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Immigration, Naturalization, and Residential Assimilation Among Asian Americans in 1980
Abstract
We investigate the residential assimilation of Asian-origin groups in the U.S., paying particular attention to socioeconomic
characteristics, immigrant status, and ethnicity. Our primary goal is to disentangle the competing influence of the last two
variables. Data from a special tabulation of the 1980 U.S. census (PUMS-F) allow us to express residential outcomes measured
in the aggregate as a function of individual characteristics. We restrict our sample to Asian-origin householders and use
OLS for our analysis of both pooled and separate group estimates of residential assimilation. Our results support the link
between social mobility and spatial mobility in that Asian-origin groups translate their socioeconomic achievements into residential
assimilation. Contrary to some interpretations of standard assimilation models, we find that duration of residence in the
United States does not have a particularly strong influence on residential assimilation. The effect of immigrant status is
overshadowed by that of ethnic group membership, a factor that points to the diversity of experiences and contexts of arrival
for Asian Americans.
... In terms of economic factors, the Hmong, Laotians, and Cambodians may be typical of many immigrants to the United States, who arrive with housing career disadvantages. First, many of them have a low level of preparedness for the move, as many are political refugees Yu 2003, 2004;Tseng 2000;White et al. 1993). Second, many of them have a low level of preparedness for homeownership due to relatively few financial resources and little education (Myers and Liu 2005;Yu 2003, 2004;Tseng 2000; see Ley 2010 for an exception). ...
... In terms of social factors, the Chinese, Japanese, and Pakistanis have had a relatively long immigration history to the United States Yu 2003, 2004;Painter and Yu 2014;White et al. 1993). Thus, many people in these Asian subgroups may have family and friends who immigrated to the United States in the past and who may have had an influence on the preparation of a future migration by taking English classes, facilitating the transition as well as the homebuying process (Myers and Lee 1998;Painter, Gabriel, and Myers 2001;Painter, Yang, and Yu 2004;Painter and Yu 2014;Tseng 2000;White et al. 1993). ...
... In terms of social factors, the Chinese, Japanese, and Pakistanis have had a relatively long immigration history to the United States Yu 2003, 2004;Painter and Yu 2014;White et al. 1993). Thus, many people in these Asian subgroups may have family and friends who immigrated to the United States in the past and who may have had an influence on the preparation of a future migration by taking English classes, facilitating the transition as well as the homebuying process (Myers and Lee 1998;Painter, Gabriel, and Myers 2001;Painter, Yang, and Yu 2004;Painter and Yu 2014;Tseng 2000;White et al. 1993). Some Chinese, Japanese, and Pakistanis may have a high degree of English proficiency and a relatively high level of resources that seem to positively influence homeownership (Myers and Lee 1998;Painter, Gabriel, and Myers 2001;Yu 2003, 2004;Painter and Yu 2014). ...
Although race and ethnicity have been analyzed and discussed in the context of the national foreclosure crisis, there has been little work on neighborhoods in which different Asian subgroups reside, which is surprising given the relatively large demographic, economic, and social differences. Based on NSP 3 data, provided by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), and 2005/2009 American Community Survey (ACS) data, provided by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, this article utilizes descriptive statistics and weighted least squares (WLS) regressions to analyze rates of seriously delinquent mortgages for Census tracts in all Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs), differentiating among different Asian subgroups. Findings show that neighborhoods with Hmong, Laotian, and Cambodian households had relatively high rates of seriously delinquent mortgages, whereas neighborhoods with Chinese, Japanese, and Pakistani households had relatively low rates of seriously delinquent mortgages.
... New Asian immigrants have contributed to the large increase in Asian American populations in recent years. In addition, since Asian immigrants have a largely diverse history with different motives and experiences of immigration to the US, their economic status and adaptation processes are considerably different, as is their choice of residential location (Farley, 1996, p. 175;Takaki, 1998;White et al., 1993). In addition, the relocation and migration process also indicates distinctive patterns across groups (Airriess and Clawson, 2000;Portes and Rumbaut, 1996). ...
... In fact, most of the variables have very little explanatory power. The probable explanation for this is the high number of temporary immigrants that exist in the Japanese population in New York (Ines et al., 2000;White et al., 1993), who came largely as short-term students or business people and will not chose home-ownership regardless of the household's characteristics. Across the Other Asian groups in New York, the largest difference concerns the importance of immigrant status. ...
Research has documented that immigrants have moved in large numbers to almost every metropolitan area and select rural areas in the US. In the midst of these demographic shifts, the country has experienced a profound recession. To date, there has been little research on the impact of the recession on immigrants across the US. Using 2006 and 2009 American Community Survey microdata, the paper assesses how the recent economic crisis has affected Latino and Asian immigrants with respect to two housing outcomes (homeownership and headship) over two important time points in the recent economic cycle. Immigrants have worse housing outcomes and significantly lower mobility rates after the recession. Regression results suggest that the negative impacts from the recession are strongest in the gateway metropolitan areas and that, after controlling for residence in the hardest-hit areas, increases in metropolitan-level unemployment and mortgage delinquency rates have a negative impact on homeownership rates. The results also suggest that, even though the recession has disrupted immigrants' upward trajectory in the housing markets, the effect has not been as severe on immigrants as one might expect. In particular, the places where immigrant populations are newest have not experienced as large a reduction in homeownership as those in the large immigrant gateways. Even in the established gateways, the decline in homeownership has been smaller for immigrants than for US-born households.
... Large variation has been observed in official language proficiency ( C ) E m e r a l d G r o u p P u b l i s h i n g (Van Tubergen & Kalmijn, 2009a and job transitions from ethnic economies into multiethnic labor markets (Nee, Sanders, & Sernau, 1994;Sanders, Nee, & Sernau, 2002). Surprising levels of continuity have been found for ethnic church attendance (Hurh & Kim, 1990), civic participation (Fong & Ooka, 2006), and residential segregation of various ethnic communities (Alba, Logan, Stults, Marzan, & Zhang, 1999;White, Biddlecom, & Guo, 1993;Zhou & Logan, 1991). Some studies even find reverse trends, such as increasing lifetime fertility rates (Rose, 1942), growing levels of transnational engagement (Guarnizo, Portes, & Haller, 2003;Itzigsohn & Saucedo, 2002;Portes, Guarnizo, & Haller, 2002), and strengthening ethnic self-identification (Golash-Boza, 2006;Zhou, 2001, pp. ...
... Also, employment trajectories in Canada have been found to vary greatly within migrant cohorts, with some quickly integrating into cross-ethnic workplaces while others remain excluded (Fuller & Martin, 2012). And while some immigrant groups show an average trend toward residential integration, members of other groups appear to remain spatially segregated (Alba et al., 1999;White et al., 1993;Zhou & Logan, 1991). Hurh and Kim (1990) found persistent attendance of the Korean ethnic church among Korean immigrants long after arrival. ...
