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The Ethnic Profile of Djakarta
... Afterwards, studies regarding ethnicity and migration are derived using the birth province information (e.g. Castles, 1967). Fortunately, after the political reformation following the downfall of the Suharto regime in 1998 (Firman, 2004), the Indonesian population's ethnicity has been re-recorded starting from the 2000 Census. ...
... As previously mentioned, Western education impacted each ethnic group differently. Some ethnic groups embraced it more (e.g. the Minangkabau (Tomagola, 1982); the Batak (Rodenburg, 1997)) than the others in the past (e.g. the Betawi (Castles, 1967); the Madurese (Husson, 1997)). It shaped the current levels of education of ethnic groups (Jones et al., 2016), for some quite strikingly, that may affect their contemporary migration patterns. ...
... The Betawi is considered from Jakarta, while they were 'formed' by a mix of migrants from the Outer Islands and the foreigners-many were slaves-who lived in Jakarta during the Dutch colonisation period(Castles, 1967).Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved. ...
This paper is the first to examine to what extent ethnicity affects ever migrating and the number of migrations across the lifespan for the case of internal migration in Indonesia. We use all five waves of the Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS) to study migration behaviour of respondents belonging to some of the largest ethnic groups in Indonesia. Our logistic regression results show that the Minangkabau, Betawi, Madurese, Balinese, Buginese and Makassarese, and Sasak, Bima and Dompu are less likely to ever migrate than the Javanese. Using only migrants and controlling for the first migration and other characteristics, truncated negative binomial regression results show that, in comparison with the Javanese, the Minangkabau and Banjarese have a higher expected number of migrations while the numbers are lower for the Betawi and Balinese. Thus, ethnicity contributes to ever migrating as well as the number of migrations, but we find that the differences between the ethnic groups diminish for the latter. These results also point out that a higher likelihood of ever migrating does not always correspond with a higher number of migrations, highlighting the importance of studying migration count to complement the study of migration as a one-time event.
... Ada beberapa alasan yang menyebabkan fenomena Betawi Kristiani di Kampung Sawah menarik untuk dikaji. Pertama, ragam kajian akademik yang ada seringkali membahas Betawi sebagai etnis yang identik dengan Islam (Aziz, 2002;Blackburn, 2011;Chaer, 2015;Farlina, 2012;Mulyadi, 2017;Shahab, 2004). Kedua, beberapa studi memandang bahwa warga Betawi yang tidak menganut Islam seringkali dianggap bukan sebagai bagian dari Betawi karena tanda-tanda yang melekat padanya (Edison, 2000;Nopianti et al., 2019;Shahab, 2004;Tan, 2016), sementara umat Kristiani di Kampung Sawah menyematkan Betawi sebagai bagian dari identitas etnis mereka. ...
... Meski pada awalnya penampilan busana Betawi dalam acara Natal mendapat kecaman dan protes dari orang Betawi di tahun 1999 (Shahab, 2004), namun penggunaan pakaian adat Betawi dalam acara Natal di gereja Kampung Sawah masih konsisten hingga kini (Destryawan, 2020 (Abdullah et al., 2009). Demikian halnya dengan Orang Betawi yang dikenal sebagai pemeluk agama Islam yang sangat baik dan taat dalam menjalankan ajaran agamanya (Blackburn, 2011;Chaer, 2015;Saidi, 1997Saidi, , 2010. Islam telah memberi makna sebagai sebuah identitas pembeda dengan komunitas lain, sehingga sebelum istilah Betawi lazim digunakan, mereka menyebut diri mereka dengan Orang Selam (Blackburn, 2011;Mulyadi, 2017;Saidi, 1997). ...
... Demikian halnya dengan Orang Betawi yang dikenal sebagai pemeluk agama Islam yang sangat baik dan taat dalam menjalankan ajaran agamanya (Blackburn, 2011;Chaer, 2015;Saidi, 1997Saidi, , 2010. Islam telah memberi makna sebagai sebuah identitas pembeda dengan komunitas lain, sehingga sebelum istilah Betawi lazim digunakan, mereka menyebut diri mereka dengan Orang Selam (Blackburn, 2011;Mulyadi, 2017;Saidi, 1997). ...
