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City as Ideology: Reconciling the Explosion of the City Form with the Tenacity of the City Concept

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This paper is a theoretical reexamination of the traditional concept of the city in the context of urbanization processes that exceed it. Recent decades have seen a proliferation of new variations on the city concept, as well as calls to discard it altogether. I argue that both options are inadequate. The city has generally been understood as a category of analysis-a moment in urbanization processes-but might now be better understood as a category of practice: an ideological representation of urbanization processes. I substantiate this claim through an examination of three tropes of the traditional city which in material terms have been superseded in recent decades in the Global North but retain their force as ideological representations of contemporary urban spatial practice: the opposition between city and country, the city as a self-contained system, and the city as an ideal type.
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... Rather they point us, with the help of the analytical lenses we develop, to a different way of understanding and practicing democracy. The paper seeks to move beyond the view in urban geography that urbanisation not only dissolves the actual, material city but also the city as a democratic project (Wachsmuth, 2014;Madden, 2012;Roy, 2019). Further, it goes against the tendency to think of democratic politics in terms of a dualism between the state and opposing political forces emergent from society (for discussion, see Beveridge & Koch 2021). ...
... Within the context of urban research, the city is, at first glance, an unlikely candidate to reinforce democracy or to open up democratic imagination as urbanisation strongly calls into question the meaning and usefulness of the concept of the city, both politically and spatially. In this section, we argue that even though the city as a distinct urban form and specific moment in the process of urbanisation has lost its clarity (Wachsmuth, 2014), the city as a representation of urbanisation, an object of struggle and democratic ambition makes people do things. The city as a democratic imaginary (see e.g., Frick 2023) is generative of political practices, organisation and democratic demands. ...
... Intriguingly, de Olde & Oosterlynck (2022) have noted that the city still matters to those who position themselves as outside and in opposition to it (in their case the 'rural' areas of Flanders, Belgium). From a different perspective, Wachsmuth (2014) has argued that the city concept is mainly ideological. It does not denote an empirical moment of urbanisation that can be properly delineated as a unit of urban analysis. ...
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Urbanisation is changing landscapes, social relations and everyday lives across the globe. But urbanisation is also changing the ways democracy is understood and practiced. Nevertheless, the relation between urban-isation and democracy remains conceptually and empirically underdeveloped. Our aim in this paper is to provide a novel way of thinking about this relationship that addresses two limitations in current debates. First, there is the dominant view that just as urbanisation dissolves the actual, material city it also dissolves the city as a democratic project. We challenge this understanding, arguing that across the globe claims for and forms of urban collective self-rule signal that the city retains democratic significance in a very specific sense: as an object of practice and thought the city is a source and stake of the urban demos. Second, there is a tendency to either restrict the question of democracy to state-centred forms of political action or to place democracy completely outside the realm of the state. We argue however that urbanisation unsettles seemingly fixed boundaries between the state and society and thus opens the possibility of weaving together a new democratic fabric encompassing both. In addressing these two strands of debate together, we outline a democratic politics of urbanisation that shifts perspectives from institutions to practices, from jurisdictional scales to spaces of collective urban life. Seeing democracy like a city, we argue, foregrounds a way to reimagine and to relocate democracy in the everyday lives of urbanites.
... Functional mix is also one of the cornerstones of the city as an attractive living environment. In this vein, besides being put forth as a response to issues of sustainability, the compact city ideal taps into a growing interest in new urbanism and the traditional city as a vital and ideal living environment, one with preferred aesthetics (Burton 2002;Tunström 2007, Wachsmuth 2014. Originating in the US during the 1980's, new urbanist agendas included pedestrian friendly streetscapes, mixed-developments, neotraditional aesthetics, transit-oriented developments and increased density. ...
... These aspects have grown their influence in planning contexts throughout the world (MacLeod 2013;McFarlane 2016). Resting on scholars such as Jan Gehls and Jane Jacobs and their "idyllic descriptions of centre urbanism" (Haarstad et al. 2023:7; see also Røe et al. 2022), the growing interest in new urbanist strategies tapped into the compact city discussion, however increasingly adjusted to a neoliberal era, drawing direct relationships between the city and urban competiveness (Wachsmuth 2014). ...