Purpose – Empirical studies show substantial variation across immigrants in the rate and direction of assimilation along various dimensions (e.g., cross-ethnic contact, language, identity). To explain this variation, past research has focused on identifying exogenous factors, such as discrimination, human capital, and settlement intention. In this chapter we argue that variation in immigrant outcomes emerges endogenously through positive interaction effects between dimensions of assimilation. We propose a new assimilation model in which processes of social influence and selection into congruent social environments give rise to multiple long-term equilibria. In this model, migrants who are already assimilated along many dimensions tend to also adapt along other dimensions, while less assimilated migrants become more strongly embedded in their ethnic group.
Design/methodology/approach – To test the assimilation model, we derive a number of hypotheses, which we evaluate using trend analysis and dynamic panel regression on data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada.
Findings – The data mostly confirm the hypotheses, providing overall support for the assimilation model.
Research implications – Our theory and findings suggest that immigrants would follow divergent assimilation trajectories even in the absence of a priori population heterogeneity in external factors.
Social implications – The positive interaction effects between cultural and structural dimensions of assimilation suggest that mixed policies that promote integration while seeking to prevent loss of identity go against the natural tendency for cultural and structural assimilation to go hand in hand.
Originality/value – The present chapter proposes a novel model of immigrant assimilation and an empirical test.
... Usually, the well-established groups show lower levels of segregation from Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics, while recently arrived groups are more segregated. Second, the residential segregation among different Asian-American groups is remarkable (White et al., 1991;Zhou and Logan, 1991). For instance, the three East Asian (Chinese, Korean, and Japanese) groups' segrega tion levels from each other are lower than their segregation levels from other Asian groups (Massey and Denton, 1992). ...
... 4. Due to the moderate to high levels of segregation among the Asian groups, there is little evidence to support a pan-Asian pattern in spatial assimilation. The concentration o f Asian Americans in a certain area, which is a common phenome non in many metropolitan areas (White et al., 1991), has not eliminated residen tial seg reg atio n am ong d ifferen t A sian-A m erican groups w ithin these neighborhoods. ...
Mr. Zhang is a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at Yale University, New Haven, CT 06520.
1. There are three basic tenets of the spatial assimilation theory, as proposed by Massey: “1. Spatial assimilation is a direct function of acculturation; 2. spatial assimilation is a direct function of socioeconomic mobility; 3. the degree of segregation between two groups at a point in time is a function of the social, economic, and cultural distance between them” (Massey, 1985, p. 321).
... Whilethe advantages of this modelingapproach are obvious, in the past it has been difficult to employbecause of the rarityof data sets at the individual or household level that also contain community characteristics measured for smallareas. Increasingly, such cross-level data setsare available, either as special census public-use samples (e.g., White, Biddlecom & Guo 1993) or in the form of surveys, suchasthe PSID, to whichtract-level data have been appended (e.g., South & Crowder 1999). Thesedata setsmake it possible to estimate directly modelsthat contain individual-and household-level variables aswell ascontextual ones. ...
... But the changes are not dramatic, and the main conclusions of the article appear to be unaffected. We nevertheless have a strong preference for retaining household income as a predictor for two reasons: It accounts theoretically for a critical aspect of locational processes; and its presence preserves the parallel with our 1980 results 4. This is true even for the special public-use samples released by the Census Bureau, which disguise the geography because of confidentiality requirements (see White, Biddlecom & Guo 1993). 5. The regions we analyze approximate what the Census Bureau defines as Consolidated Metropolitan StatisticalAreas (CMSAs), which in turn are composites of the more familiar Primary Metropolitan Statistic Areas. ...
To understand the impacts of large-scale immigration on neighborhood contexts, we employ locational-attainment models, in
which two characteristics of a neighborhood, its average household income and the majority group's percentage among its residents,
are taken as the dependent variables and a number of individual and household characteristics, such as race/ethnicity and
household composition, form the vector of independent variables. Models are estimated separately for major racial/ethnic populations
— whites, blacks, Asians, and Latinos — in five different metropolitan regions of immigrant concentration — Chicago, Los Angeles,
Miami, New York, and San Francisco. In the cross section, the findings largely uphold the well-known model of spatial assimilation,
in that socioeconomic status, assimilation level, and suburban residence are all strongly linked to residence in neighborhoods
displaying greater affluence and with a greater number of non-Hispanic whites. Yet when the results are considered longitudinally,
by comparing them with previously estimated models for 1980, the consistency with spatial-assimilation theory is no longer
so striking. The impact of immigration is evident in the changing racial/ethnic composition of the neighborhoods of all groups,
but especially for those where Asians and Latinos reside.
... Referred to as spatial assimilation by urban sociologists, this movement out of the ethnic enclave occurs as immigrants and their descendants improve their socioeconomic status and become acculturated to US society, thus reducing the social distance between themselves and natives and consequently the spatial distance as well (Duncan and Lieberson, 1959;Warner and Srole, 1945). Although scholars have studied spatial assimilation among earlier European immigrants (Bleda, 1978;Duncan and Lieberson, 1959;Guest and Weed, 1976;Uyeki, 1980) and more recent immigrants from Latin America and Asia (Alba and Logan, 1993;Farley and Frey, 1993;Freeman, 2000;Gross and Massey, 1991;Logan et al., 1996a;Denton, 1985, 1988b;Massey and Fong, 1990;Massey and Mullan, 1984;White et al., 1993;Zhou and Logan, 1991), Black immigrants residing in the US are an important group of immigrants whose spatial relations to Americans have drawn little attention from scholars. 1 For example, two of the top ve sources of immigrants in New York City during the rst half of the 1990s are countries dominated by Blacks (New York City Department of CityPlanning, 1999).Alba et al. (1999)examined the process of suburbanisation among West Indians, but not access to White neighbourhoods .Crowder and Tedrow (2001)examined the residential patterns of West Indians in New York City, but limitations in the data they used prevented them from testing key tenets of spatial assimilation theory—namely, whether socioeconomic status translates into increased proximity to Whites for Black immigrants. The spatial assimilation process among Black immigrants is of great interest because, as Blacks, they may face the same barriers that have prevented African– Americans from spatially assimilating; yet, as immigrants, they are likely to share the same aspirations as other immigrants, for them and their offspring to move into the American mainstream. ...
... The evidence compiled thus far by social scientists on ethnic and immigrant assimilation generally con rms the predictions of spatial assimilation theory. Residential segregation from Whites for Asians and Latinos tends to decline as socioeconomic status and acculturation to US society increase (Alba and Logan, 1993;Clark and Ware, 1997;Freeman, 2000;Gross and Massey, 1991;Logan et al., 1996a;Massey and Denton, 1988b;Massey and Mullan, 1984;White et al., 1993;Zhou and Logan, 1991). Earlier work byLieberson (1963)showed that the acculturation of foreign-born Whites was negatively associated with segregation from native Whites, as spatial assimilation theory would predict. ...
This paper uses the following theoretical perspectives to explain the segregation patterns of foreign Blacks in the US: the spatial assimilation model, which posits that immigrants will achieve greater residential proximity to native Whites as they acculturate and become upwardly mobile; the primacy of race model that sees race as trumping all other characteristics in determining spatial relations with Whites and Blacks; and, the ethnic identity model that suggests foreign Blacks' image as a 'model minority' will allow them to differentiate themselves from native Blacks and achieve a relative degree of integration with Whites. The results of this study are most consistent with the primacy of race model. Regardless of their degree of acculturation, Black immigrants were highly segregated from Whites but only modestly so from native Blacks.