This paper presents the results of research on the Betawi Christian community in Kampung Sawah, Kota Bekasi. Based on interviews and literature study, this paper aims to analyze the dynamics of the identity of the people of Kampung Sawah and the acceptance of the Betawi Muslims towards them. The results of this study found that the Betawi identity continues to develop alongside the development of the residential area of this ethnic community and the flow of migration. The widespread motivation of scholars regarding the origins of the emergence of this ethnic group shows that this ethnic group is difficult to define as a result of the wide interaction between ethnic members and other ethnic groups. Because the identity of the Betawi is something that is fluid, the Betawi Christian of Kampung Sawah community can also be referred to as a part of the Betawi community. They shared Betawi identity and culture with other members of Betawi community as general.
... Populasi Volume 24 Nomor 2 2016 Batavian or Betawi or Djakarta Asli (Castles, 1967). With Jakarta as the capital, the number of migrants has increased significantly since the Independence of Indonesia in 1945. ...
... This was firstly shown in the data of the 1961 Population Census when no ethnic group question was asked explicitly. However, within this, Castles (1967) made a calculation based on the birth place of migrants in Jakarta. He also assumed that everyone in Jakarta in 1961 was either (a) a survivor or descendant of the 1930 population or (b) an immigrant since 1930 or a descendant of such an immigrant (pp. ...
... In his calculation,Castles (1967) distinguished non-indigenous people into two categories, namely (a) hybrid or citizenship replacement people and (b) foreigners. On his data, he calculates that there were around 102,000 Chinese foreigners among 294,000 Chinese in Indonesia. ...
As the capital city of a country with the world’s fourth largest population, Jakarta, like many other big cities in the developing economies, for example, Mexico City or New Delhi, hosts migrants from all regions of the country. Without a doubt, Jakarta has increasingly become the major core of the agglomeration processes transforming it and its satellite cities into a Mega Urban Region (MUR). This paper traces historically the interactions between migration, ethnicities and local politics in Jakarta from the 1960s to the 2000s focusing on the latest development, in which the phenomenon ‘Ahok’, the nickname of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-Christian from the small district of Belitung, has become an increasingly popular Governor of Jakarta. The paper argues that through the recent developments in Jakarta the politics have apparently been transformed into more civic, rather than ethnic politics. The nature of Jakarta as a proliferating migrant city transcends narrow cultural identities as well as conventional party politics into a more active citizenry through the widespread use of social media.
... Modern Jakarta itself was decribed by Castles (1967) as a busy metropolitan where one can find the latest fashion style and newest ideas from around the world. Jakarta was probably the "most Indonesian" city in the archipelago, because of it multi-ethnic inhabitants, which has always been the case since the 17 th century. ...
... The growing prejudice and recent conflicts between religious groups, the tendency to label people according to ethnicity, which occurs in Jakarta and throughout Indonesia, has been mentioned by some participants as an annoying setback (kemunduran). Could it be that citizens living in Jakarta as "the most Indonesian city" (Castles, 1967) felt a stronger sense of unity as a new, independent nation in the 1950s and 1960s as compared to Indonesia in 2017? Societal changes in the past decades in Indonesia has been a great concern to most GAMENT members, without knowing any practical solution to suggest. ...
How has urban life in Jakarta changed in the past decades? This paper will discuss life in Menteng, a Jakarta residential area built during the Dutch East Indies colonial times as an extension of Batavia. After independence it became an elite area with residents coming from various parts of Indonesia, mostly working in the civil service. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with former Menteng residents. Fifteen respondents, now in their 60s and 70s, shared what they remembered most about living in Menteng in the past and how they view urban life in present-day Jakarta. Secondary data were also obtained from the social media homepage of GAMENT, a community of ex-Menteng residents. The most dominant response shared were their views of Jakarta being a peaceful place where neighbours of diverse backgrounds lived in harmony. Respondents compared this to contemporary Jakarta
which in their views is becoming more conservative and primordial. This paper is part of a larger project to document collective memories of GAMENT members.
