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Education as a Soft Power Instrument of Foreign Policy

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Abstract

Nowadays, the number of countries that regard that education is the best way to promote their national interests on the world stage is increasing. Especially big powers started to pay special attention and importance to the use of education as an effective instrument/source of soft power.
Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 143 ( 2014 ) 501 – 503
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1877-0428 © 2014 Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/).
Peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of CY-ICER 2014.
doi: 10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.07.423
Corresponding name: Aidaberk Amirbek Tel: +0535 8765434
Email: aidaberk@gmail.com
CY-ICER 2014
Education as a Soft Power Instrument of Foreign Policy
Aidarbek Amirbek
a
Kanat Ydyrys
b
Gazi University
Abstract
Nowadays, the number of countries that regard that education is the best way to promote their national interests on the
world stage is increasing. Especially big powers started to pay special attention and importance to the use of education as an
effective instrument/source of soft power.
© 2014 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
Peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of CY-ICER 2014.
Keywords: Education, Soft Power, Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, Joseph Nye.
Introduction
Any State aims to strengthen its position and prestige in the international arena, as well as to create
favorable conditions for its long-term socio-economic development. To achieve these goals, state uses a variety of
foreign policy tools of both hard and soft power (Nye, 2009, p. 7). However, it is observed that after the fall of the
bipolar world order, many states tend to use soft power aiming to achieve their foreign policy goals. The main
reasons behind this tendency are an increase of interdependence among states and the heavy price that nations pay
for achieving foreign policy objectives with the use of hard power. In this context, soft power instruments started to
occupy a more effective position in the foreign policy of the countries, and we can foresee that this position will
continue to rise in the coming period.
If we consider the role that soft power and education play in the foreign policy of the state, it is important to
note that soft power is a concept developed in 1990 by political theorist Joseph Nye of Harvard University to
describe the ability to attract and co-opt rather than coerce, and use economic, cultural and political force as means
of persuasion (Nye, 2009, p. 8).
© 2014 Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/).
Peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of CY-ICER 2014.
502 Aidarbek Amirbek and Kanat Ydyrys / Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 143 ( 2014 ) 501 – 503
Education as an Effective Soft Power Instrument
Culture and education come to be one of the most effective soft power instruments. In line with this, soft
power is contrasted with 'hard power', which implies using of military force and coercion. In this aspect, it is
important not only to use military force or economic sanctions to force change in other countries, but also it is
crucial to shape the agenda of world politics and attract them (Nye, 2005, p. 14).
Nowadays, the leadership in the world politics is increasingly determined by the ability of the state to help
develop its neighbors or competitors (Bogaturov, 2006, p. 12). Moreover, in the transition period of the world
political system states have to fight for the right to determine the values and the regulatory component of the modern
world order. Competition between different values and models of national and socio-economic development is one
of the key trends of the new millennium. Today, this kind of leadership is impossible without advancing human
development - the basis of the formation of the new knowledge-based economy. That is why many ambitiously
developing states (such as Brazil, Russia, India and China) which are eager to adopt innovative economic model,
pay special attention to the modernization and internationalization of their national education systems (Nye, 2008, p.
94).
Only a developed education system that meets the requirements of innovative high-tech economy, and is
integrated into the international educational and scientific space, can become one of the major competitive
advantages of the modern state in the "global competition for minds" and attract the most talented foreign students.
The provision of educational opportunities for foreign students is one of the most important instruments of soft
power of the state (Cowan & Arsenault, 2008, s.10).
Successful foreign students who along with the learning the language will gradually become acquainted
with the achievements of science and culture of the host country. These students can gain valuable social capital
after having being studied abroad. Consequently, after coming back with acquired knowledge and personal relations,
they are expected to become effective transmitters of the language and culture of the country where they had studied
(Nye, 2005, p. 12). As a result, the effectiveness of exposure to the outside world with the help of national education
as an instrument of soft power is much higher than by military force or others.