... They were more ethnically diverse than in the past, originating from China, the Philippines, Korea, India, and Southeast Asia (Hirschman and Wong 1986;Xie and Goyette 2004). Although ethnic enclaves still exist, immigrant selectivity puts many in integrated or predominantly white neighbourhoods (White, Biddlecom, and Guo 1993). These immigrants' children have come of age and become today's second generations. ...
... According to spatial assimilation theory, the spatial concentration of immigrant minorities in certain residential neighbourhoods serves to shelter newcomers, and provide them with opportunities to gain affordable housing and other necessities, before they move on to more desirable residential locations (Massey and Denton 1985). This theory has been employed to study the residential segregation of ethnic minorities in various contexts (Alba et al. 1999;Alba and Nee 2003;Andersen 2010;Keidar 2019;Logan, Stults, and Farley 2004;Massey and Denton 1987;White, Biddlecom, and Guo 1993). ...
This study examines the association between participation in localistic enclaves and labour market outcomes among internal migrants in Shenzhen, China. Using data from the 2005 mini-census, we examine native-place residential enclaves and industrial enclaves on the basis of migrants’ counties of origin, residential neighbourhoods, and two-digit industrial sectors, and report four main findings. First, migrants who live in native-place residential enclaves tend to earn less than those who do not, but migrants who work in industrial enclaves tend to earn more than those working in the open economy. Second, the earnings disadvantage of new arrivals relative to established migrants is smaller in a residential enclave than that outside an ethnic enclave, and the advantage of working in industrial enclaves disappears for those new arrivals, compared to migrants who have left their place of origin more than five years. Third, the earnings return to years of schooling is smaller for migrants who live in or work in native-place enclaves than for those who do not. Finally, migrants in residential or industrial enclaves are more likely to be self-employed or to be employers. Our findings suggest that residential and economic enclaves may play different roles in labour market outcomes.
... The vast number of Pakistan-Americans immigrating to the United States from the 1970s to date can be explained by family relations present in the Pakistani communities. 13 The first immigrants to the United States were professionals who took a chance to explore better opportunities in American society that valued their expertise. After the first immigrants had been settled, they brought in their relatives through family preference programs. ...
While drawing on the ethnographic data, this study explores the complex ways in which the Pakistani-American immigrants must negotiate to achieve cultural hybridity with the host communities in America. It explores how Islamization of all immigrants from Muslim countries affects integration with various groups in the host country. The dissonance that the immigrant community has about interacting with the host community is explored in depth, and the genesis spelled out in an analytical perspective. The hosts see the Pakistani-American immigrants as prone to intolerant criminal acts and terrorist acts. 1 The immigrants, on the other hand, do not desire to embrace American values and way of life even as they seek to benefit with American capital. Regarding the whole community as intolerant, violent, sadistic and radicalized because of the experiences of a few in the community is an issue that the Pakistani immigrants have to grapple with as the hosts demonize the community in view of eliminating radicals. The paper also explores how nationalism and religious doctrines inform the little interaction between the two communities with the view of finding common ground and ending bias. Rather than seeing each other as part of the global diversity, the two sides form parallel narratives on which community is at fault in a manner that stifles social cohesion. The present position paper (through critical discussion) explores that how Pakistani community gets detached from and disengaged with America in the wake of 9/11 strikes due to maltreatment they stumble across.
... predominantly white neighbourhoods (White, Biddlecom and Guo 1993). These immigrants' children have come of age and become today's second generations. ...
The influx of immigrants from Asia to the United States (U.S.) has expanded the pool of co-ethnic marriageable partners, strengthened racial identity, and contributed to the decline in interracial marriage with whites among Asian Americans. Yet, retreat from interracial marriage with whites may well vary by immigrant generation, an important factor in marital assimilation. Using data from the March Current Population Survey (1994–2015), we examine generational differences in intergenerational marriage and interracial marriage with whites among Asian Americans. The results reveal that over time third-plus-generation Asians show no significant change in interracial marriage with whites but declines in intergenerational marriage with first- or second-generation Asians. Second-generation Asians, on the other hand, have become more likely to marry first-generation Asians and less likely to marry whites. In addition, education provides different opportunities for intermarriage, with highly-educated Asian Americans more likely than their less-educated counterparts to marry whites and less likely to marry other Asians. Notably, highly-educated second-generation Asians tend to marry third-plus-generation Asians and whites while their less-educated counterparts marry first-generation Asians. These findings highlight the importance of generation and education in integration of Asian Americans.
... Consequently, people are motivated to advance the interests of fellow identity group members (i.e. the in-group) while derogating members of other identity groups (i.e. the out-group). Accordingly, individuals make a wide range of decisions based on their expected access to similar others such as choice of protégés (Allen, Poteet, & Burroughs, 1997;Allen, Poteet, & Russell, 2000), interaction partners (Ethier & Deaux, 1994;Saylor & Aries, 1999), and area of residence (Logan, Alba, & Zhang, 2002;White, Biddlecom, & Guo, 1993). Typically, people prefer and experience more satisfying interactions with similar others (Byrne, 1971;Mehra, Kilduff, & Brass, 1998) which suggests potentially negative effects of racial and gender dissimilarity on mentoring quality. ...
Demographic dissimilarity in supervisor–subordinate dyads is often associated with negative subordinate work experiences. Extending relational demography and mentoring research, the authors examined whether employee positive affectivity and communal culture ameliorated the negative effects of supervisor–subordinate racial (gender) dissimilarity on mentoring quality and reduced turnover intentions. Within a sample of 197 employees from various U.S. companies, racial dissimilarity was negatively related to mentoring quality and this relationship was stronger among employees who were lower in positive affectivity. Finally, mentoring quality mediated the racial dissimilarity–turnover intentions relationship, as moderated by positive affectivity. Specifically, racial dissimilarity reduced mentoring quality, thereby increasing turnover intentions, especially for employees who were low in positive affectivity. The research and practical implications of the study findings are noted.
... The selection of marriage partners for heterosexual Asians in the U.S. has been studied for decades, with some arguing that earlier interracial marriage patterns were a broad indicator of cultural assimilation and/or acculturation (Becker, 1991;Fong & Yung, 1995;Fujino, 1997;Hwang, Saenz, & Aguirre, 1997;Kim, 1977;Kitano, Yeung, Chai, & Hatanaka, 1984;Lee & Yamanaka, 1990;Qian, 1997;Qian & Lichter, 2001White, Biddlecom, & Guo, 1993). Patterns in partner selection seem to have shifted over the past 15 years for heterosexual Asians. ...
