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1860–7330/12/0032–0525 Text & Talk 32–4(2012),pp.525 – 545
Online1860–7349 DOI10.1515/text-2012-0025
©WalterdeGruyter
Resonance in conversational second stories:
a dialogic resource for stance taking
MAARIT SIROMAA
Abstract
This study investigates resonance (Du Bois 2003, 2007) in second stories as
a method of anchoring the second telling to the previous telling and as a
resource of stance taking. It takes a closer look at the exact ways in which
second stories are structurally shaped through initial ( rst) tellings by examin-
ing the resonating elements (of the rst stories) that the second tellers recycle
in their second stories, i.e., resonating lexico-syntactic, structural, prosodic,
and semantic elements. Tellers legitimize, rstly, their tellings by tying back to
the previous story and, secondly, their stance by positioning themselves in view
of the stance displayed in the previous story. The resonating second story as
such can manifest the recipients’ interpretation of what they make of the rst
story and provide a new angle on the rst telling, either reinforcing, redening,
or rejecting the gist of the initial telling. Resonance in second stories manifests
the fundamental social cohesion that conversationalists uphold, among other
ways, by tying back to each other’s words.
Keywords: resonance; second story; stance taking; storytelling; direct
reported speech (DRS); voicing.
1. Introduction
Thisstudyinvestigatesresonanceinsecondstoriesasamethodofanchoring
thesecond tellingtotheprevioustellingandasaresourceofstancetaking.
I examine two cases of rst story–second story pairs in naturally occurring
ScottishEnglishconversation.
1
Iexploretheintersubjectiveroleofresonance
(DuBois2003, 2007)indisplaying socialcohesion.Inthe analysis,Ihigh-
lighttheconnectionsbetweenthose resonating elements and patterns ofthe
initialorrststoriesthatthesecondtellersrecycleintheirsecondstories.
2
The
analysisshowsthatthetwostoriesareanchoredtoeachotherbyresonating
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526 Maarit Siromaa
lexico-syntactic,structural,semantic,andprosodicelementsincorresponding
positionsintherst story–second story pairs. Indeed,therststory–second
storypairherereferstothereciprocalunitoftwoconsecutivenarrativesonthe
sametopictoldbydifferentspeakers.
More specically, the prosodic features under investigation in this paper
includetheprosodicandparalinguisticeffectsthatareemployedinthevoicing
ofreportedspeech(Couper-KuhlenandSelting1996).Theauditoryprosodic
analysis in this study concentrates on resonance between instances of the
resoundingofother’svoiceindirectreportedspeech(DRS),showingthatthe
practice of the voicing of reported speech is recycled by the second teller.
Although the type and quality of the voicing is not necessarily the same,
employingtheactualpracticeofvoicedDRSisresonant.Thendingsofthis
studysupportaclaimthatco-conversationalistsmayrespondtovoicedDRSin
theinitialtellingbyproducingasubsequentvoicedDRSintheirsecondtelling
(Niemelä2005,2011).
Resonatingelementshavebeenshowntobeconsequentialintermsofstance
taking.Thepresentstudyshedsnewlightonthephenomenonof“chimingin”
(Couper-Kuhlen1999),there-soundingofother’svoice.Inotherwords,con-
versation participants respond to voiced reported speech produced by other
interlocutorsbychimingin,whichisonewayofindicatingthat“thattheyare
orientingtoabitoftalkasthereportedspeechofagureratherthanascur-
rentspeaker’sownwords”(Couper-Kuhlen1999:4).Szczepek(2001)givesa
detailedaccountofhowspeakersdothis,examiningthewayinwhichinter-
locutorsrepeattheprosodicparametersofotherspeakers,includingintonation
contour,pitchregister,pitchjumps,volume,andspeechrate.Szczepek(2001:
41)putsforwardaclaimthatinsomecases“[p]rosodicorientationthusseems
to create a bridge between two turns that could not be achieved by verbal
means alone.” Couper-Kuhlen (1999: 11) further shows that the prosodic
chiminginofanotherconversationparticipantfunctions,ontheonehand,asa
sign of understanding that the teller is speaking in some particular “other
voice”and,ontheotherhand,asasignofco-alignmentwiththestanceofthe
teller.
Thepresentstudylendssupporttotheviewthatresonantvoicingcanfunc-
tionasadisplayofcongruentstance.Resonatingelementsdonotautomati-
callyindicateacongruentstance(GoodwinandGoodwin1987b;Kärkkäinen
2003).However,allthesecondstoriesinthispaperhappentobecongruousin
relationtothersttellings.Thisstudyalsodiscussesthesequentialorganiza-
tionofresonatingvoicedreportedspeech.Voicedenactmentsbystoryrecipi-
entsdisplayasharedstanceandconstituteoneappropriateresponsetovoiced
directreportingswithinastorytellingsequence.Aresonantinstanceofvoiced
directreportingis therefore an orderlyphenomenonininteractionand a se-
quentiallyrelevantpracticeofstancetaking.
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Resonance in conversational second stories 527
Iapplyintheanalysistheconversation-analyticmethodofdetailedsequen-
tialandlinguisticanalysisofface-to-faceinteraction(seeSacksetal.1974;
GoodwinandHeritage1991;HutchbyandWooft1998).Ifurtherdrawfrom
thendingsofstudiesoninteractiveandintersubjectivestancetaking(seeDu
Bois2003, 2007; Kärkkäinen 2006, 2007;Englebretson 2007).To date, the
conceptofstoryandtheactivityofstorytellinghavebeenwidelycoveredin
conversation-analytic and other research elds by numerous scholars (see
LabovandWaletzky1967;Goodwin1982;Sacks1986,1992;Lerner1992;
Schegloff 1997; Thornborrow and Coates 2005; Georgakopoulos 2007). A
greatnumberofcontemporarylinguisticresearchdoneonstories,narratives,
andstorytellingreliesontheclassicworkbyLabovandWaletzky(1967)on
narrativestructure.Accordingtotheauthors,astoryorapieceofnarrative,or
whattheyrefertoastheminimalnarrative,musthaveatleasttwoconsecutive
narrativeclauses.Inotherwords,astorymusthaveatleastonetemporaljunc-
tureofevents.