International Education and Geopolitics
It must also be emphasized that the education system has always been the main engine of prosperity of a
particular state. After all, it is known that, any state is able to show considerable achievements in the level of
prosperity by the help of the viable mechanism of educational system. Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and other
East Asian countries might serve as a striking example of this (Nye, 2005, p. 12). At the same time, the education
system can be used as an instrument of soft power in the sphere of politics and geopolitics.
Currently, the number of countries that regard that education is the best way to promote their national
interests on the world stage is increasing. Thus, the countries such as China, Germany, Russia, the US, Turkey and a
number of developed European countries have implemented a variety of high education programs for competent and
promising young people from around the world. Especially big powers for the first time in history started to pay
special attention and importance to the educational system of their universities (Nye, 2004, p. 16). For instance
Mohamed Morsi ex-president of Egypt, who studied at the University of Southern California, Mikheil Saakashvili,
who studied Masters at Columbia University, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan studied at Harvard
University and the Japanese Crown Princess Masako, who studied at Harvard University (Nye, 2004, p. 24).
Further, it should be emphasized that the educational system today is closely intertwined with the concept
of politics and/or geopolitics (Nye, 2005, p. 4). Graduates studied in the foreign countries become not only highly
qualified personnel in their countries, but they also may become a so-called “Trojan horse” (Tremblay, 2010, p.117).
Shortly, unfolding political events have demonstrated that political leaders may show sympathy and favor
to the countries where they studied. In particular during the Afghan war the Soviet officials used to get Afghan
political and intellectual elites to accept Soviet ideology with the aim to establish Soviet-friendly regime. For
instance one of them was Nur Mohammad Taraki. It should be noted that Taraki was Secretary-General of the
PDPA and the leader of the faction "Hulk" (People). Also, it is known that the Soviet Union sought to introduce the
Afghan people with their ideology through the pro-Soviet Afghan officials who were studied in the USSR.
However, excessive rigidity of the Soviet Union and the forced introduction of their views and ideology affected
503
Aidarbek Amirbek and Kanat Ydyrys / Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 143 ( 2014 ) 501 – 503
negatively, and subsequently Afghan people felt alienation and distrust to the Soviet Union and its views
(Filimonov, 2010, p. 12).
However, currently the U.S. implements this project (educational project) much more delicately. But, the
most important triumph in the fact that many young people aim to study in the United States. Thanks to, high quality
education the U.S. government can successfully implements its strategy in the framework of politics and geopolitics,
not only regionally, but also globally (Cooper, 2004, p. 168).
Nowadays, more countries are trying to form world quality and accessible system of education to students
from all over the world. Such countries as the United States are perfectly informed about the fact that the education
system is one of the most essential instruments in terms of dominance in the global political arena. Everyone knows
that the educational system allows the improvement of economic and political situation of the country (Nye, 2009, p.
17). Thus, if one country is dominating in some part of the world both politically and economically, it means that it
is also dominant in the geopolitical aspect in the given part of the world.
Conclusion
Finally, it should be noted that the educational system is one of the vitally important spheres, and its
degradation leads to the degradation of the entire country. Also, it is worth noting that the efficiency of university
education as a soft power instrument can only be assessed in the longer term. Culture and values take time to diffuse
and take root, but once they do, they remain deeply rooted for a long time. Making this foreign policy tool more
effective requires patience and hard work.
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... Education is key to achieving socioeconomic development and human development. Proper human development is the ultimate basis of today's new knowledge-based economy (Amirbek & Ydyrys, 2014). It is about enabling individuals to realize their full potential and improve their lives, which is essential for economic growth and social progress. ...
Chapter
This chapter delves into the intricate and multifaceted role of international higher education (IHE) as a crucial instrument of soft power in fostering intercultural understanding and diplomacy in foreign policy. It highlights the profound impact of education in shaping societies and its pivotal function in advancing a nation’s culture, politics, and ideology. The chapter highlights intercultural education as a fundamental constituent of soft power, underscoring the significance of candid and respectful communication among individuals, groups, and organizations from diverse cultural backgrounds. It examines the dichotomy between hard power and soft power in international relations. Additionally, it examines the concept of nation branding, utilizing South Korea as an illustrative example. This chapter elucidates the crucial role of IHE as a soft power tool, promoting intercultural understanding and diplomacy in foreign policy.