Little is known about the dating preferences of Asian American gay men. To conceptualize the dating preferences among these men, the impact domains model (IDM) was used to investigate if nativity and/or acculturation might explain dating preferences. Previous studies have pointed out the problematic nature of a racist cultural stereotype that Asian American gay men prefer white partners (Choi, Yep, & Kumekawa, 1998; Han, 2008). The current findings do not support that Asian American gay men prefer white partners. In our sample, 17.1% preferred dating white men and over 20% preferred Asian men. Over 60% had no clear racial/ethnic dating preference. Multivariate analyses indicated that those reporting higher ethnic acculturation (p < .001) and were U. S.-born (p < .01) were more likely to prefer dating Asian men. In contrast, those younger (p < .001) and living on the East Coast (p < .01) were more likely to prefer dating white men. Limitations of the study include a self-report cross-sectional design with purposive recruitment to study HIV/STIs and sexual health rather than dating preferences. Additionally, the data set included only a coastal classification (East vs. West Coast) and an acculturation scale which included cultural identity, language, and competence. The complex effect of nativity and acculturation on dating preference warrants further investigation. The IDM may be useful to guide future studies of partner preference among Asian MSM. Researchers in future studies should pay attention to identifying the key behavioral, social, and affective beliefs that underlie partner preference and examine actual dating practices.
... rapprocher des sciences dures, typique de la sociologie de la période, l'École de Chicago cherchait à relier les processus sociaux d'interaction et d'assimilation à la distribution dans l'espace (4). Cette hypothèse de l'assimilation spatiale a servi de fil conducteur à de nombreux travaux sur la ségrégation des minorités ethniques aux États-Unis (Lieberson, 1961(Lieberson, , 1963Massey et Denton, 1985 ;White, Biddlecom et Guo, 1993). ...
The spatial dimension of integration : developments in segregation of immigrant populations in France from 1968 to 1999.
The article gives an empirical overview of the question of segregation as it affects immigrant groups in France, presenting quantified information, of a sort very seldom found in previous French research, on segregation levels for these population groups and how they evolved, information derived from five consecutive censuses, here analyzed by means of varied measurement tools. Theory for explaining connections between immigrant integration and immigrant distribution in space is reviewed. Whereas the theory of spatial assimilation predicts that segregation will disappear « naturally », this article observes regularly decreasing segregation levels only for Spanish and Italian immigrants. Immigrants from Africa and Turkey not only have much higher segregation levels but also show more variable change over time, change that is difficult to interpret in terms of spatial assimilation. Using a variety of measurement tools and increasing the number of geographic zones analyzed brings to light the many diverse facets of spatial segregation and the complexity of quantitatively analyzing this phenomenon.
... Before this military intervention there were almost no Vietnamese in the USA; by 1980 there were a quarter of a million. 32 With the end of the Cold War and other changes in international relations the USA has shifted its position with respect to potential Vietnamese immigrants. The presence of 160,000 undocumented such migrants in the country in 2006 exemplifies what happens when a door that was previously open is shut and a receiving country no longer provides legal options for entry. ...
Human rights declarations provide the right for any person to leave their country, yet do not provide the right to enter another country, stopping halfway in asserting a right to mobility. In this article we provide evidence that 1) state policies and actions create migration flows; 2) migrants often travel to fulfil their human rights; and 3) current restrictions on immigration curtail migrants' human rights. We argue, based on sociological evidence, that the right to mobility is a fundamental human right, and deserves a place in human rights doctrine.
... Most research on this question focuses only on specific ethnic/racial groups, typically Hispanics or Asians (Aguirre and Saenz 2002;Alvarez 1987;Baker 2000;Jones-Correa 2001a and2001b;Pachon 1987;Pantoja and Gershon 2006;Pantoja 2005;Pantoja et al 2001;Portes and Curtis 1987;Sierra et al 2000;White et al 1993;Yang 2002). Exceptions are studies byBueker (2005 and), Yang (1994a and 1994b),Woodrow et al (2004), and Liang (1994). ...
Becoming a citizen is a component of a larger process of immigrant incorporation into U.S. society. It is most often treated as an individual-level choice, associated with such personal characteristics as the duration of residence in the U.S., age, education, and language acquisition. This study uses microdata from Census 2000 in conjunction with other measures to examine aspects of the community and policy context that influence the choices made by individuals. The results confirm previous research on the effects of individual-level characteristics on attaining citizenship. There is also strong evidence of collective influences: both the varied political histories of immigrant groups in their home country and the political and community environment that they encounter in the U.S. have significant impacts on their propensity of naturalization.
... School-aged children live even more separated, the index value being 0.38 for the 2 nd generation and only 0.25 for the 1 st generation. This result is at odds with most of the literature, as studies of residential segregation tend to find that first-generation immigrants are more segregated than their later-generation counterparts (White, Biddlecom & Guo, 1993;Allan & Turner, 1996) 24 . There are also important differences between students by country of origin with index values ranging between 0.29 and 0.64 with Moroccans being the most segregated especially at the level of children, and Iraqis least segregated. ...
Documenting the level of ethnic residential and school segregation in Copenhagen shows low levels of residential segregation due to suburbanisation (opposite to the US experience), but high levels of school segregation, which for some student groups reach levels comparable to the extreme segregation typical for US cities. Thus, the evidence from Copenhagen suggests that low residential segregation does not necessarily translate into moderate school segregation: when school choice options are available (public and, in particular, private), low residential segregation is compatible with high school segregation levels. A decomposition suggests that socioeconomic differences do not seem to be the main driving-force behind school segregation.
... Among all other origin groups and measures, the differences by zone were more apparent than real. In other words, there would appear to be little difference over space in skills such as English or socioeconomic status, reinforcing ndings by Alba and Logan (1991) and White et al. (1993). ...
The distribution of the immigrant population reflects a dynamic system that evolves over time and differs by arrival cohort and national origin. Government policies, new information, employment opportunities, housing, racism or other cultural effects may be responsible for subsequent migrations and changes in the population distribution of the foreign-born. Using data from the 5 per cent Public Use Microdata Sample, 1990, this paper compares settlement patterns of immigrant arrival cohorts within metropolitan Chicago, filtered through the lens of Zelinksy and Lee's heterolocalism framework. Cohorts are defined based on period of arrival in the US and by age. The spatial geography associated with each arrival cohort is constructed with respect to areas of relative concentration within the metropolitan area.
... Most of the research that tests spatial assimilation is based on the assumption that immigrants improve their socioeconomic status and residential location after they have been in the United States for a number of years (Alba and Logan, 1991;Logan and Alba, 1993;White et al., 1993;Logan et al., 1996;Schill et al., 1998;Alba et al., 1999;Galster et al., 1999;Rosenbaum et al., 1999). Such studies presume that immigrants initially settle in poorer quality neighborhoods, often in the inner city, and that over time they seek out suburban areas with greater amenities. ...
This study examines the ethnic geography of a new immigrant gateway, Washington, DC. According to Census 2000, more than 832,000 foreign-born individuals reside in the Washington metropolitan region. This research uses Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) data in an effort to map the residential decisions of immigrant newcomers by zip code from 1990 to 1998. Spatially, a very diverse, dispersed, and suburbanized pattern of newcomer settlement emerges, a pattern that contradicts many of the assumptions of the spatial assimilation model. Whereas the overall pattern is one of dispersion, an analysis of country-of-origin groups results in a settlement continuum ranging from concentrated (Vietnamese) to highly dispersed (Indians). Current research in Washington suggests that a pattern of heterolocalism (community without propinquity) may be a better model for understanding the role of immigrant settlement patterns and networks.