Recentapproachestostories,especiallyintheeldoflinguisticsandsociol-
ogy,emphasizetheunxednatureofthenarrativeinadiscourseenvironment.
Sacks(1992)rstdrawsattentiontoconversationalstoriesasextendedturns
of talk. Producing these situated turns requires negotiation and cooperation
betweentheconversationparticipants.A conversationalstoryishereunder-
stoodasanextended,structuredturnoftalk,whichistypicallytakenbyone
teller,togiveareportofaneventinchronologicalordertooneormorerecipi-
ents in order to perform a social action, e.g., a complaint, a solicitation of
empathy,oranexpressionofsolidarity.Thispaperappliestheoverallstruc-
turalunitsofthestory,i.e.,prefacesequence;tellingsequence,whichincludes
orientation,complication,evaluation,highpoint(orig.climax),andresolution;
andresponsesequence,combiningselectivelytheviewsofSacks(1992)and
LabovandWaletzky(1967)onstorystructure.
Goodwin(2002:25)characterizesstorytellingasaninteractiveprocessin
which“tellersprovidestoryrecipientswithinterpretivetemplatesthattheyuse
tomonitortheeventsbeingreported(frequentlythoughbynomeansalways
markedashavingoccurredinthepast)prospectivelyinordertolocatewhen
thestoryarrivesatitsclimax,theplacewhererecipientsareexpectedtopro-
videaresponsetoit.”Herestorytellingissimilarlyseenasarelevantinterac-
tionalpracticeofstancetakingonitsown,asitisoftenaresultofnegotiating
about some previously introduced topic.As Jefferson(1978: 220) suggests,
something in the ow of the conversation triggers a response from a co-
participantintheformofarststory,whichthenallowsandinvitesfurther
co-participationintheformofrecipientevaluationsandfurtherstorytelling.
3
Second stories (Sacks 1992: 765; Schegloff 1992: 206; Tainio 1996: 16;
Routarinne1997:152; Norrick 2000: 112; Ochs andCapps2001:209–210;
Ikeda2003:90;Arminen2004:320;Hsieh2004:39)indeedhaveareciprocal
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528 Maarit Siromaa
relationshipwithandaretoldimmediatelyaftertherststory.InSacks’s(1992:
259)understanding,peoplefeelfrustratedifthey,uponhearingastory,havea
similarexperiencetotellbutonlyrememberitthenextday,forexample.
Conversationalists’desiretosharesimilarexperiencesthusmanifestsitself
insecondstories.Attingsecondstoryasaresponsetotheinitialstoryillus-
trateshowandtowhatdegreethetellersympathizesandagreeswiththepre-
cedingstoryandadjustsherstancerelativetothestanceoftherststoryteller.
Ithasthusbeenproposedthatsharedstance,alignment,afliation,andunder-
standingbetweenparticipantscanbedisplayedbyproducingasecondstory,
4
buthowexactlythisisdoneonlexico-syntactic,prosodic,andstructurallevels
hasnotbeenresearchedinanydetail.Thisstudyinvestigatesthecorrespond-
ing resonating actions in the consequent tellings. Moreover, the two stories
exhibitparallelismnotonlyinformbutalsoinfunction.Thatis,theinstances
of voiced DRS in rst and second stories match each other on a functional
level,i.e.,theyappearinthestoryhighpoint,andonaformallevel,i.e.,they
sharematchinglexico-syntacticandprosodicfeatures.
2. Applyingearlierapproachestoparallelismandstancetaking
totheanalysisofsecondstories
Thecurrentsectiondiscussessomeoftheearlierresearchonparallelismand
resonanceandontheintersubjectiveprocessofstancetakingininteractionand
outlinesthemethodofanalysisusedinSection3.Someofthepreviousstudies
havetoucheduponlexical,grammatical,andprosodicresonanceinconversa-
tional or institutional second stories; however, none offermorethan a brief
glanceatthephenomenonofresonatingsecondstories.Thetheoreticalback-
groundisthereforeoutlinedbypresentinganexampleofarststory−second
storypair,implementingtheearlierliteratureonresonanceandstancetaking
foradetailedanalysisoftheresonatingelementsinthetellings.
Parallelism in discourse has been observed and documented by previous
researchonthelevelsoflexis,grammar,andsoundpatterns(seeSilverstein
1984; Tannen 1987; Johnstone 1994; Couper-Kuhlen 1999; Du Bois 2003,
2007;Laury2005;Kärkkäinen2006).GoodwinandGoodwin(1987a)intheir
workonarguinghavediscussedanddocumentedformattyingwhichrefersto
one aspect of parallelism in discourse from a conversation-analytic vantage
point.Theydescribeformattyingasaturn-designfeatureinwhichelements
of previous talk are being recycled to formulate new turns. Goodwin and
Goodwin(1987a:216)furthersuggeststhatinaseriesofargumentativemoves,
“participants frequently tie not only to the type of action produced by last
speaker but also to the particulars of its wording.” The observations by
Goodwin and Goodwin relate to a technique of tying a previous story to a
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Resonance in conversational second stories 529
secondbywayofthesame-signicanceprocedureintroducedbyRyave(1978:
127)inwhichasucceedingstorytellerorganizesthestory“intermsofasig-
nicancestatementwhichalsoservestoformulateaprecedingstory.”
Theabove-mentionedstudiesemphasizetherecyclingofcertainelements
ofapreviousspeecheventandusingthemasafoundationuponwhichcon-
secutiveturnsrest.Anward’s (2005:28)analysisconcursthat whenever the
recycledelementsarere-uttered,theyappearinanewsequentialcontextand
thereforeareinherentlydifferentinform.OchsandCapps(2001:210)further
concludethatsecondstoriesare thematically and structurally shaped bythe
earliertellingand“provideatemplateforinterpretingtherststory.”Byway
ofexaminingtheparallelisminrststory–secondstorypairs,itispossibleto
takeacloserlookathowexactlysecondstoriesarestructurallyshapedbyear-
liertellings.
Thetermresonance is applied hereinthecurrentanalysisof consecutive
rststory–secondstorypairs,notonlybecauseitisparticularlyusefulforthe
descriptionoftheprocessesofstancetaking,butalsobecauseitdrawsapracti-
calallusiontotheresonanceofsound,i.e.,“thereinforcementorprolongation
ofsoundbyreection”(s.v.resonance,OED1989).Thetermoriginatesfrom
DuBois’s(2007)theoryondialogicsyntaxandisunderstoodbyhimasapro-
cessofactivating“afnityacrossutterances.”