Chapter
India has been gradually using several instruments in its cultural diplomacy towards Southeast Asia through its Look-Act East policy during the 1990–2022 period. This chapter outlines the vital cultural tools through which the effectiveness of India’s foreign cultural policy can be measured in Southeast Asia. It, therefore, analyses four major instruments (broadcasting, higher education, tourism and humanitarian assistance and disaster response) through their potential to deepen further cooperation and the challenges attached to them that need to be taken care of for furthering India’s objectives in the region.KeywordsBroadcastingIndian televisionRadioHigher educationScholarship programmesTourismHumanitarian assistanceDisaster ReliefLook-Act East PolicyCOVID pandemicSoft power
Chapter
The purpose of this chapter is to introduce, define and analyse the concept of knowledge diplomacy as a way to frame the role of international higher education, research and innovation in international relations. The chapter starts with a brief synopsis of the main insights, similarities and differences gained from the review of the scholarly literature from diplomacy and higher education fields of study. The different interpretations and use of soft power by the two fields of study are highlighted. Building on this overview of trends and terms, the distinction between a definition and a description is discussed, and both are provided to elucidate the meaning of knowledge diplomacy. A conceptual framework for knowledge diplomacy is proposed and based on five foundational elements – intentions, actors, principles, modes of operation and activities. Each of the constituent dimensions of the conceptual framework is explored in detail, and examples are provided. This leads to a discussion on understanding how knowledge diplomacy is a two-way process and why knowledge diplomacy is neither a neutral nor a normative concept. The chapter ends with a reiteration of why it is important to distinguish the role of IHERI in a knowledge diplomacy approach from the role of IHERI in a soft power approach.
Chapter
The purpose of this chapter is, firstly, to provide a brief overview of the major findings and insights related to the three questions which shaped this book; secondly, highlight the significance of these findings and their contribution to the two fields of study; and, thirdly, identify issues and questions that require further research and reflection. The importance of differentiating between the motivations, values and strategies of using a knowledge diplomacy approach versus a soft power approach is emphasized recognizing that they both exist but must be understood as having different intentions and outcomes. The chapter acknowledges that knowledge diplomacy would benefit from further investigation and identifies several key issues meriting further analysis. These include knowledge diplomacy as a two-way process; knowledge diplomacy in the knowledge society vs knowledge economy; the risk of knowledge diplomacy being used as a catch-all term; motivations driving the use of international higher education, research and innovation as soft power; national policies to support knowledge diplomacy; knowledge diplomacy in international development cooperation; IHERI as a public or private good and rationales driving knowledge diplomacy; and knowledge diplomacy and regionalization. The chapter concludes with some brief comments about the future challenges of operationalizing knowledge diplomacy.
Chapter
Just as it is valuable to analyse the different types and new developments in diplomacy and soft power, it is equally important to examine the changing world of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) to understand its role in international relations (IR). Traditionally, IHERI’s role in strengthening relations between and among countries is understood to involve scholarships, student/scholar mobility, bilateral higher education agreements and projects, international student recruitment and joint research projects. While these activities are still important, there are new developments which must be taken into consideration and examined in terms of their potential to expand and strengthen relations between and among countries. These include the development of education cities, knowledge hubs, regional centres of excellence, international joint universities, multilateral thematic and disciplinary research networks, international private-public partnerships, regional-based universities, international satellite campuses, new professional organizations and others. These initiatives offer new opportunities to expand the flow and exchange of ideas, knowledge, people, technologies, policies, culture, science, innovation, etc. across borders. They also need to be analysed and understood in terms of potential benefits and risks to strengthening relations between and among countries.