... A large and growing literature focusing on the locational attainment process 1 among individuals and households has demonstrated that members of different racial/ethnic groups experience varying levels of access to high-quality neighborhoods Logan 1991, 1993;Alba, Logan, and Bellair 1994;Alba, Logan, and Leung 1994;Logan, Alba, and Leung 1996;Rosenbaum 1996a;White, Biddlecom, and Guo, 1993). These studies have contributed greatly to our knowledge concerning the extent and nature of racial/ethnic inequality by consistently demonstrating a general pattern of access to advantaged areas whereby whites enjoy the highest levels of access, followed by Asians, Hispanics, and finally blacks. ...
This article adds to the literature on locational attainment of immigrants by evaluating how immigrant households in New York City compare with native‐born households with respect to neighborhood characteristics. It also examines whether the relationship between immigrant status and neighborhood quality varies by race/ethnicity and place of birth.Overall, foreign‐born households are more likely than native‐born households to live in neighborhoods with less access to medical care, higher rates of tuberculosis, and higher concentrations of poverty. Multivariate analyses reveal that all but one of these disadvantages disappear for foreign‐born households as a group. However, island‐born Puerto Ricans and immigrants—especially Dominicans, Caribbeans and Africans, and Latin Americans—are more likely to reside in lower‐quality neighborhoods than native‐born white households. Equally important, native‐born blacks and Hispanics are also disproportionately disadvantaged relative to native‐born whites, suggesting that a racial hierarchy exists in the locational attainment of households in New York City.
... To become a US citizen, immigrants must have a minimum of five years of continuous residence, English-language ability, knowledge of civics, and a repudiation of allegiance to other nations (Jasso and Rosenzweig, 1990). The move to obtain citizenship indicates a commitment to stay in the US and a certain level of acculturation (White, et al., 1993). A study on non-political group participation has found that citizens are more likely to participate than non-citizens (Leal, 2002). ...
Volunteering is any activity of giving time freely for the benefit of another person, group, or cause. The number of people and the hours volunteered in a country indicates the vitality of its civil society. It is estimated that 65.4 million American people volunteered at least once to an organization in 2005 and that, on average, people volunteered 50 hours annually. The total dollar value of volunteer time in 2005 reached $280 billion. At this scale, volunteers are important assets that provide immeasurable social and economic values to nonprofit organizations and communities. In such a context, understanding who is likely to volunteer, what factors promote the decision to volunteer, and for what kind of organizations people choose to volunteer is vital to the thriving of the nonprofit sector and the theoretical development of the field.
In the past few decades, the United States has become increasingly diverse in its race and ethnicity. Asian Americans are one of the fastest-growing, and certainly the most ethnically diverse, American racial groups. From 1990 to 2006, the Asian American population has increased by 90%, reaching 13 million which accounted for 4% of the total population. The U.S. Census divided Asian Americans into sixteen subgroups based on their countries of origin (Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, and so on). Among the thirteen million Asian Americans, 80% were foreign-born or immigrants. For such a growing and diverse group, our understanding of their volunteer behavior is still very limited. More importantly, we have little knowledge of how acculturation of the Asian immigrants affects their likelihood of volunteering in the United States.
Prior research on volunteerism has used race/ethnicity as a predictor of volunteer behavior and has demonstrated different voluntary activities among African Americans, Asians, Hispanics, and Whites in the United States. For example, Sundeen et al. found that whites volunteer at a higher rate to formal organizations than the other racial/ethnic groups. Also, other studies have focused on volunteering by a separate group, such as African Americans. Very few, however, have studied Asian American volunteering, and even fewer have investigated the differences across various Asian American subgroups. This cross-group focus is partly a consequence of the pan-Asian American notion, which emphasizes the integration and cultural similarities of Asian American populations. Recently, however, scholars have increasingly realized the significance of differences in the language, history, cultural values, religious beliefs, and acculturation among Asian American groups, as well as the reasons for migrating, including political asylum, religious freedom, education, career advancement, and business. The diversity in their background and experiences will certainly affect their decisions to participate and contribute to communities in the United States. Therefore, studying the voluntary behavior of Asian American subgroups is necessary for us to better understand the role of such a diverse racial group in American civil society.
Of the few studies that examine the philanthropic and prosocial behavior of Asian American subgroups, several are qualitative, using interview and case study methods, while others are journalists' accounts that richly illustrate their benevolent practices, their rationales, and their challenges. However, there are significant limitations to these qualitative studies, including their small, non-random samples, a lack of systematic comparison across Asian subgroups, and, in some cases, a focus on philanthropic and charitable activities (rather than on volunteering).
In this study, we bridge the gap in the literature by exploring empirically the volunteer activities of Asian Americans, in general, and the differences in volunteering across three major Asian American ethnic groups: Asian Indians, Chinese, and Filipinos. We focus on volunteering to formal organizations, as formal volunteering is relevant to the development of the nonprofit sector and is captured by most surveys on volunteering. We start with a conceptual framework of volunteering. Then, using the 2004 Bureau of Labor Statistics survey on volunteering, we seek to answer four main questions. First, among those who volunteered, to what kind of voluntary organizations does each Asian subgroup volunteer and are there any differences between the groups? Second, do the three main Asian American subgroups differ in their rates of volunteering to formal organizations? Third, within each Asian American subgroup, who is likely to volunteer or what are the predictors...
... For example, research on recent immigrants from Asia showed that length of stay in the United States or Canada had no effect on their residential choices. Instead, many Asians bypassed the stages of the classical ecological assimilation model of settlement and moved directly to the suburbs in close proximity to Anglos (White, Biddlecom, & Guo, 1993;Fong & Wilkes, 1999). Education and socioeconomic status played a role in the process, but not in terms of individual assimilation status (Alba & Logan, 1993, p. 1423). ...
The nature of immigration to the United States has varied tremendously over the course of the last 100 years. While the rate of immigrants in comparison to the total population was as high as 14% in the early 1900s, it steadily declined due to regulations passed at the beginning of the First World War reaching its lowest point in 1970 at less than 5% (Bernard, 1998). Yet, ever since the early 1970s, in response to the Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments that replaced national-origin quotas with a single annual worldwide ceiling for all other immigrants while eliminating any numerical limitations for immediate relatives of U.S. citizens, the number of immigrants has been continuously on the rise. In 1996, about 1 of every 10 residents in the United States was foreign born. This is exemplified by the fact that more than one fourth of the present foreign-born population of the United States arrived after 1990 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2004).