Keywords: Urban Living, Collective Memory, Jakarta
... When Jakarta was declared the capital of the Indonesian nation in 1949, the city was transformed dramatically from a 'compact colonial city' into a postcolonial megacity. The city itself was challenged by the huge requirement for accommodating shelter for the swelling population of 1.78 million in 1952, nearly 3.5 million in 1965, and 9.6 million in 2010 (Castles 1967). Now Jakarta's urban territory is officially known as the Special Territory of Jakarta or Daerah Khusus Ibukota (DKI) and covers 661 km 2 and comprises five municipalities: Central Jakarta, North Jakarta, West Jakarta, East Jakarta, and South Jakarta. ...
... Jakarta is a typically 'latecomer megacity' as the city is fast growing, but without long established urban planning regulations. When Jakarta was known as Batavia, the city development was driven by the effort to establish the colonial city for a minority of its citizens, especially the Europeans and Asians who dominated the city's commercial activities (Castles 1967;Blusse 1986;Abeyasekere 1987). In 1976 Indonesia's President Suharto issued Presidential Decree No. 13/1976(Inpres 13/1976, which implemented the process of Jakarta's expansion. ...
This article examines chronologically how Summarecon Company has transformed vast, unproductive lands into a satellite city of Kelapa Gading (300,000 population). The study was based on an exploration of the process through which the township was created and represented as a new city. Soetjipto Nagaria, the founding father of Kelapa Gading City, exerts his leadership as a coherent approach to account properly for the growth, development, and morphology of the city. The company’s achievement in generating profitability and sustaining Kelapa Gading’s growth rate is based on a paradoxical dualism between economic incentives and continual innovation. The company must adhere to the rigid formulas that govern the city’s profitability, but at the same time it needs to generate continual innovation in order to stay at the forefront of the constantly changing ‘state of the art’ development for an entrepreneurial city.
... In 1619 there were around 300 -400 Chinese residents in Batavia (Marcus A. S. and Benedanto 2007). In 1673 the Chinese population of Batavia had reached 2,747 people, and this number had increased rapidly in 1815 (Castles 1967 (Abeyasekere 1987;Heuken 1982;Shahab 2001). ...
In the history of Jakarta, Chinatown played a significant role to the formation of the city. The Chinatown area accompanied Jakarta along its journey and has been around since the city was still known as Batavia. The Chinese were among the actors who played a major role in the formation of urban space when Batavia began to develop. After four centuries, Jakarta’s Chinatown, which is now known as the Glodok area, continues to exist and is a bustling commercial area. The research conducted tries to dig further into the existence of Jakarta’s Chinatown to reveal what lies behind its current formation. The Chinatown that can be found at this time is the second phase of the Jakarta Chinatown. At the beginning of Batavia, the Chinatown area was part of the city center. In 1740 there was a massacre that killed almost the entire Chinese population in Batavia. After the massacre, the Chinese no longer lived in the city center but filled the area outside the city walls. Through the study of archives and documents, the research tries to trace Jakarta’s Chinatown from the 17th to the 19th century to examine the spatial transformation that occurred when the first Chinatown was destroyed and a new Chinatown area grew. This research is a study of architectural history to better identify the formation of hidden layers in urban space. The findings show that there is an important role of the city gate or Pintoe Ketjil as a transition area and a starting point for the renewal phase of Chinatown. The market that develops from people's houses is a characteristic that enlivens the area. Glodok was originally the final boundary for the area before the relocation of the city center turned Glodok into the gateway for the new Chinatown.