Chapter
This chapter provides concrete examples of how the knowledge diplomacy conceptual framework was based on and can be applied to existing IHERI initiatives. Examples of INHERI initiatives from all regions of the world and representing different sectors, different levels of cooperation and varied global issues have been selected. They include the Sustainable Development Solutions Network, the Pan African Regional University, the German-Jordanian Joint International University and RENKEI – the Japan and UK university network. This chapter provides a brief description of each initiative and then analyses them according to the five key elements of the knowledge diplomacy conceptual framework: intentions/rationales, key actors, guiding values and principles, modes of operation and primary activities. This discussion highlights two key aspects of knowledge diplomacy: (1) the involvement of diverse state and non-state partners/actors coming from multiple sectors and different varied countries and (2) the importance of reciprocity and mutuality of benefits, acknowledging that benefits will vary in order to address different national interests as well as common global challenges.
Chapter
This chapter examines the similarities and differences between the concept of knowledge diplomacy and related terms. Both diplomacy and higher education scholars commonly refer to the role international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in contemporary international relations (IR) as a form of diplomacy and a form of soft power. In addition, scholars and experts muddy the waters by suggesting that using IHERI as a form of diplomacy can also be used for soft power purposes and advantage. In this chapter the conflation of these terms is contested and examined by comparing the differences and similarities between the conceptual frameworks and use of IHERI in a soft power approach versus the role of IHERI in a knowledge diplomacy approach. The question as to whether the two approaches are ends of the same continuum or completely separate processes is considered by examining the potential of using soft power indicators to explore the differences between the two approaches. Furthermore, in order to have a clear understanding of knowledge diplomacy, the differences and similarities between knowledge diplomacy and other terms, such as cultural diplomacy, education diplomacy, science diplomacy and public diplomacy, are also examined.
Chapter
This chapter explores the concept of soft power and differentiates it from hard, smart and sharp power and diplomacy. The theories and writings of Joseph S. Nye and his critics inform the analysis of power in international relations. Hard power and the use of military force, sanctions, payments and agenda setting is discussed first followed by an examination of the evolving definition of soft power and the importance of intangible resources such as institutions, ideas, values and culture when using the strategies of attraction and persuasion to achieve compliance or cooption. A review of the critiques of soft power follows and focuses on the elasticity and scope of the concept, the complex relationship between the sender and the target audience in the use of attraction and persuasion and the liberal-democratic bias of the concept. Smart power, which Nye believes is the calibrated use of both hard and soft power, is the topic of next section, followed by an analysis of the term sharp power which Nye maintains is not a separate category of power but is in reality a form of hard power. The last section examines the differences in the interests, values, modes and outcomes between the use soft power in international relations and diplomacy as discussed in Chap. 2.
Chapter
This chapter systematically reviews how a diplomacy scholars, experts and diplomats understand and label the expanding role of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in strengthening relations between and among countries. While there are more than ten different labels used to describe the role of IHERI in IR, the most common ones – cultural, education and public diplomacy as well as soft power – are examined using research and references originating in or related to all regions of the world in order to avoid a western bias. An analysis of the similarities and differences in how these terms are conceptualized and used shows overlap and confusion as well as interesting insights and dilemmas. Questions about the role of state and non-state actors, intended outcomes and the contradiction of framing IHERI as a form of diplomacy to exert soft power are explored.
Article
Soft power is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment. A country's soft power rests on its resources of culture, values, and policies. A smart power strategy combines hard and soft power resources. Public diplomacy has a long history as a means of promoting a country's soft power and was essential in winning the cold war. The current struggle against transnational terrorism is a struggle to win hearts and minds, and the current overreliance on hard power alone is not the path to success. Public diplomacy is an important tool in the arsenal of smart power, but smart public diplomacy requires an understanding of the roles of credibility, self-criticism, and civil society in generating soft power.
Article
For a number of years, commentators and professionals have noted that effective public diplomacy requires that state and private actors communicate with the people of other nations by moving from monologue to dialogue. This article argues that both monologue and dialogue are essential public diplomacy tools and that collaboration is a third layer of public diplomacy that should also be examined. Collaboration, defined in this article as initiatives that feature cross-national participation in a joint venture or project with a clearly defined goal, may in certain instances be a more effective public diplomacy technique than either monologue or dialogue. By examining related social science research, this article seeks to start a systematic examination of the circumstances in which each of these three layers of public diplomacy—monologue, dialogue, and collaboration—is most appropriate.
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