The present study examines the spatial assimilation patterns of immigrants who arrived as children. The main objective is to predict the likelihood of living in ethnic areas for decimal generation immigrants (1.25, 1.5, and 1.75) among Asian Indians, Japanese, Chinese, Koreans, Filipinos, and Vietnamese. Using 2013–2017 5-Year ACS Estimates and IPUMS, it applies the measure of local spatial clustering (the Local Moran’s I statistic) to identify ethnic areas and the logistic regression model to assess the effects of immigrant generational status, cultural, and socioeconomic assimilation on the probability of living in ethnic areas. The findings show that the 1.25 and 1.5 decimal generation immigrants of Chinese, Filipinos, Japanese, and Koreans demonstrate higher propensities of living in ethnic areas compared to the first generation of each ethnic group, respectively. Meanwhile, their Asian Indians and Vietnamese counterparts show spatial assimilation. Regardless of generational effects, English language ability positively relates to the probability of living in nonethnic areas, whereas economic assimilation indicators reveal mixed results. We found substantial evidence for resurgent ethnicity theory and some support of spatial assimilation model, indicating the ethnic disparity in spatial assimilation patterns among Asian immigrants. Our paper highlights the nonlinear assimilation patterns among Asian decimal generations. Results suggest that, for Asian immigrants in the U.S., age-at-arrival and ethnicity are both significant predictors of residential preference.
The demise of a national origin quota system for U.S. immigration, and its replacement in 1965 with an admission policy emphasizing family reunification, opened the gates to an increasing flow of immigrants who differed dramatically in country-of-origin composition from earlier U.S. immigration. Asian immigration was an important part of this development. There has been well-publicized concern about a decline in immigrant labor market quality. To the contrary, our research shows that lower initial earnings have been accompanied by high earnings growth and human capital investment. Rather than contributing to an underclass, they have become the most upwardly mobile of American workers. This greatly benefits both immigrants and the U.S. economy.
Using data from the 1990 U.S. Census, as well as in-depth interviews, this article examines the intermarriage patterns of five Asian-American groups in the New York City region: Chinese, Koreans, Indians, Japanese and Filipinos. Intermarriage patterns for all five Asian groups are analyzed, according to gender, nativity and education. American-born Asians are much more likely to intermarry than foreign-born Asians. Asian women are much more likely to intermarry than Asian men. We also find little evidence for Robert Merton's hypothesis that minority men exchange their high socioeconomic status for a white woman's “high” social status. Evidence strongly indicates that intermarried individuals share educational homogeneity. This analysis is further substantiated by in-depth interviews with intermarried couples who live in the region. The consequences and future prospects of intermarriage for Asian Americans are also discussed.
Assimilation theory has been subject to intensive critique for decades. Yet no other framework has provided the social science community with as deep a corpus of cumulative findings concerning the incorporation of immigrants and their descendants. We argue that assimilation theory has not lost its utility for the study of contemporary immigration to the United States. In making our case, we review critically the canonical account of assimilation provided by Milton Gordon and others; we refer to Shibutani and Kwan's theory of ethnic stratification to suggest some directions to take in reformulating assimilation theory. We also examine some of the arguments frequently made to distinguish between the earlier mass immigration of Europeans and the immigration of the contemporary era and find them to be inconclusive. Finally, we sift through some of the evidence about the socioeconomic and residential assimilation of recent immigrant groups. Though the record is clearly mixed, we find evidence consistent with the view that assimilation is taking place, albeit unevenly.
Given the theoretical importance and policy implications of the spatial assimilation model, it is surprising that few studies have carefully and empirically examined the relationship of the three key variables in the model that has been used to explain the process of neighborhood attainment among immigrants, i.e., neighborhood environments, socioeconomic resources, and duration of residence in the host country. Few studies have delineated separate models to analyze the relationship between neighborhood environments and socioeconomic resources to the length of time spent in the host country. Using data from 1991 Canadian Census 2B profile and a special requested table from Statistics Canada, we evaluate how much the relationships of the three key variables mentioned in the spatial assimilation model apply to the spatial attainment of various racial/ethnic groups in Canada. The results reveal that the model explains the spatial attainment experiences of European groups. However, for Asians and blacks, the results suggest that their neighborhood attainments are not strongly related to their socioeconomic statuses. The study calls for a cautious approach in applying the spatial assimilation model.
This article describes patterns of ethnoracial and socioeconomic neighborhood attainment among North African, sub-Saharan African, and South European immigrants in France. We use French data from Trajectories and Origins to document the effects of assimilation variables such as immigrant generation, age at migration, parental age at migration, mixed ascendance, and socioeconomic status that are rarely available in large scale surveys. A simultaneous equation design is used to show patterns in ethnoracial and socioeconomic desegregation across groups and the contrasting ways in which these outcomes overlap. The findings highlight the weak impact of assimilation variables in accounting for spatial trajectories compared to the predominance of ethnoracial group, and document a higher risk of cumulative spatial disadvantage among North Africans and sub-Saharan Africans. The conclusion discusses the implications of these findings for understanding the ethnoracial dimensions of socio-spatial stratification in France.
For foreign-born residents and their children, attaining citizenship in the host country confers membership, rights and participation opportunities, and encourages a sense of belonging (Bloemraad 2006). From a destination country perspective, naturalisation is increasingly seen as an important part of the process of integrating immigrants. In order to optimise the use of what is sometimes termed the ‘citizenship premium’, actors in destination countries often advocate public policies that are aimed at increasing naturalisation rates among immigrants (OECD 2011; Sumption and Flamm 2012). The acquisition of citizenship is associated with better employment probability, higher earnings and higher occupational positions (Liebig and Von Haaren 2011). Politically, in a democratic context, citizenship normally qualifies immigrants to take an active part in the electoral politics of the destination country (Pikkov 2011; De Rooij 2012).
Tempelhof und Mariendorf, zwei eher ruhige, hauptsächlich von der Mittelschicht bewohnte Berliner Stadtviertel, stehen in der Regel nicht im Blick der Forschung über Eingewanderte im städtischen Raum. Die Stadt- und Migrationsforschung beschäftigt sich meist mit ‚klassischen‘ Einwanderungsquartieren bzw. den ‚Chiffren‘ dafür, wie beispielsweise ‚Kreuzberg‘ und ‚Neukölln‘ im Falle Berlins.
In mancherlei Hinsicht war der Vietnamkrieg ein verlorener Krieg und der Scheidepunkt für eine neue Phase der amerikanischen Gesellschaftsentwicklung. Auch die Situation des Faches Soziologie schien bei weitem nicht mehr so vielversprechend wie nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. In seiner “presidential address” mit dem Titel Two Methods in Search of a Substance zeichnet Lewis A. Coser kein besonders freundliches Bild seines Faches:
I am perturbed about present developments in American sociology which seem to foster the growth of both narrow, routine activities, and of sect-like, esoteric ruminations.573
We compare the neighborhood characteristics of native- and foreign-born blacks, whites, Hispanics, and Asians in 1970 and 1980. We broaden the locational attainment literature by emphasizing three contrasts: between black and nonblack groups, between native black and nonblack immigrant groups, and among black groups. Consistent with previous evidence, we find a clear spatial disadvantage for black groups relative to nonblack groups, and for native blacks compared to nonblack immigrant groups, in both years. However, our study reveals a slight advantage for foreign non-Hispanic blacks (e.g., Afro-Caribbean immigrants) among the black groups throughout the time period. Our results break new ground by extending the analysis of racial and ethnic variation in residential attainment back to 1970. providing an earlier benchmark against which current patterns of residential attainment can be compared.
