the story from the
bottom up (Hall 1997: 34-35). Macedonia as
hybrid configuration can disrupt the domestic poli-
tics of northern Greece which has its own silenced
demographic plurality (Jews, Roma, Bulgarians,
Turks, Vlachs, as well as Macedonians), as well as
powerful and strategic alliances that destroy ethnic
affiliations (Anderson 1983; Cowan 2000:5; Reed
1996).
In Against Paranoid Nationalism, Australian
social theorist, Ghassan Hage, examines exclusion-
ist politics that have developed in Australia by con-
ceptualising the nation as motherland and father-
land (Hage 2003: 18-21).
Macedonians in Australia are deeply affect-
ed by the unstable political and economic situation
of the Republic of Macedonia, and disturbed by the
government of Australia for not recognising
Macedonia by its constitutional name. This has
caused immense protest, a silent loss of dignity for
the Diaspora community, and an intensified sense
of unbelonging (Hage 2003: 18-21).
RROOUUTTEESS AANNDD RROOOOTTSS
In the context of Zavoj and Melbourne, migration is
a traumatic event associated with departure due to
economic necessity, experienced as a form of
expulsion; immigration is confronted by a legal and
social system which operates through a language
unfamiliar to non-English speaking immigrants.
Such conditions trigger the abject, described in psy-
choanalysis as a conditon at the edge of social
order and stability (Kristeva 1982). Migration
invokes the abject in two ways: individually, in which
the emigrant is separated from the space of the
motherland; and social-culturally, in which proper
Mirjana Lozanovska
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj
places (Melbourne, the city) are divided from
improper places (Zavoj, the village). The migrant's
interaction with the house represents a struggle
against the abject because it attempts to make
order out of anxiety, confusion and loss. Bourdieu
has outlined how the migrant has no place, and as
a displaced figure, the migrant is neither the same
as the 'citizen' nor the 'other' as foreigner, colonized
or indigenous figure (Bourdieu cited in Sayad A.
2004: xiv). The immigrant is drawn into a field that
hovers at the margin of social structures, and the
immigrant perseveres towards stability through
building and maintaining the house.
Emigration from Zavoj was evident as early
as the 1900s but this involved what is known as
pecalba, the temporary emigration of a male mem-
ber who works elsewhere and sends remmitances.
Even so many men were away for thirty years or
more, returning for temporary stays in the village.
Permanent emigration reached a climax in the
Figure 3. The (male) migrant body is the medium through which tentative symbolic identity is constructed.
Figure 5. Complete House of grandson of Atanas,
c. 2007; the traditional family dwelling has deterio-
rated and has been removed.
Figure 4. New house-fragment of grandson of
Atanas; corner of existing traditional dwelling, late
1980s.
42
43
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj Mirjana Lozanovska
decade of the 1970s for Zavoj, when a severe
poverty overcame the village. A mass exodus of
able and young bodied women and men resulted
in a place empty of a new generation. There are
many villages like Zavoj in Southern Europe that
have become places inhabited by the elderly. The
construction of migrant houses in the village paral-
lels the passing away of that peasant and non-
migrant generation of elderly people. At this time
the property is inherited by the emigrant generation
and divided according to genealogical laws.
Houses are passed on from father to sons;
there is much discussion, debate and continuous
feuding over the lines of division. The House of
Atanas (Lozanovska 1988; all names changed for
privacy) is divided between his two sons, and then
again between the grandsons. One grandson of
Atanas erects a new building on his quarter of the
House of Atanas; he has worked abroad and wants
to mark out his property (Figure 4). He will use it
twice a year for the village ritual Holy Days (Figure
5). The family House of Atanas is in a derelict state
in the late 1980s. By the new millennium it has
been demolished. Another grandson, Konstantin,
lives in a house across the street. This is the main
street in the village and his house is a traditional
two storey stone house (Figure 6).