Pecinan memiliki peran yang signifikan di dalam sejarah terbentuknya kota Jakarta. Kawasan Pecinan telah mengiringi Jakarta di sepanjang usia perjalanannya dan hadir sejak kota berdiri saat masih bernama Batavia. Penduduk Cina adalah di antara aktor-aktor yang berperan besar dalam pembentukan ruang kota pada saat Batavia mulai dikembangkan. Setelah empat abad berjalan, daerah Pecinan di Jakarta yang kini dikenal sebagai kawasan Glodok masih terus hadir dan merupakan kawasan perniagaan yang ramai. Penelitian yang dilakukan mencoba menggali lebih jauh keberadaan kawasan Pecinan Jakarta untuk mengungkapkan apa yang berlangsung di balik terbentuknya Pecinan saat ini. Pecinan yang dapat ditemui kini adalah fase kedua dari Pecinan Jakarta. Pada awal Batavia berdiri, kawasan Pecinan merupakan permukiman penduduk Cina berada di pusat kota. Hingga di tahun 1740 terjadi pembantaian yang menghabisi hampir seluruh penduduk Cina di Batavia. Pasca pembantaian penduduk Cina tidak lagi tinggal di pusat kota melainkan memenuhi area di luar dinding kota. Melalui kajian arsip dan dokumen, penelitian mencoba menelusuri kondisi Pecinan Jakarta di abad ke-17 hingga akhir abad ke-19 untuk menelaah transformasi ruang yang berlangsung pada saat Pecinan pertama musnah dan tumbuhnya kawasan Pecinan baru. Penelitian ini merupakan studi sejarah arsitektur untuk lebih mengenali formasi dari lapisan-lapisan tersembunyi di dalam ruang kota. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa terdapat peranan penting wilayah pintu gerbang kota atau Pintoe Ketjil sebagai area transisi dan titik awal tumbuhnya Pecinan fase kedua. Pasar yang berkembang dari rumah-rumah penduduk adalah ciri khas yang menghidupkan kawasan. Glodok pada awalnya adalah batas akhir kawasan Pecinan, sebelum kemudian terjadinya perpindahan pusat kota mengubah Glodok menjadi pintu gerbang Pecinan baru.
... Source: The ethnic composition in 1961 is based on an estimate by Lance (1967). The 2000 data is based on the results of the 2000 National Census. ...
The victory of Joko Widodo (‘Jokowi’) in Jakarta's 2012 gubernatorial election has been described as a “triumph of democracy” as Joko and his running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (‘Ahok’), a Chinese Christian, successfully won the election despite negative ethno-religious campaigns against them. How exactly did the ethno-religious boundary influence the election? By analysing the results of the election in relation to ethnicities and religions using the 2000 National Census, the author reveals an ethnopolitical map of Jakarta, for political analysis a potentially important but still under-researched area. The article then proceeds to examine the ‘religionisation’ process of the election campaign. The incumbent governor, Fauzi Bowo, carefully established his religious image and tried to mobilise support through religious symbols and persuasion, even though the electoral results seemed to be divided along ethnic lines. Joko also participated in a number of religious campaigns, albeit in a different way that was more subtle. Because ideological differences between Islamic and secular nationalist parties have become blurred and the general ‘religionisation’ of Indonesian society has continued, religious campaigns are becoming more important in domestic politics, even for ‘less-Islamic’ politicians like Joko.
... The term Betawi refers to a group of people who have similar cultural identity and claim to be the original inhabitants of Jakarta [2]. Batavia or Betawi was formed in the late 19th century as a result of mixing and acculturation process between some ethnic groups [3]. According to Castles the origin of Betawi people can be traced from four historical sketches as follows: First is Daghregister, namely the diary in 1673 made by the Netherlands, who dwells in the fortress city of Batavia. ...
Betawi wedding dress is influenced by culture or customs of other tribes, including the Chinese customs. How big is the influence of Chinese culture in the Betawi ethnic bride dress will be discussed along with the ornaments of a wedding dress and accessories worn by the bride. This research is a comparative study that compares the similarities and differences of Betawi bride dress with the Chinese bride dress in PRC. The results of this study is the similarities of the Betawi bride dress with the Chinese bride dress can be seen from the shape of the dress and skirt, dress materials and color, the motifs on the dress and the bride’s headdress. The differences are seen in the shape and color of footwear, headwear and vest and shoulder ornament.