The article gives an empirical overview of the question of segregation as it affects immigrant groups in France, presenting quantified information, of a sort very seldom found in previous French research, on segregation levels for these population groups and how they evolved, information derived from five consecutive censuses, here analyzed by means of varied measurement tools. Theory for explaining connections between immigrant integration and immigrant distribution in space is reviewed. Whereas the theory of spatial assimilation predicts that segregation will disappear « naturally », this article observes regularly decreasing segregation levels only for Spanish and Italian immigrants. Immigrants from Africa and Turkey not only have much higher segregation levels but also show more variable change over time, change that is difficult to interpret in terms of spatial assimilation. Using a variety of measurement tools and increasing the number of geographic zones analyzed brings to light the many diverse facets of spatial segregation and the complexity of quantitatively analyzing this phenomenon.
In this book, using the data collected through a mail survey and interviews, and the framework of the four business types, author Hosler uncovered the patterns of entry into business, business strategy, and assimilation of the Japanese immigrant entrepreneurs in New York City. Preface, Chapter 1: Overview and Methods, Chapter 2: Immigrant Entrepreneurship, Chapter 3: Japanese Immigration and Community, Chapter 4: background Characteristics, Chapter 5: Reasons to Enter Business, Chapter 6: Strategies for Starting a Business, Chapter 7: Current Business Strategies, Chapter 8: Assimilation, Chapter 9: Contemporary Japanese Immigrant Entrepreneurship, Appendix, Bibliography and Index. 246 pages.
Recently, research has begun to investigate the reasons for differences in home. ownership nates between Asians and Whites. This paper extends this research by examining the heterogeneity that exists across Asian groups in the US. We find that there are important differences across geographical area, across time and across groups in the Importance of various factors that influence the likelihood of owning a home. After controlling for household mobility and other socioeconomic characteristics, we find that most Asian groups have home-ownership rates similar to those of Whites, but that Chinese households have home-ownership rates 20 percentage points higher than their household characteristics would predict. In part, this may be due to differences In support unmeasured in the data, but future research is needed to fully understand the source of this differential.
We reexamine the role of the white ethnic neighborhood for assimilation versus the persistence of ethnicity. We employ a geographic mapping strategy to identify ethnic neighborhoods as clusters of proximate
census tracts where a particular group has a disproportionate share of the population. This strategy is applied to the Germans,
Irish, and Italians in the Greater New York region in 1980 and 1990. The Germans are found to have few and small neighborhoods,
while the Italians have many and large ones; the Irish are in between.
The neighborhoods of all three groups are frequently in suburbs, including ones that are distant from central cities, and
are not limited to working-class enclaves. However, they do represent concentrations of group members with more ethnic characteristics,
as measured by single ethnic ancestry and use of a mother tongue. During the 1980s, the most ethnic of these neighborhoods,
located in central cities, were declining, while the least ethnic of them, in outer suburbs, were growing. This spatial shift
was linked to invasion and succession in inner-city neighborhoods by minorities, chiefly new immigrant groups.
Are Native Americans segregated within urban areas in the United States? To date, the issue of urban segregation has been considered in reference to all racial groups with the exception of Native Americans. This paper addresses that gap by presenting the results from an analysis of 1990 U.S. Census data. The spatial assimilation and the metropolitan context models are used to isolate the factors that are associated with Native American segregation from whites. These models emphasize the importance of group and city-level characteristics respectively. The patterns of Native American-white segregation are then compared to the patterns of black-white spatial segregation. The results indicate that, although their rates of segregation are lower than those for blacks, Native Americans are not completely spatially assimilated with whites. While income and region are related to both Native American and black segregation, the city economic, population, and housing characteristics are only associated with black segregation. Clearly, the factors that are associated with Native American segregation are ones that need further theoretical and empirical exploration.
This article provides a detailed picture of spatial assimilation by simultaneously considering suburbanization and home ownership in order to model the complexity of residential patterns in modern society. The data are from the 1% Sample of the 1990 PUMS. Multinominal logit analyses were used to estimate the effects of socioeconomic level, acculturation characteristics, and race/ethnicity on the likelihood of householders being home owners or renters by housing locations. The results show that these factors affect the likelihood of householders living in suburbs for each tenure status in unique ways. Second, contrary to the spatial assimilation model, there is evidence that householders who are more acculturated and have more socioeconomic resources would rather be home owners in the central city than live in the suburbs as renters. Finally, the results also suggest extensive differences across racial groups in the effects of socioeconomic resources and acculturation.
This study examines the predictors that determine Asians’ and Hispanics’ preferences for living in ethnically homogeneous communities. I hypothesize that individuals who have low socioeconomic status, are less acculturated, and have greater ethnic affiliation with co-ethnics are more likely to prefer living in a co-ethnic neighborhood. The findings show that the lack of English ability is one of the most important predictors of preferring a co-ethnic community among both Asians and Hispanics. Another striking result that emerges from the analysis is that the race of the neighbors is the most important influence on preferences for living in co-ethnic neighborhoods.
This study compares the suburbanization process of native and immigrant populations. Analyses are based on three major hypotheses: social status, family life stages and social stratification. Data are based on a five-percent A sample of the 1980 Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS). We select eight major racial and ethnic groups in our study. Results indicate that family life stages have a strong effect on the suburban location of the native population, whereas the foreign-born population is strongly affected by socioeconomic status controlling for acculturation level. In addition, substantial variations among groups are documented.
This paper demonstrates a local approach to assess changes in segregation at the neighborhood scale. Many studies on segregation change were conducted at a regional or city scale using a single measure. This approach is not sufficient to document the process of neighborhood change, and using one measure can reflect only a single dimension of multifaceted segregation. In this article, several local measures related to two segregation dimensions are utilized to compare segregation levels between the three census years of 1980, 1990, and 2000. Using Buffalo, New York, as the case study, I show that the local approach is effective in depicting the varying levels of segregation within a city for a given year as well as changes in neighborhood segregation levels over time. Overall, the local multidimensional approach offers an effective way of identifying neighborhood demographic transformation and detecting varied trajectories of neighborhood change across a metropolitan area.
This paper examines the neighborhood qualities of major ethnic groups in Canada. Using data drawn from the 1991 census 2B file and special tabulations requested from the Statistics Canada, we found that the British, northern Europeans, and western Europeans live in neighborhoods with desirable social qualities without paying higher costs, even after controlling for socioeconomic status, immigration period, and generations. On the other hand, we also found that southern Europeans, Asians, and Blacks live in neighborhoods with less desirable social qualities, despite paying expensive housing costs. In particular, most neighborhood qualities of Blacks are consistently seen as least desirable.