Resonancehasbeendemonstratedtoreachoverarelativelyshortdistance,
i.e.,inthenextturnandtheimmediatelysubsequentturns.However,Arppe’s
(2004:71)analysisshowsthatresonatingpatternscanariseatvariouspointsof
adialogueandnotonlyincloseadjacencypairssuchasassessmentpairs,for
example.Thecurrentstudyattendstothewell-foundedevidenceprovidedby
Arppe(2004)andAnward(2005)fortrackingandidentifyinganactivecon-
nectionbetween resonatingelementsalsoinlongersequencesofinteraction
(i.e.,storyroundsandothersequencesofstorytelling).
Thefollowingexample(1)istakenfromSacks’s(1992:262)lectures,and
itsbriefillustrativeanalysisrepresentsthewaytherestofthecurrentpaperis
organized.Thebestwaytoshedlightontheactivationoftheresonatingcon-
nectionsbetweenstoriesistoapplythenotionofresonancetothetranscriptof
Sacks’sexample.Theanalysisisconductedintwoparts,outliningthemethod
ofanalysisinSection3.Irstanalyzetheresonatingelementsintermsoftheir
location within the structural story frame. That is, I identify and track the
dialogicprocessofresonanceinconcurrentstructuralunitsofthestories,i.e.,
prefacesequence,tellingsequencewhichincludesorientation,complication,
evaluation, high point and resolution, and response sequence (Labov and
Waletzky 1967; Sacks 1992). I then analyze the resonating lexico-syntactic
featuresbydisplayingtheresonatingturnsintheformofadetaileddiagraph
(seeDuBois2007),whichisatoolthatcanbeusedtomapouttheresonating
elementsinsequencesofdialogue.
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530 Maarit Siromaa
K (whose gender cannot be deduced from the transcript) starts telling
abouthavingatalkwithhisfatherandRproducesatting,consecutivehypo-
thetical constructed explanation for the rst story about a prison warden.
Sacks does not treat R’s response to the rst telling as a second story per
se but sees the constructed explanation as “similar to a telling of a second
story” (Sacks 1992: 263), making it adequate for the purposes of this
demonstration.
(1) Are you mad at me (Sacks1992;seeappendixfortranscriptiondetails)
01 K: Ihadaveryintellectualtalkwithmyfather.
02 R: Ahhowpleasant.
03 K: Yes.Anditturnedoutverygood.
04 R: (From)theoldman’sviewpoint?
05 K: No!Inmyviewpoint.He-agreed.Foronceinhislife.
06 R: Heagreedwithwhat?
07 K: Oh,Idon’tknowIjust-
08 R: heh(He//agreed)hehh
09 K: He-hegroundedme‘causeofmygrades,see.I-Iknow,I
10 deservedtobegrounded,so-
11 R: Noyou//don’t!
12 K: I-
13 K: Ididthough.Withtwofails?You-you’reboundtobe
14 averagingto–you-
15 R: Butchudon’twannabegrounded.
16 K: Isuredo,because–uhwellw-westartingtalkin’//(an’
17 hesaid-)
18 R: Ohyouwanthimtocontrol.
19→ K: No.No.He-hesaysuhareyoumadatmebecauseI
20 groundedju?
21 R: ehhehheh
22 K: Hesezuh–(1.0)–Wellthenwhatareyousohap-orwh-
23 uhunhappyabout?
24 R: heh//Youknowwhatheremindsmeof ?
25 K: IgoOhnogoodreason,//y’know,I-
26 R: Y’knowwhatheremindsmeof,whenthewardentakesthe
27→ guytothegaschamberhesezyernotmadatmepersonally
28 hehh
29 J: Hellno!
30 R: hehhh
31 K: hhhhh
32 R: It’sthesametypeofda(h)mnsituationhehhImeanit’s
33 notmyfaultthatthesocietycouldn’t--
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Resonance in conversational second stories 531
Thesequentialplacementoftheresonatinglines19and27isidenticalinthe
overallstructuralstoryframe,representingthedirectreportedspeech(DRS)in
thehighpointofthestory,whichincidentallyisafrequentsiteforreported
speech(CliftandHolt2007).Laury’s(2005:185)workonresonatingactions
suggeststhatwhenspeakersrecyclelinguisticelementsthey“canbeseenas
‘doingthesamething’bothinteractionallyandsyntactically,astheydevelop
theirmutualstancetowardthetopicunderdiscussion.”Likewiseinexample
(1),thecorrespondinghighpointsinthestorytellingaresimilarinform,mean-
ing,andfunction,i.e.,theyperformsimilarinteractionaltasks.Theexample
willbeanalyzedinmoredetailbelow.
Sacks (1992: 261) differentiates the kinds of responses that hearers give
to rst stories, namely remembered second stories and hypothetical second
stories,claimingthataconstructedsecondstorymaytthescopeoftherst
tellingevenbetterthananactualrememberedsecondstorybecauseofrestric-
tionsthatarecausedbywhathappened in, and what is remembered of, the
actualeventthatisbeingreported.
Theanalysisoftherststory−secondstorypairinexample(1)illustratesthe
signicanceofresponsestorststoriesandsupportsthendingsofprevious
research (see Du Bois 2003, 2007; Niemelä 2005, 2011; Kärkkäinen 2006,
2007;Englebretson2007;Keisanen2007;Rauniomaa2007;andHaddington
2007)inestablishingthatthestance-takingprocessisindeedinteractiveand
intersubjectiveinnature.Thetwoconsecutivestoriesofexample(1)partici-
pateintheintersubjectivestance-takingprocessthatemergesoutoftheprevi-
ousinteractionandgraduallydevelopsintheongoingtellingeventofthetwo
speakers,namelyKandR.