... De Carteau stated that: "[t]his fragment of society and analyses is first of all the dwelling, which is as we know the reference of every metaphor. Through the practices that articulate its interior space, it inverts the strategies of public space and silently organizes the language (a vocabulary, proverbs, etc.)" (Certeau, 1984). Depending upon the theoretical framework on an individual tactic in daily life, this research tried to bring everyday life and mundane practices to the forefront. ...
This study aims to draw attention to the architecture of kampung housing, as an attempt to identify those circumstances under which people live in the context of limited space. A kampung housing is a dense non-formally planned cluster of residential dwellings in urban area, which are packed together in a contiguous area created by a large number of migrants. We tried to determine the way in which the spaces are arranged into a place to live, which implies a certain dynamic of survivability among the kampung's inhabitants. The research methodology is conducted with questionnaire surveys, interviews, and detailed observations of daily life cycles, dwelling elements, and the pattern of domestic space arrangements. The study revealed that the characteristics of particular high-density settings have been adapted so that kampung inhabitants devised a particular set of rules and behavioral strategies to cope and support themselves in crowded situations. © 2016 Archnet-IJAR, International Journal of Architectural Research.
... Since first collected by the colonial Dutch administration in the 1930 Census, ethnic identification was not collected again until the 2000 Population Census. This hiatus in data collection explains why census-based and statistically representative studies on ethnicity in Indonesia are relatively limited in number (see Ananta, Arifin, & Bakhtiar, 2005;Ananta, Arifin, Hasbullah, Handayani, & Pramono, 2013, 2014Bruner, 1974;Castles, 1967;Suryadinata, Arifin, & Ananta, 2003;Thristiawati, Booth, Hall and Utomo, 2015;Van Klinken, 2003). ...
This paper examines regional, ethnic-specific patterns and individual-level correlates in same ethnic marriages (endogamy) and ethnic intermarriages in Indonesia. With data from over 47 million couples in prevailing marriages from the full enumeration of the 2010 Census, we outline the provincial variations in endogamy against development indicators and an ethnic fractionalisation index. We compare the prevalence of endogamy for major ethnic groups, and use network plots to examine pairing patterns in ethnic intermarriage. We use multivariate analysis to summarise the relationships between the likelihood of endogamy and migration status, ethnic group size, age group, and education for individuals in two selected provinces: North Sumatra and Jakarta. There is evidence to support negative associations between endogamy rates and provincial development indicators. Endogamy rates vary across major ethnic groups, and as expected, are higher in relatively large ethnic groups. In Jakarta and North Sumatra, individuals in urban areas, with younger age, and higher level of education have lower likelihood of endogamy. We found a positive relationship between ethnic size and endogamy, but conflicting results on the association between lifetime migration and endogamy in both provinces. By studying ethnic pairing patterns, this research provides a unique window to understand the dynamics of development, social change, and social stratification in an ethnically diverse emerging democracy.
... Consequently, the Betawi, with few exceptions, were not among the Indonesian elite after independence had been achieved in 1949. The latter were mostly of Javanese origin, while some came from other islands of the Indonesian archipelago (Castles 1967;van Niel 1960). ...
... The trade networks of the archipelago had functioned to establish a strikingly diverse population in the trading ports of the region. 63 Before the arrival of European traders, indigenous residents had worked alongside Chinese and Middle Eastern merchants. In the ports they were joined by Portuguese, Dutch, and English merchants, to name but a few of the groups present in the area when Batavia was established. ...