His daughter migrated to Melbourne,
Australia for an arranged marriage. Her brother
also migrated to Melbourne, but stayed only for a
short time. Some Zavoj emigrants have moved to
the fringes of the nearest town, Ohrid, building
much larger houses and developing a new village-
suburb, Leskoeç and another suburb Železnicka
Naselba (Lozanovska 1988). Leskoeç is a ten-
minute drive from Zavoj. These suburbs are part of
the town grid, and therefore have town water sup-
ply, electricity, and telephone access. Both the dau-
ther and son of Konstantin have large houses in
Leskoec. The daughter has children who live in
Australia and travels regularly between Leskoec and
Melbourne. When visiting Zavoj they reside in the
family house of Konstantin.
The sister of Konstantin, Kalinka married into
another family house. Her sons have recently built
a small weekend house in Zavoj (Figure 7). The
architecture appears as one house, under one roof,
but is divided between two brothers. It is a minimal
Figure 6. House of Konstantin, stone dwelling on
the main street of the village, Zavoj, c. 2007.
Figure 7. New double migrant house for two brothers, c. 2005.
44
Mirjana Lozanovska
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj
house in scale, space and function. Their house is
on a property inherited from their father, and is
some distance from the house of their uncle
Konstantin. They have two-storey residential houses
in Železnicka Naselba, on the fringes of Ohrid.
New constructions in Zavoj by these emigrants can-
not be differentiated in appearance from new con-
structions of emigrants to Melbourne. The migrant
houses illustrate the same disinterest in the existing
vernacular architecture - these are rarely renovated
or repaired. Questions emerge about the effect of
the houses: do these new emigrant houses enable
the continuation of kinship ties, even if these are
sometimes fraught with dispute over land?
Only one family that returns regularly from
Australia lives in the same inherited family house.
They have not built a new house, and have not
allowed the old house to collapse.
The migrant house is built in Zavoj by a
migrant on his return journey to the site of origin. A
return journey entails the question of dwelling
and/or travelling as symptomatic of the migrant.
Clifford's (Clifford 1997: 25) proposal to bring trav-
el to the foreground of a 'dwelling/traveling' con-
cept used to define culture means that the migrant
house in Zavoj might be looked at as an object cre-
ated by and through travel, in comparison with and
in addition to the vernacular architecture that
already exists in the village. In attempting to con-
struct a new and maintain an old sense of identity,
the symbolic meaning of migrant houses reveal a
complex and contradictory field. The terms 'roots'
and 'routes' capture this field poetically; journeys,
imagined and real are compelled by nostalgia and
the need to belong. The construction of a house in
the village becomes compensation for a desperate
sense of powerlessness in the immigrant city (Sayad
2004; Hall 1996).
MMOOTTHHEERRLLAANNDD
The migrant of Zavoj returns to a forgotten village
to build a house. Her/his return has a lot to do with
Macedonia as homeland not limited by the nation-
state. In particular it is a return to the motherland,
the village stands for maternal space. On the holy
day (Bogorodica, day of the Mother of God) there
are at least two hundred cars parked along the
steep and winding road, all the way up the moun-
tain (Lozanovska 1988). These are a mixture of
central European and local cars; many belong to
the pecalbi guest workers, who have returned from
Munich, Stuttgart, Dusseldorf, Zurich, Stockholm,
Brussels, and Vienna. Holidays associated with
such celebrations are what de Certeau (de Certeau
1984) calls a turn, and here such a turn appears as
a migrational return to the place of emigration,
leaving the city of immigration. De Certeau
describes such a decision and mobility as a tactic.
In the city the migrant is subjected to regimes of
power that establish the city of immigration as prop-
er place. The migrant is a displaced person, in
many ways her/his citizenship is open to question
(Sayad 2004). The migrant as other impels these
tactical actions, a way of making a living and life
within the law of a foreign power. These ways of
operating are not pathetic or romantic, de Certeau
reminds us (de Certeau 1984: 34-38), but always
dynamic, finding ways to make a bad situation bet-
Figure 8. View of the village looking towards the church on the right, c. 2005.