Krstevaluatesthestanceobject(DuBois2007),namelythejustication
ofhisfatherinictingpunishmentonhimbecauseofpoorgrades.Hepositions
himselfasagreeingwith his father’s actions by stating on lines 9 and10,I
deserved to be grounded,whichsuggeststhatKtakesapositiveandaccepting
stancetowardhisfathergroundinghim.Kfurtherreportsthathisfatherasked
himifhewasangryathimbecauseofthepunishmentbystatingonlines19
and20,He says uh are you mad at me because I grounded you?.Online25,K
beginsareportwhichestablishesthatheisnotangryathisfatherperseandis
unhappy for no good reason. K’s report is interrupted by R, who evaluates
theconductofandtakesanincongruentstancetowardbothK’sfatherandK
himself.RrstdrawsaparallelbetweenthebehaviorofK’sfatherandthat
ofaprisonwardenwhotakestheconvicttothegaschamber.Hefurthertopi-
calizes the explanatory, comparative, and evaluative functions of his hypo-
theticalstorybystatingonline32,It’s the same type of da(h)mn situation[the
conductofK’sfatherandthatofaprisonwarden].Revaluatesthestanceob-
ject,namelythejusticationofK’sfatherinictingpunishmentonK,bycom-
paringthedisciplinaryactionsofK’sfathertocapitalpunishment.Hedoesthis
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532 Maarit Siromaa
byassigningtothehypotheticalprisonwardenanimaginaryreportedspeech
sequenceonline27yer not mad at me personallythatresonateswiththatof
K’sfatherHe says uh are you mad at me because I grounded you?online19.
Thehypotheticalsecondstoryisproducedinsequentiallyandinteractionally
relevantposition:itimmediatelyfollowsandprovidesaninterpretationofthe
earliertelling.
R disaligns with K, drawing a parallel between the behavior of K’s father
andanimaginaryprisonwarden,whichismanifestedintheresonatingDRS
utterancesonlines19and 27. Both sentences start with matching reporting
clauseshe (says / sez)andarefollowedbyayes–noquestion (are) you (not)
mad at me.K’squestionispositive;R’sresponse,he sez yer not mad at me,is
negativeinform.K’sreportingcontinueswithasubordinatedclausebecause
I grounded u which semantically resonates with R’s subsequent adverbial
personally.TheparallelinstancesofDRSarethelinguisticconstructionsthat
carryforwardtheinteractionalprocessofthestancetaking.Kärkkäinen(2006:
720),along withDuBois(2007),seesresonanceacrossspeakersasone re-
source of stance taking, and further concurs that two resonating utterances
maymanifestadifferentiationofstances.R’sDRSutteranceismodeledafter
thatofK’s,butthedivergentstancesaremadeexplicitintheparticipants’dis-
aligningevaluationsofthebehaviorofK’sfather.Onlines9and10, Kutters
He- he grounded me ‘cause of my grades, see. I- I know, I deserved to be
grounded, so-.Online11,RgivesaresponseNo you don’t!,claimingthatK
does not deserve to be grounded. On line 15 he further claims that K does
notwanttobegroundedeither,But chu don’t wanna be grounded.However,in
K’sunderstanding,hedeservestobegroundedbecauseofhisgrades,andhe
andhisfathernallyseeeyetoeyeonsomething,whichmakesthesituationa
positiveone.RhoweverclaimsthatKdoesnotwanttobegroundedandthat
KandhisfatherarenotinagreementbutratherKisbeingoppressedbyhis
father.Thus,thesimilarresonatingelementsdisplaydivergentviewsanddis-
closethedifferencesinindividualstances.Inthisexample,bothstoriesevalu-
atethesocialphenomenonofpunishmentandthejusticationofinictingiton
individualsfornotconformingtotherulesofthefamilyunitor,onalarger
scale,society.
ThedifferentiationofstancesofKandRisthatKacceptsthedisciplinary
actionshisfatherinictsonhimoutofnecessity,becauseofK’spoorgrades.
RontheotherhandevaluatesthedisciplinaryactionsofK’sfatherinanega-
Figure1. Diagraph of lexico-syntactic resonance in high points
19 K: He- he says are you mad at me because I groundedju?
27 R: he sez yer not mad at me personally
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Resonance in conversational second stories 533
tivelight.HedisplaysK’sfatherasacharacterwhoostensiblyrelieveshim
oftheresponsibilityofinictingpunishmentonhissonbecauseheissimply
“doinghisjob.”AtthesametimeRimplicitlyjudgestheseeminginevitability
ofthepunishmentandridiculesK’sfather’sclaimofnothavingachoicein
thematter.R’s stancedisalignswiththatofK’sandhe makesitexplicitby
sarcasticallycomparingadomesticpunishmenttoasevereinstitutionaldeath
sentence.
3. Resonatingelementsbetweenrstandsecondstories
Thissectionprovidesfurtheranalysesoftheresonatingelementsbetweenrst
andsecondstories.Thesymmetryinstorystructureswillbeshownrst.Then
thelexico-syntactic,semantic,andprosodicparallelismwillbecomparedand
analyzedin two further rst story–second story pairs.The data used in this
paper consist of audio-recorded transcripts of naturally occurring informal
conversationalinteractionsbetweennativespeakersofScottishEnglish.The
dataextractsaretakenoutofaconversationbetweentwoclosefriends,Carrie
andStephen,recordedinGlasgowin2004.
Ithasbeenestablishedthatconversationalstoriesareafrequentphenome-
non in face-to-face interactions. Not all conversational stories are followed
byaresonatingsecondstory;however,many conversational stories may be
followedbyoneormoresecondstories.Aquantitativeanalysisofhowregu-
larlyresonatingsecondstoriesoccurinvarioustypesofconversationaldatais
outsidethescopeofthisstudy.But,basedoninvestigatingthephenomenait
seemsthatsecondstoriesoccurmoreofteninsituationswheretheconversa-
tionparticipantsarefamilymembers,closefriends,oracquaintances.Itiscru-
cialtoacknowledgethatthespeakersintheexamplesofthispaperarerather
wellacquainted.Therefore,infutureresearchitwouldbeinterestingtoinves-
tigateresonatingfeaturesbetweenstorieswithinamoreheterogeneousgroup
ofspeakers.
3.1. Resonance in the corresponding structural units of the story pairs
Tofurtherillustratetheresonatingfeaturesatdifferentpointsofthestorystruc-
ture,thefollowingexamplesshowtworststory–secondstorypairsthathave
resonatingelementsincorrespondingstructuralunits.Forinstance,thepreface
sequencesoftherstandsecondtellingsmaydisplayaresonantconnection,
whichisillustratedintheanalysisbypresentingtranscriptsofthegivensec-
tionsofthetellings.