The founding of Batavia on the island of Java was key to the success of the VOC. This would have lasting consequences in the region, as it would remain the capital of the colonial Dutch East Indies into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries--becoming Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia, after independence. In 1618, the new governor-general of the VOC, Jan Pietersz Coen (1587â1629; governor-general 1618â23 and 1627â29), chose a location and initiated a series of events that led to the establishment of the city of Batavia. Coen recognized the need for an eastern capital for the VOC, which would serve as an administrative center and warehouse, where goods could be collected and shipped back to Europe. The VOC realized an administrative center in the archipelago would make for more efficient administration of trade. At this point, the VOC was not interested in acquiring territory beyond a secure location for a harbor, town, and fort. It was only after the dissolution of the VOC two centuries later and the beginning of formal governmental colonization that more land would be required for plantation farming. Coen chose as his site an inhabited harbor on the northern coast of Java, one of the larger islands. Controlling this location allowed the Dutch to bypass the contested Strait of Malacca and to control traffic passing through the Sunda Strait. As had been discovered by Indonesians long before the arrival of Europeans, the mouth of the Ciliwung River, with its easy access to the inland area and a supply of fresh water, was an ideal location for a harbor.The characteristics that were perceived as Dutch in Batavia, the canals and grid, fit into a larger model of seventeenth-century Dutch urban planning, both in the Dutch Republic and its overseas settlements. The city plan also reflects the theoretical models of the mathematician and engineer Simon Stevin. The seventeenth-century Dutch oversaw the building of new cities and the expansion of established cities throughout the world. Several scholars have discussed the qualities of Dutch urban planning in the period, but there is more to say about the importance of hierarchy in their examples. Batavia offers a prime case study for exploring the idea of control imposed by the built environment. Here was a newly built city, with a population we know to have been strictly divided and hierarchically structured, yet the urban fabric hid these inequalities through the misleading appearance of equal access and potential mobility throughout the city. The very real social stratifications were further exacerbated by ostentatious dress and behavior that underlined the cityâs inhabitantsâ concern with rank. I shall suggest that in Batavia the restrictions placed upon inappropriate displays of rank developed precisely because these displays exposed too conspicuously the inherently hierarchical nature of the cityâs environment and its population.
... Consequently, the Betawi, with few exceptions, were not among the Indonesian elite after independence had been achieved in 1949. The latter were mostly of Javanese origin, while some came from other islands of the Indonesian archipelago (Castles 1967;van Niel 1960). ...
“Creolization” has often been terminologically equated with “hybridization,” “syncretization,” and other terms referring to processes of mixture. Normative assumptions concerning categories of race, origin, and culture as well as emic labeling have had a strong impact on who and what was labeled as creole. I argue for a more concise and contextualized understanding of the term “creole” to warrant its usefulness for comparative cultural analysis. Examining the social and historical context of creolization and tracing the etymology of “creole” and its meanings over time show that creolization has been distinct in involving indigenization and—to varying degrees—ethnicization of diverse and in large part foreign populations. Taking into account creolization's—and creole terminology's—historical semantics helps unfold the latter's heuristic potentials for a more systematic and comparative analysis, conceptualization, and differentiation of contemporary processes of interaction and mixture. By connecting the historical semantics of creolization and creoleness with specific sociolinguistic approaches to distinguish between creole and pidgin variants of language, historical creolization's major contemporary “outcome”—pidginization of culture and identity—comes to light, a process prevalent particularly in postcolonial societies. Theoretical assumptions will be substantiated by empirical examples from Indonesia and Sierra Leone.
... Consequently, the Betawi, with few exceptions, were not among the Indonesian elite after independence had been achieved in 1949. The latter were mostly of Javanese origin, while some came from other islands of the Indonesian archipelago (Castles 1967;van Niel 1960). ...
This work examines the nexus between creolization, colonial citizenship(s) and discourses of degeneration. It focuses on two sites: (1) 19th- and 20th-century Freetown, Sierra Leone, and (2) the early Cape and 20th-century South Africa. The author engages three key thinkers: Edouard Glissant, Jean-Loup Amselle and Mahmood Mamdani to illustrate how these colonial administrations deployed creolization to construct partial citizenships derived from ideas of ‘mixed race’ and ‘corrupted’ or ‘lacking’ culture. The author argues that ‘Creole’ and ‘creole’ signified, in the colonial imagination, a ‘degenerate type’ behind its legal category, ‘non-native’, and shows how uses of the concepts ‘creolization’ and ‘creole’, in selected histories of the Cape and Freetown, surrender to their colonial meanings, obscure their biopolitical significance and so, collude with discourses of degeneration. The article concludes first, that Edouard Glissant’s conception of creolization as method counters ethnological reasoning and second, that his concept ‘Relation’ enables citizenship(s) that contest social inequality and live with difference.