... These ideals aim to contribute to a sense of community and social change (McCann and Ward 2010; Sharifi 2016) with density and compactness used as key features of a good plan (Adelfio et al. 2021;McFarlane 2015). This 'ideal type' of a traditional city reduces urban complexity to a function of physical attributes and systems, separating the city from nature or the non-urban environment (Wachsmuth 2014). ...
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Outdoor recreational activities, at recreational facilities, in nature and urban green areas, are proven to benefit both the mental and physical health of urban residents. However, in the contemporary urban planning paradigm, where compact cities are forefront, planning for outdoor recreational amenities is increasingly in conflict with such compact ideals. In a Swedish context, a historical perspective on the question of outdoor recreation in the urban sphere discloses a rich legacy of past welfare recreational planning resting on the notion of enabling sports for all. In this thesis, I aim to offer an interpretation, and to deepen the understanding of, the interactions and tensions between outdoor recreation, compact city models and lingering planning legacies of past recreational planning. I do this in order to scrutinise the conditions for outdoor recreation within the compact city. The thesis adopts a material-semiotic approach and leans on assemblage theory, science and technology scholars working on the ordering effects of planning and previous studies on materialised discourses in the landscape. Findings of the thesis indicate an increasing fragmentation of outdoor recreation. This fragmentation leads to multiple definitions of the issue and a fragmented geography for outdoor recreation. These intertwined fragmentations, the thesis argues, support the rationales of the compact city, while marginalising outdoor recreational geographies. Based on the findings, the thesis concludes a need of reassembling landscapes for outdoor recreation and suggests that a historical perspective offers a fruitful way to do so.
... The definition of urban also requires interpretation. There has been a widespread debate in urban studies on what the terms urban and city mean, and in particular, the boundary constraints, spatially or otherwise (see eg Allen et al, 1999;Marcotullio and Solecki, 2013;Wachsmuth, 2014). This ongoing conflict over definition presents a further issue with regard to what is being measured and where, resulting in difficulty in comparing across cities/ urban areas. ...
... The definition of urban also requires interpretation. There has been a widespread debate in urban studies on what the terms urban and city mean, and in particular, the boundary constraints, spatially or otherwise (see eg Allen et al, 1999;Marcotullio and Solecki, 2013;Wachsmuth, 2014). This ongoing conflict over definition presents a further issue with regard to what is being measured and where, resulting in difficulty in comparing across cities/ urban areas. ...
... The contribution of Brenner and Schmid remains pertinent on the theoretical plane, particularly for its decentering of the "city" as a confined and enclosed space. In their opinion, it becomes imperative not only to present "the 'city as ideology' (Wachsmuth 2014) but also the critique of 'methodological cityism' (Angelo and Wachsmuth 2015) and of the 'urban age discourse' (Brenner and Schmid 2014) to (re)affirm the distinctiveness of the city-centric and the excentric urban and, ultimately, to move towards a new epistemology of the urban (Brenner and Schmid 2015)" (Castriota and Tonucci 2018: 514). This perspective goes further by "provincializing" (Chakrabarty 2000) the city, introducing three moments of urbanization: (1) concentrated, (2) differential, and (3) extended urbanization. ...
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... The demographic, ecological, socio-political, economic, and other dimensions of the accelerating "urban age" have produced both startling transformations of planetary life and productive tensions over how these are to be understood. A shift in focus from urban form to urban process, especially evident in research that seeks to move beyond the city as a bounded unit of analysis and/or organizing principle Streule, 2020;Wachsmuth, 2014) is central (but not reducible) to theses of "planetary urbanization" (Brenner and Schmid, 2015;Merrifield, 2013). As Beauregard (2018: 11) rightly argues, this epistemological shift "provides an answer to 'what is a city?' by displacing the question. ...
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