Summary
Neighborhood qualities vary among major racial and ethnic groups in Canada. Compared to other groups, the British, northern Europeans, and western Europeans are living in neighborhoods with better social environments without paying the cost of living in neighborhoods with expensive housing. Southern Europeans, Asians, and Blacks clearly are living in neighborhoods with less desirable social environments, even when living in areas with expensive housing. In particular, the neighborhood qualities of Blacks are consistently seen as the least desirable. However, there are not the extreme spatially disadvantaged conditions for Blacks in Canada that there are in the United States. This may reflect the sociohistorical differences between Blacks in the two countries. Most Blacks in Canada immigrated after 1970, whereas Blacks in the United States have suffered from poverty, segregation, and the deliberate construction of ghettos for many years earlier.
The results further show that although neighborhood qualities of each group improve when educational levels rise and when they have been in Canada longer, the differences among groups do not decrease. In addition, the data show a consistent pattern that, although the British and other older immigrant groups do not pay a higher cost for housing, they continue to live in neighborhoods with better social environments. This pattern remains the same even when we consider the population that is Canadian‐born. The regression results suggest that the consistent difference in neighborhood qualities among groups may relate to the process that minorities, especially Blacks, are less able to translate their socioeconomic resources into better neighborhood qualities.
This study clearly shows the undeniable fact that there are persistent patterns of differences in neighborhood qualities in Canada. This stable hierarchy of neighborhood qualities may in turn strongly affect the opportunities of different groups and their future achievements. The aspirations and expectations of children living in neighborhoods with higher percentages of unemployed residents and families on welfare will definitely be affected.
The findings of this study also point out that race and ethnicity play an important part in organizing Canadian society. Although groups in general improve their neighborhood qualities with socioeconomic achievements, the patterns of differences in neighborhood qualities remain. Race and ethnicity strongly affect the social well‐being of groups in Canadian society through the unequal distribution of residential locations.
The study has suggested several directions for future research. First, there should be further study of the reasons why southern Europeans, in comparison to other European groups, live in less desirable neighborhoods. The census data employed in the current research may not be able to disentangle factors affecting the neighborhood qualities of southern Europeans. Future research could determine how much their neighborhood qualities reflect the result of involuntary or voluntary segregation. In addition, future research should employ multilevel analysis to study how segregation levels of various racial/ethnic groups at the city level relate to their socioeconomic achievements, which in turn affect their residential patterns.
This article investigates how dispersed settlement in areas of urban sprawl affects the structure of personal networks that in turn influences the likelihood of social integration among male and female immigrants from Taiwan. Settlement in the deconcentrated spaces that currently constitute the new urban spaces of U.S. metropolitan areas potentially offers more opportunities to interact with ethnically diverse people than the traditional ethnic enclaves of inner cities. However, these spatial structures also increase dependency on cars and road systems. Findings from ethnographic fieldwork in Orange County, California, show that the social networks of affluent first generation immigrants from Taiwan are not comparable to the densely knit broadly based ties linking neighbors and kin group members traditionally attributed to immigrants.
Instead, the social networks of immigrants with high levels of human and economic capital are based on loosely bounded, sparsely knit, and dynamic specialized ties. At the local level networks involve few ties to extended relatives, but a substantial amount of relationships with former classmates and members of recreational associations. However, despite good English skills and employment in diverse workplaces the number of interactions with nonimmigrants outside of work and school environments is rather small.
These circumstances are experienced differently by men and women. Female immigrants consider living in the deconcentrated spaces of master‐plan communities beneficial for achieving personal contentment. They welcome the changed conditions for social interaction and enjoy the decrease in network size and frequency of contacts that result in less obligations and responsibilities compared to life back in their country of origin. Male immigrants, however, mourn the loss of opportunities to gain reputation and social recognition. They would prefer to live in areas with close spatial proximity of immigrant residences. These gendered evaluations further affect the likelihood of social integration for first generation immigrants.
This paper applied the model of Linear System of Action developed by Coleman (1992) to understand racial composition in neighborhoods from a systemic approach. The model had an advantage to consider how an individual household simultaneously maximizes all desirable neighborhood qualities with limited socioeconomic resources. The model generated relative values of socioeconomic resources and neighborhood qualities of each racial group in the exchange process. In addition, the model estimated a preference hierarchy of neighborhood qualities of each group. Results suggested that blacks and Asians in Canada tend to live in neighborhoods with higher proportions of their own groups because blacks may be steered away from predominantly white neighborhoods and Asians experience low returns on their socioeconomic resources in improving spatial contact with whites.
In this study we examine changing patterns of residential segregation between African Americans and non-Hispanic Whites of different income, occupational, and educational levels over the 1990–2000 period. Using the dissimilarity and isolation indexes, we find that higher SES African Americans generally live in more integrated neighborhoods than lower SES African Americans, though differences are moderate. There were also modest declines in segregation for many, though not all, SES groups from 1990 to 2000. Residential segregation across SES groups within race groups is substantially lower than segregation between Blacks and non-Hispanic Whites. These findings illustrate that race continues to be the most significant factor in explaining residential outcomes, though class explains a moderate and increasing proportion of the difference in Black and White residential patterns. Results also show that segregation between higher and lower-SES Blacks declined slightly in the 1990s, indicating that, in contrast to previous decades, disadvantaged Blacks are no longer becoming increasingly isolated from other Blacks.
This article investigates patterns of spatial assimilation of Hispanics in U.S. metropolitan areas. Using restricted-use data from the 2000 Census, we calculate Hispanics' levels of residential segregation by race and nativity and then estimate multivariate models to examine the association of group characteristics with these patterns. To obtain a more nuanced view of spatial assimilation, we use alternative reference groups in the segregation calculations-Anglos, African Americans, and Hispanics not of the same race. We find that Hispanics experience multiple and concurrent forms of spatial assimilation across generations: U.S.-born White, Black, and other-race Hispanics tend to be less segregated from Anglos, African Americans, and U.S.-born Hispanics not of the same race than are the foreign-born of the respective groups. We find some exceptions, suggesting that race continues to influence segregation despite the general strength of assimilation-related factors: Black Hispanics display high levels of segregation from Anglos, and U.S.-born Black Hispanics are no less segregated from other Hispanic groups than are their foreign-born counterparts.
This study examines the degree to which New York City's immigrant students are segregated and how segregation varies across groups with differing language skills and from different countries. It notes how schools attended by immigrant students differed by student characteristics, teachers, and funding levels. After reviewing the literature on school segregation, the paper provides a statistical portrait of New York City's immigrant students and presents the research hypotheses and methodology. Academic and socioeconomic data from all children in New York City's public elementary and middle schools, linked to institutional information on the schools themselves for the years 1995-1996 and 1998-1999, indicate that foreign-born students as an aggregate group are not especially segregated from native-born students, at least compared to levels of segregation of non-white and poor students. While there are some differences in terms of peer and school resource environments, there is little evidence that immigrants as a whole experience large effects from segregation. Nonetheless, when viewing particular groups of foreign-born students (especially students from the former Soviet Union and Caribbean), there are significantly higher levels of clustering. School segregation appeared to benefit Soviet immigrants, while harming Dominicans. (Contains 46 references.) (SM)
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