... Seule une investigation au niveau des R.T., Rukun Tetangga, l'unité administrative •élémentaire, pourrait révéler leur nombre et leur localisation précise. Le fait que dans les statistiques de Castles (1967) et Wallace (1976) chaque Indonésien né à Jakarta soit classifié comme "Betawi" (chez Castles: "Batavians" ou "Djakarta asli") prête à confusion. D'autre part, beaucoup des pendatang (nouveaux venus) qui se sont établis dansles kampung betawi sont devenus graduellement locuteurs de la langue, entre autres grâce à leurs enfants, et sont parvenus à une véritable maîtrise de la langue. ...
C. D. Grijns memperlihatkan masih hidupnya bahasa "Melayu Betawi" dan menunjukkan daerah-daerah pemakaiannya : secara geo- grafis, sosial, Bahasa Melayu Betawi adalah sua tu bahasa yang jelas berbeda dari bahasa-bahasa lain yang dipakai di Jakarta, baik tata bahasanya maupun kesadaran dari para pemakainya yang merupakan suatu golongan sosial yang homogen; bahasa tersebut mempunyai berbagai variasi dialektal dan akhirnya juga variasi-variasi yang di- timbulkan oleh konteks sosial. Ciri yang terakhir ini yang paling sukar ditentukan, karena bahasa Melayu Betawi bukanlah bahasa yang dipakai dalam upacara resmi atau dalam kesusastraan. Namun ditemui juga adanya contoh-contoh yang khusus dari adanya ciri tersebut dalam kesenian rakyat dan terutama dalam ceritera lenong yang terkenal : Nyai Dasima.
... It is important to note that 'native' was by no means a homogenous category, it comprised a wide range of ethnic groups from across the archipelago: Betawi, Buginese, Madurese, Balinese, Sundanese, Javanese and more (seeCastles, 1967). ...
This article seeks to extend recent debates on urban infrastructure access by exploring the interrelationship between subjectivity, urban space and infrastructure. Specifically, it presents a case study of the development and differentiation of the urban water supply in Jakarta, Indonesia. Drawing on concepts of governmentality and materiality, it argues that the construction of difference through processes of segregation and exclusion enacted via colonial and contemporary ‘technologies of government’ has spatial, discursive and material dimensions. In particular, it seeks to ‘rematerialize’ discussions of (post‐)colonial urban governmentality through insisting upon the importance of the contested and iterative interrelationship between discursive strategies, socio‐economic agendas, identity formation and infrastructure creation. In exploring these claims with respect to Jakarta, the article draws on data derived from archival, interview and participant observation research to present a genealogy of the city's urban water supply system from its colonial origins to the present. We illustrate how discourses of modernity, hygiene and development are enrolled in the construction of urban subjects and the disposition of water supply infrastructure (and are also resisted), and document the relationship between the classification of urban residents, the differentiation of urban spaces and lack of access to services. The article closes with a discussion of the implications for analyses of the differentiation of urban services and urban space in cities in the global South.