45
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj Mirjana Lozanovska
ter. The migrant must be re-active and organised to
enable this return to the place of origin.
Dwelling and traveling are central to the
migrant's imaginative landscape. The migrant story
has sometimes involved a wholesale relocation
back to the site of origin (Clifford 1997: 251;
Berger & Mohr,1975; Sayad 2004). Migrants have
sold everything, returned to build a house in either
the village or the nearby town, and in a short time
have re-migrated back to the same city of immi-
gration. Such a repetition of migration exemplifies
acute displacement and (a lack of) settlement,
rather than an urban-to-rural migration. Kristeva's
(Kristeva 1982) description about a 'tireless builder
on a journey' defines the psychic landscape of the
migrant: the migrant is always building, demarcat-
ing borders, construing ways of belonging through
erecting solid structures. The objective to build a
house has been exceeded by a condition that
embarks on serial house building. Building a house
becomes an endless ongoing process because it is
a psychic journey that is never complete because
the migrant is unable to construct a place of
belonging. The migrant cannot attain a stable sub-
jectivity in relation to place against the forces of
exclusion from the village and displacement in the
city (Kristeva 1982:8). The journey is always a liter-
al or metaphoric return to the site of origin, the site
of departure, the site of original separation.
The migrant cannot forget the village, cannot
obliterate an eternal bind, a debt to the place of
origin. The village haunts the migrant as a 'return of
the repressed', the guilt associated with a disavow-
al of the debt owed to maternity, to the village as a
maternal space. Migration is a movement across
geographic boundaries but it is also a movement
from one symbolic order and law, one paternal lan-
guage to another, a process that involves emascu-
lation for the male migrant from Zavoj to
Melbourne (Berger & Mohr, 1975). The male
migrant's place in patriarchy is put into question in
the process which turns his land and language into
motherland and mother-tongue. This is the enor-
mous sacrifice suffered by the male migrant. Zavoj,
already absorbs the image of the city of Melbourne,
inscribing itself as fantasy on the site of emigration.
The promised city is imagined through stories told
by those that return and through fabrications of the
journey. This is the impossible and contradictory
turning point within this type of necessary emigra-
tion: the imperative to leave the village in order to
survive is also the beginning of the end of the vil-
lage. The migrant struggles with this truth of the two
sides of the story of migration.
The process of emigration radically alters
places of origin. Zavoj is eroded through depar-
ture. The migrant has participated in this feminiza-
tion and redefinition of his place of origin: the vil-
Figure 9. The slow decay of vernacular architecture.
46
Mirjana Lozanovska
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj
lage is already underdeveloped by global capital-
ism (Berger & Mohr, 1975). To become a migrant
is to participate in the processes of its disappear-
ance. This leaves the migrant with a vanishing ref-
erence point - the migrant falls in the chasm
between global flows of capital and the borders of
nation-states. Furthermore, if the village was a sym-
bolic place of a memorialised sense of human dig-
nity for the emigrant, that ground has been pulled
from under his feet. The village stands for little in the
context of the immigrant city, but its transformation
parallels the disappearance of its history (Baydar
1998). The immigrant's body is inscribed as a sub-
ject of labour for the receiving nation, and as com-
pensation for the loss of the motherland. (Berger &
Mohr, 1975; Sayad 2004).
The village is a maternal space in relation to
cities of immigration, but the migrant house in the
village is a patrimonial house in relation to the vil-
lage and its myth of origins (Douglas, 1966).