Example(2) showsresonancein thehighpoints oftherststoryandthe
secondstory.StephenandCarriearediscussingStephen’sdifcultytosleepon
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534 Maarit Siromaa
Sunday nights. Stephen has been having trouble sleeping and he gives an
accountofatypicalSundaynight.Heexplainshowhetriestopreparehimself
forbedbutneverthelesshasdifcultybeingabletofallasleep.
(2) I can’t sleep(Glasgowdata2004)
a. Stephen’sstoryhighpoint
71 Stephen: andsoI’msittinggoing,
72 (1.3)
73 @Ican’tbelieve,
74 (.)it’shalfpastfourinthemorning,
75→ andIhavegottogetup,
76→ togotoworktomorrow/@.
77 (0.5)
78 Stephen: uhhuh,
79 (.)uh[huh].
(83linesomitted)
b. Carrie’sstoryhighpoint
162 Carrie: ((SCREAM))
163 anditwaslike,
164 @argh,
165→ Ihavetogetupforwork/@.
166 (.)ehheh.
167 (0.9)
Stephendescribeshisfutileeffortstofallasleepingreatdetailandtowardthe
endofhistelling,onlines73–76,heassignsavoicedDRSutteranceI can’t
believe it’s half past four in the morning and I have got to get up to go to work
tomorrowtohimselfasthecharacterinthestory.HisDRSsequenceconsti-
tutesthehighpointofthestoryandservesasaniconicanimatedrepresenta-
tionofhisdesperatecondition.Althoughthetellerisquotinghisownwords,
theothervoicecomesoffasseparatefromthemainbulkofthetelling.The
animatedvoicing(Couper-Kuhlen1999)ofhisutterancedepictsutterirrita-
tionanddisbelief:theDRSutteranceisaclearerandtighterarticulationand
hasaslowerpace,andthedistinctarticulationoftheDRSutteranceseparates
itfromthesurroundingturns.Bytellingtherststory,Stephenportrayshim-
selfassomeonewhosuffersfrom not being able to fall asleep at night and
positionshimselfinviewofthestanceobject,thetroublewithsleeping.Itis
notable that Carrie rst of all evaluates the stance object from her point of
viewinhersecondstorybydescribingasimilareventofhavinghersleeping
patterndisruptedbyanightmare.Towardtheendofhertelling,shealsopro-
duces,inheraccount,aresonantturntoStephen’sDRSsequence.Sherecycles
someofthefeaturesinStephen’sDRSbyproducingasimilarbutshorterand
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Resonance in conversational second stories 535
slightlyreformulatedversionargh I have to get up for work onlines164and
165.
Althoughtheprosodicparameters,suchasintonationcontour,pitchregister,
pitchjumps,volume,andspeechrate,ofthereportedspeechsequencehavenot
been measured, the auditory analysis reveals that there is a notable shift in
thosevalues.Intermsofprosody, her DRS utterance is higher in pitch and
louderthanthesurroundingtalk.Italsohasabreathyqualitytoit.Allinall,the
distinctvoicinggivestheimpressionthatthespeakerisfacingapanickysitu-
ation,anditalsodepictsfrustrationandirritation.Niemelä(2005,2011)shows
thatco-conversationalistsoftenrespondtovoicedDRSbyproducing asub-
sequentDRSsequencethatappliesvoicingthatiseithersimilartoorsome-
howcongruentwiththeprevioussequence(cf.“chimingin”inCouper-Kuhlen
1999).ThecurrentexamplesfurtherconcurthatavoicedDRSsequenceofthe
rst speaker does not only echo in the immediately following turns of the
recipientbutalsoasfarasinthesecondstoryprovidedbythesecondspeaker
(83linesintervenebetweenthetwosequences).Moreover,itisnotnecessarily
the exact same voice quality that speakers tie back to over such a lengthy
periodbuttheactualpracticeofproducingavoicedDRSutterance.
BothDRSutterancesareprecededbyslightly differentreportingclauses.
Online 71,Stephenutters and so I’m sitting going,which clearlyidenties
Stephenhimself asreportedspeaker ofthefollowingDRSsequence.Carrie
howeverstatesand it was likeonline163,whichimpliesthatamoreimper-
sonalaccountistofollow.It referstotheactualsituation,whichdetachesCar-
rie’spersonfromtheeventbymakingitmoreuniversallyapplicable.More-
over, it was like suggests that the following report will evaluate the actual
situation,orthestanceobject.TheDRSutteranceprovidesaroughimageof
the general state of mind of a sleep-deprived person from Carrie’s point of
view. In the second story, she displays aspects of herunderstanding of Ste-
phen’srststory(Schegloff1992:206),makingexplicitthatshealignswith
Stephen’stellingandtakesacongruentstance.However,shealsoprovidesa
unique,personalangletotheproblem,contributingtothemutualunderstand-
ingthatStephenandCarriehaveofthetroublewithsleeping.Conversational
storytellingisaninteractionalprocessinwhichparticipantscandeployawide
rangeofstance-takingpractices.ByapplyingareformulatedversionofSte-
phen’sDRSsequenceinhersecondstory,CarriealignswithStephen,placing
herintheexactsamepositionasStepheninhisrststory.Carrieadjustsher
ownstanceonthetroublewithsleepingbylettingtheprosodicandlinguistic
featuresofherownDRSutteranceresonatewiththeDRSsequenceintherst
story.Shethusexpressessolidarityandasharedstancewiththetellerofthe
rststory.
Bywayoftellingresonatingsecondstories,i.e.,modelingthemafterprevi-
ousstories,tellerspositionthemselvesinregardtotherststory’sstance.The
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secondtellercomplements the story oftheinitialstorytellerby producing a
telling that ts the scope of the initial story, reversing teller/recipient roles.
AccordingtoKärkkäinen(2006:700),resonatingelementsdonotnecessarily
denoteafliationorsharedstance.Here,however,CarrieandStephendisplay
asharedstanceandparticipateinredeningandreinforcingtheirjointunder-
standingof thesocialphenomenonof“troublewithsleeping”andacknowl-
edgingitaspartoftherealmofhumanexperiencebyproducingaresonating
rststory–secondstorypair.