Although there are limited documents of the own-
ership of the land, the land in the whole vicinity is
mapped according to ownership and paternal lin-
eage. The binding relation to property is exempli-
fied in the sons' concern about the ownership of
land; as returning emigrant he transforms it into
property. Migration is a global force that interacts
with existing property laws to produce an incongru-
ous built environment. Visual documenation of the
village illustrates a chaotic field of construction and
architecture after emigration. Property laws and
new construction render the migrant house a pure-
ly expedient symbol of power and ownership. A ter-
ritorial force determines the architecture of both the
Zavoj and Melbourne migrant house. The
Melbourne migrant house insists on ongoing main-
tenance, repair, and extension. This house becomes
the metaphoric object for motherland, increasing in
scale and status, in parallel with the diminishing
stature and fatigue of the migrant's body
(Lozanovska 1997). In contrast, the house in Zavoj
is a project of incomplete construction, of expedi-
ence and fleeting visits. Its apparent purpose is to
claim the rights of territory and literally to put a
stake in the land. In the village the migrant formal-
izes space; converting it into property. This is no
tactical movement; the migrant appears to be
strategic in relation to the space of the village pro-
ducing a radical transformation of place.
CCOONNCCLLUUSSIIOONN
New veneers and empty houses make explicit an
estrangement between the migrant and the village.
Figure 10. Migrant house in continuing process of
construction c. 2005.
Figure 11. Plan of dwelling illustrating the practice
of dwelling that is erased in present constructions,
late 1980s.
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open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj Mirjana Lozanovska
The women and men who have not emigrated
move in and around the property of migrants, often
using them tactically, turning them back into
spaces. To dwell, would therefore indicate the treat-
ment of architecture as space for everyday inhabi-
tation rather than as symbol of territory. The Zavoj
migrant house reveals an economics of construc-
tion and territory, in which the building of a new
house to stand for the place of origin remains an
empty house, a house void of dwelling. The Zavoj
migrant house illustrates that home is not attainable
for the migrant in the village.
Yet this emptiness suggests another meaning as
well. In the new millennium, the migrant houses rise
in the midst of increasing deterioration and decay
of the existing vernacular architecture. They are
almost always closed and uninhabited. There are
very few inhabitants left in the village. The migrant
houses become symbols of a new type of housing
and indicate what kind of place the village is
becoming. In their progress, vernacular architecture
that once emerged through the practice of
dwelling, turns to rubble and eventually dirt. The
significance of the village is evident in the increas-
ing quantity of emigrant construction, and this sug-
gests that a notion of homeland is being reformu-
lated. Almost all Macedonians in Australia (94%)
speak Macedonian at home (Jupp, 2001). While
the unstable conditions of the Republic of
Macedonia has not inspired permanent return, a
new type of repetitive and regular return for many
first generation migrants who are now pensioners is
evident. Homeland is not a settled or settling place
but a phenomena that is construed through a back
and forth journey. Importantly this is not mobility per
se but a particular type of movement both con-
strained and directed by nostalgia and loss, and its
recovery. The village Zavoj as homeland oscillates
between the metanarratives of the nation-state, the
uncertain place of the Republic of Macedonia, and
its own specific local history, festivities and transfor-
mation. In this sense the migrant house in the vil-
lage represents the homeland as artefact, the
homeland that can no longer be a home after
migration.
AACCKKNNOOWWLLEEDDGGEEMMEENNTTSS
I wish to acknowledge the support of the School of
Architecture and Building, Deakin University, and
the support of the Faculty of Architecture, SS. "Kiril
& Metodij" University, Skopje, Republic of
Macedonia, my host for the period June -
December 2007.
All illustrations and photographs by Mirjana
Lozanovska.
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Author’s AAddress:
Mirjana Lozanovska,
Deakin University, Victoria, Australia
School of Architecture and Building
Faculty of Science and Technology
Deakin University
Geelong Waterfront Campus
Geelong, Victoria 3217
Australia
mlozanov@deakin.edu.au
open house international Vol 34, No.3, September 2009 Migrant housing in the city and the village: from Melbourne to Zavoj Mirjana Lozanovska
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