Example(2)presentedarststory−secondstorypairwithresonatinghigh
pointsofthestory.Example(3)presentsasinglerststory–secondstorypair
withresonatingprefacesandhighpoints.Thefourresonantelementsresonate
not only across but also within the stories. That is, in this type of “cross-
resonance”bothprefacesareresonantwithbothhighpoints,andviceversa.
The following example illustrates all relevant sections of the transcripts,
namelytheprefacesandhighpointsofbothtellings.
Stephen,Carrie,andtheirmutualfriendLisahavebeenoutdrinkingafew
nightsearlier.Stephenintroducesthistopicbyrequestingaconrmationfrom
CarriethatLisaactuallyhasbeenfeelingsickafterthenightinquestion.After
receivingconrmationfromCarrie,Stephenstartstelling(therststory)about
thepeculiarcircumstancesofthemorningfollowingtheirnightout:hehad
gonetosleepandwokenupfullyclothed.
(3) I woke up naked (Glasgowdata2004)
a1. Stephen’srststorypreface(storyintroductionviaanannouncementon
line41):
34 Stephen: [soLisawassick]?
35 (0.7)
36 Carrie: ay,
37 shesendmeatextgoing,
38 <@Iwassick,
39 Ihadagreatnightthough,
40 thanksverymu[ch@>.=
41→ Stephen: [Iwokeupin]bedwithallmyclotheson.
(14linesomitted)
a2. Stephen’srststoryhighpoint:
55 Stephen: that’sthelastthingIremember.=
56 =Iwokeupinbedwithallthefuckingclothes_
57 likejumperon,
Stephenrstdrawsattentiontothenightinquestiononline34,So Lisa was
sick?,requestingforconrmationfromCarriethattheirmutualfriendLisahad
beenfeelingsickaftertheirnightout.Stephen’srequestforconrmationinter-
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Resonance in conversational second stories 537
ruptsCarrie’stalkaboutanothersubjectandintroducesanewtopic.Stephen
receivesfromCarrieaconrmationthatLisahadindeedbeensick,ay online
36, and a short recap of text messaging between Carrie and Lisa on lines
37– 40:she send me a text going, I was sick, I had a great night though, thanks
very much.Hethenlaunchesintostorytellingviaanannouncementonline41
I woke up in bed with all my clothes on,thusreservingalongerturntotella
(initial)storyofhavinghadanunusualwakening.Stephenevaluatesthestance
object,namelytheextraordinarycircumstancesofwakingupthemorningfol-
lowinganightofheavydrinking,bydescribinginmoredetailtheeventsofthe
previousnight.Towardtheendofhistelling,henallyprovidesahighpoint
onlines56and57,I woke up in bed with all the fucking clothes_like jumper
on,whichisaresonatingreformulationoftheprefaceofhisstory.Stephen’s
storyprefacefunctionsasagambitthatletstherecipientknowwhattoexpect
andthatisredeemedbythehighpointatthecompletionofhistelling(Sacks
1992).
CarriestartsherowntellingrightafterStephen’sstoryandproclaimsonline
63,I totally woke up in time,statingthatsheindeedhadmanagedtowakeup,
“respectably”,intime.
(3)
b1. Carrie’ssecondstorypreface:
63→ Carrie: [Itotallywokeupintime].
64 Stephen: andIwasn’tduetogetupunti]l,
65 (1.1)
66 Stephen: eighto’clock,
67 orsomethinglikethat.
68 (0.4)
69 Carrie: I-Itotallyhadthatwakingupreallywell,
TheprefaceofCarrie’stelling(online63)resonateswiththeprefaceandhigh
pointofStephen’stellingonline41andonlines56and57.
Carriethenproceedstotellthesecondstoryinwhichshereferstoanother
timewhenshehadhadasimilarexperiencetothatofStephen’sofwakingup
inunusualcircumstances.
(3)
b2. Carrie’ssecondstoryhighpoint:
70 Ithinkthislasttime,
71 IhadbeenoutwithNeal,
72 intheAthletegig,
73 (0.5)
74→ Carrie: Iwokeupnake[d],
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538 Maarit Siromaa
75 Stephen: [eh].
76 Carrie: likethreehourslateforwork.
Carriearrivesatthehighpointofherstoryonline74bystating,I woke up
naked. Bytellingtheresonantsecondstory, Carrie aligns with Stephen and
evaluatesthestanceobjectfromherpointofview.Thehighpointofherstory
onlines74and76,I woke up naked like three hours late for work,resonates
withboththeprefaceandhighpointofStephen’sstoryandtheprefaceofher
ownstory.
Thetwostoriesarecompactentitiesthataretightlyanchoredtoeachother
bytheirresonating elements.Thecurrent example demonstratesstorytelling
sequencesas“dynamicallyconstructedspeechevents”(Goodwin1997).The
otherparticipantsofthetellingeventcommentonthestoryoftheinitialstory-
tellerbyproducingexclamations,explicitevaluationsor“animations”thatt
thescopeoftheinitialstory,andinthesecondstorythoseteller/recipientroles
arereversed.Bythetimetheparticipantsreachthesecondstory,theysharea
widerunderstandingofthelocalstance-takingphenomenon.Thesecondstory
ispromptedbytherst,andtherststoryprovidestherelevanceofthesecond
story.
Both stories here comment on the social phenomenon of staying out late
drinkingatnightanditsconsequences,suchaswakingupinunusualcircum-
stancesthenextmorning.Herebothhighpointsofthestoryareparallelstate-
mentsthatdisplayastonishmentanddismaycausedbywakingupwithallor
noclotheson.Coates(2001:81)furtherclaimsthatthecapacityof“sequential
story-tellingtotestifytotheclosenessofparticipantsmeansthatitcanbea
powerful way of ‘doing’ friendship.” Carrie thus displays togetherness and
buildsherstanceonthatofStephen’s,aligningwiththestancedisplayedinthe
rststory.Moreover,sheidentiesherownbehaviorwiththesocialphenom-
enonof (confessing to) unruly and rebellious but “cool” behavior of young
adults.InthecurrentexampleStephenandCarrieconstructareciprocalstance-
takingenvironmentinwhichtheresonatingelementsfunctionasonemeansof
takingastance,reinforcingand(re)deningtheirunderstandingregardingthe
phenomenaofthesocialrealm.
Allthreeexamplesaboveshowthatsecondtellersrecyclelexical,syntactic,
andsemanticelementsoftherststoriesinthesecondtellings,usetherst
tellingasareferencepointofstancetaking,buildingtheirownstanceaccord-
ingtowhathasbeensaidinthersttelling.Secondtellersthusestablishcohe-
sionwiththerststoryandlegitimizethesecondtellingasappropriateinthe
given circumstances and at the given moment in interaction. In the current
examplesthetellers,viareciprocalevaluationandstancetaking,participatein
thereshaping,reinforcing,and(re)constructingoftheunderstandingpartici-
pantshaveofthesocialphenomenainquestion.
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Resonance in conversational second stories 539
3.2. Lexico-syntactic resonance
Thediagraphsinthegures(Du Bois2007:160)are“usefulforpresenting
dialogicrelations”betweenturnsoftalk.Theysimplylineupthecorrespond-
inggrammaticalelementsoneontopoftheotherandmakevisibletheparal-
lelismbetweenany two or more turns. Here, Figures 2, 3,and4 shed light
on the resonating elements of the previous examples mainly on the lexico-
syntacticlevelbutalsoonthelevelofprosody,lendingsupporttotheanalysis
ofSection3.1.
Figure 2 deals with the example of the rst story−second story pair by
StevenandCarrieon“thetroublewithsleeping”(example[2],I can’t sleep).
Figure2showsthehighpointsoftherstandsecondtelling,oneontopof
theother,exemplifyingthewayinwhichsecondstorytellersinexample(2)
recyclenotonlythelexicalandgrammaticalelementsbutalsothevoicingof
therststory,i.e.,theutteranceshaveasimilarlexico-syntacticaswellaspro-
sodicdesign.
TheDRSutterancesproducedbyStephenonlines75and76,I have got to get
up to go to work tomorrow,andbyCarrieonline165,I have to get up for work,
simultaneouslyexhibitseveralparallelgrammaticalitems.Firstofall,thepro-
noun I takes identical perspectives in both sequences. The following verb
phrasehave (got) to get up inbothturnsembodiestheduressofeachoccasion
of“havingtogetup”afterasleeplessnight.Alsothefollowingadjuncts(to go
to) / ( for) workareparallelintheirfunction.Intermsofprosody,bothturns
carryananimatedvoicequalitythatdepictsfrustrationandirritation.
Here,inthersttelling,StephenproducesaDRSutterancethatdisplaysa
reportofhisownthoughtsandstance.Correspondingly,inthesecondstory,
CarrieuttersaresonantDRSutterancewhichdisplaysareportofherthoughts
andstance.Theseresonantturnsareshortbutveryimportantsectionsofthe
tellings.Afterall,theyarethehighpointsthatembodythegistofthestories.
Whatismore,theresonancebetweenthemaccentuatesthealignmentandcon-
gruentstanceofthetwostoriesand,foritspart,anchorsthetellingstogether.
Thendingsbasedontheexamplesofthecurrentstudywouldseemtosuggest
thatresonantturnsareparticularlycommonatthehighpointsoftellings;con-
sequently,theycouldbeconsideredtorepresentafocalpointintermsofnd-
ingresonanceinstorytelling.
Figure2. Diagraph of lexico-syntactic and prosodic resonance in high points
075 Stephen: and I have got to get up,
076 Stephen: to go to work tomorrow/@.
165 Carrie: @I have to get up for work/@.
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540 Maarit Siromaa
Therstandsecondstoryprefacesandhighpointsinexample(3)alsohave
a resonating lexico-syntactic structure. The resonating elements not only
anchorthetwotellingstogetherbutalsoprovideasmoothtransitionfromthe
rststorytothesecond.Figure3makesvisiblethedialogicresonancebetween
the rst story−second story pair by Stephen and Carrie on “waking up in
unusualcircumstancesafteranightoutonthetown.”
Figure 3 highlights active afnity between turns that are produced by one
speakerwithinasingletelling.Forinstance,Stephen’srststoryprefaceon
line 41, I woke up in bed with all my clothes on, is a declarative sentence,
whichisalmostidenticalwiththesubsequenthighpointofthesamestoryon
lines56and57,I woke up in bed with all the fucking clothes_ like jumper on.
Moreover,inthesecondstory,Carrieproducesaresonantutteranceasthehigh
pointofherstoryonlines74and76,I woke up naked like three hours late for
work.Alsoher story preface on line 63, I totally woke up in time, contains
manyofthesamelexico-syntacticfeatures.Thesubjectandtheverbphraseof
allutterancesarethesameexceptfortheaddedadverbialtotallyinCarrie’s
secondstorypreface.
Theadverbialphrasesfollowingtheverbelementalldescribethesomehow
peculiar circumstances in which the tellers woke up. Stephen’s with all my
clothes onandwith all my fucking clothes_like jumper onandCarrie’snaked
resonateinthattheyallcommentontheunusualamountorlackofclothingat
themomentofwakingup.Carrie’sadverbialphraseoftimein timeonline63
alsoresonateswiththepreviousadverbialphrase with all my ( fucking) clothes
(on/_like jumper on) onlines41and56 –57inthatitalsodescribestheunusual
circumstancesofactuallywakingup in timeafteranightout.Finally,thehigh
pointofCarrie’stelling,naked, like three hours late for work,onlines74and
76resonateswithbothStephen’sandherownpreviousutterances:rstwith
the unusual amount or lack of clothing at night time and second with the
unusualtimeofwakingup.
Theexamplesinthispapersuggestthatresonanceisagradientfeaturein
rststory–secondstorypairs.Alldiagraphsshowthatcorrespondingturnsin
therstandsecondstoriesmaybemoreorlessparallelintermsoftheirlexis,
syntax,semanticcontent,andprosody.Itisoutsidethescopeofthisstudyto
41 Stephen:[I woke up in] bed with all my clothes on.
56 Stephen: I woke up in bed with all the fucking clothes_
57 like jumper on,
63 Carrie: [I totally woke up in time].
74 Carrie: I woke up nake[d],
76 Carrie: like three hours late for work.
Figure3. Diagraph of Lexico-syntactic resonance in prefaces and high points
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Resonance in conversational second stories 541
draw conclusions on whether some elements resonate more frequently with
priortalkandactionthanothers. Therefore,itwouldbeworthwhiletoinvesti-
gateinfurtherstudieswhattheconsequencesareofsomesecondtellingsreso-
natingwiththepreviousmorerobustlythanothers.
Alsoitwouldseemthatelementsthatarenotincorrespondingsequential
positionswithinthestorystructuremayindeedresonatewitheachother,e.g.,
therststoryprefacemayresonatewiththerstandsecondstoryhighpoints.
5
Thoseresonatingturnscreatethematiccohesionbetweenandacrossthetell-
ings.Theyalsodisplaythespeakers’stancesandprovideapointofreference
forfurtherstancetaking.
4. Conclusion
Thecurrentpapercontributestothestudyofhowsecondstoriesproduceforms
ofintersubjectivitythroughuseofparallelstructure.Itexaminesintersubjec-
tiveandinteractivestance taking in conversationalstorytelling,focusingon
thesymmetryoflinguisticandprosodicelements,i.e.,resoundingoftheother
voice,betweenconversationparticipants.Thedatashowthattellerssystemati-
callytiebacktoprevioustellings and model new turns on old ones. Corre-
sponding actions in rst and second stories resonate with each other on a
structural-functionallevel,e.g.,inthestoryhighpoint,andonaformallevel,
e.g., in the lexico-syntax andprosody. Resonating elementscreate cohesion
betweenthestoriesbyanchoringthesecondtellingtotherstandthusprovide
therelevanceofthesecondstory.Also,resonancehasbeenpreviouslymainly
treatedasresourcesthatbridgeoverarelativelyshortdistanceintheunfolding
sequenceofturns(i.e.,alocalphenomenon).However,thispapershowsthatit
canextendoverlongerdistancesaswell.
Formalresonanceappearsinalloftheexamplesofthisstudy;however,reso-
natingvoicinginDRSutterancesonlyappearedinexample(2).Thendings
implythatsecondtellerstiebacktosomeratherthanalloftheformalelements
ofthersttellingdependingontheindividualtelling.Inotherwords,interac-
tantscanbeselective.Similarfunctionalresonanceappearsinalloftheex-
amplesinthisstudy.Especiallythehighpointsoftheconsecutivetellingsseem
toberesonant.Further,in example(2),fourresonantelementsresonatenot
onlyacrossbutalsowithinthestories,presentingacaseof“cross-resonance”
inwhichbothprefacesareresonantwithbothhighpoints,andviceversa.
Conversationaliststellstoriesininteractionallyandsequentiallyappropriate
momentstotakedivergentorconvergentstances.Onanindividuallevel,sec-
ondstoriesenabletheconversationaliststogainaccesstoeachother’sexperi-
ences,emotions,andstances.Tyingbacktotherststorywhiletellingasec-
ondisahighlyintersubjectivephenomenon.Thus,theresonatingsecondstory
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542 Maarit Siromaa
assuchcanmanifesttherecipients’interpretationofwhattheymakeoftherst
storyandprovideanewangleonthersttelling,eitherreinforcing,redening,
orrejectingthegistoftheinitialtelling.Resonatinglexico-syntactic,prosodic,
andsemanticelementsarethesynapsesthatfunctionasmeanstoactivatethis
reciprocalrelationshipbetweenarststory–secondstorypair.Firstly,tellers
legitimizetheirtellingsbytyingbacktothepreviousstory.Secondly,thetell-
ersdisplayand legitimize their stancebypositioningthemselvesin view of
thestancedisplayedinthepreviousstory.Bythetimetheparticipantsreach
the end of the second story, they share a wider understanding of the social
phenomenonbeingassessed.Resonanceinsecondstoriesmanifeststhefunda-
mentalsocialcohesionthatconversationalistsuphold,amongotherways,by
tyingbacktoeachother’swords.
Appendix:Transcriptionkey
For the purpose of transcribing examples (2) and (3) in this paper, I have
compiledatranscriptionkey,chieyfollowingthenotationthatisbasedonthe
CA style transcriptionsystem(Jefferson1985). Example(1)isanunaltered
originaltranscription(Sacks1992).Theboldtypefaceisusedtohighlightthe
sequencesunderexaminationintheexamples,whereastheitalictypefaceis
usedtodifferentiateextractsofexamplesfromthebodytext.
. terminalcontour:falling
yes_ continuativecontour:levelpitch
, continuativecontour:slightrise
! stronglyanimatedtone,pitchmovementinanydirection
[ ] overlapping
= latching
(.) micropause(lessthan0.2sec)
(2.0) lengthofpauseinapproximateseconds
ye- truncatedword
YES increasedvolume
hhh audiblebreath
ye(hh)s within-speechaspiration,laughter
(yes) uncertainhearing,transcriber’sbestguess
@yes/@ changeinvoicequality,usuallyreportedspeech
((SCREAM)) describingparalinguisticfeaturesoftalk
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Resonance in conversational second stories 543
Notes
1. SeeStoryrounds(Sacks1992;Tannen1984:100).
2. Theterm“initial”isapurelyanalytictoolhere;rststoriesarisefrominteractionandaretrig-
geredbysomethingintheowoftheconversation(seeJefferson1978).
3. Seesame-signicanceprocedure(Ryave1978:127).
4. Mydataandpreviousresearch(e.g.,Sacks1992)showthatsecondstoriesdonotnecessarily
agreewiththepreviousstory.
5. Judgingbyexamples(2) and (3)above,itwould seem thatthereisapattern of resonance
betweentherststoryprefaceandhighpointandthesecondstoryhighpoint,buttheclaim
remainsrathersupercialbasedonsuchasmallsampleofdata.
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MaaritSiromaa(néeNiemelä)receivedherPh.D.inresonanceinstorytellingfromtheUniversity
ofOulu,Finland,andiscurrentlyworkingthereasapost-doctoralresearcher.Herresearchinter-
ests include situated resourcesand practices of social interaction.Address for correspondence:
EnglishPhilology,P.O.Box1000,FI-90014UniversityofOulu,Finland〈maarit.siromaa@oulu.
〉.
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