Résumé
Cet article tente d’élargir les récents débats sur l’accès aux infrastructures urbaines en explorant l’interrelation entre subjectivité, espace urbain et infrastructure. Plus précisément, il présente une étude de cas sur l’aménagement et la différenciation de l’approvisionnement en eau de Jakarta, en Indonésie. À partir des concepts de gouvernementalité et de matérialité, il fait valoir que la construction d’une différence par des processus de ségrégation et d’exclusion, mis en œuvre par des « technologies de gouvernement » coloniales et contemporaines, a des dimensions spatiales, discursives et physiques. Ce travail vise notamment à« rematérialiser » les discussions sur la gouvernementalité urbaine (post‐)coloniale en insistant sur l’importance de l’interrelation contestée et itérative entre stratégies discursives, programmes socio‐économiques, formation d’identité et création d’infrastructures. Tout en explorant ces idées dans le cadre de Jakarta, l’article exploite des données issues d’archives, d’entretiens et d’observations participantes afin de présenter une généalogie du réseau urbain de distribution d’eau, de ses origines coloniales jusqu’à nos jours. Il montre comment les discours sur la modernité, l’hygiène et l’aménagement s’inscrivent dans la représentation des sujets urbains et dans la disposition de l’infrastructure d’approvisionnement en eau (et comment s’exprime la résistance) ; de plus, il expose la relation entre la classification des résidents, la différenciation des espaces urbains et le manque d’accès aux services de la ville. La conclusion termine par les conséquences pour les analyses sur la différenciation des services urbains et de l’espace urbain dans les grandes villes des pays du Sud.
This article discusses plans to move Indonesia's capital city to the Penajam area, North Paser, East Kalimantan. Reading the history of the relocation of the capital city and the politics of capital city spatial planning both during the colonial and post-independence periods, it is clear that symbolic aspects in space play an important role in representing culture as well as constructing the culture desired by the government. Based on data obtained through the official government website, it appears that the current transfer and spatial planning of IKN on the island of Kalimantan is also basically a cultural policy of the government, namely an effort to create a national capital that reflects a national identity that transcends all barriers of ethnic identity and another primordial identity.
Abstrak Tulisan ini membahas tentang rencana pemindahan ibu kota negara Indonesia ke daerah Penajam, Paser Utara, Kalimantan Timur. Membaca sejarah pemindahan ibu kota dan politik tata ruang ibu kota baik pada masa kolonial maupun pasca kemerdekaan terlihat bahwa aspek simbolik dalam ruang berperan penting untuk merepresentasikan budaya sekaligus mengonstruksi budaya yang dikehendaki pemerintah. Berdasarkan data-data yang diperoleh melalui situs resmi pemerintah terlihat bahwa pemindahan dan tata ruang IKN di pulau Kalimantan saat ini pada dasarnya juga merupakan sebuah politik kebudayaan pemerintah yakni upaya untuk mewujudkan sebuah ibu kota negara yang mencerminkan sebuah identitas nasional yang melampaui segenap sekat identitas etnis dan identitas primordial lainnya. Abstract This article discusses plans to move Indonesia's capital city to the Penajam area, North Paser, East Kalimantan. Reading the history of the relocation of the capital city and the politics of capital city spatial planning both during the colonial and post-independence periods, it is clear that symbolic aspects in space play an important role in representing culture as well as constructing the culture desired by the government. Based on data obtained through the official government website, it appears that the current transfer and spatial planning of IKN on the island of Kalimantan is also basically a cultural policy of the government, namely an effort to create a national capital that reflects a national identity that transcends all barriers of ethnic identity and another primordial identity.
The reconstruction of the kinship terminology of the now-extinct Tugu Creole Portuguese (TCP) results from the triangulation between TCP’s available kinship terminology, the complete mapping for Malacca Creole Portuguese (MCP), and the terminology used currently by the Tugu community, which experienced a language shift towards Indonesian Malay and Betawi Malay. By examining the Tugu Village community in Jakarta, Indonesia, this paper adds more evidence for the existence of parallel kinship structures within one community and establishes linguistic and anthropological evidence for markers of inclusion and distinction among Jakarta’s ethnic groups. Thus, the Malay variety spoken in Tugu (TuM) possesses sociohistorical and linguistic elements that distinguish the community from other local communities, together with elements that bind the community to other Asian-Portuguese creole communities.
This article examines the extent of the role of Sufism da'wah in improving the quality of faith of the Indonesian people, especially the Betawi community. Where the Betawi community experiences moral decadence, and with its geographical location, namely the Metropolitan City, the Betawi community is infected with a hedonistic and realistic lifestyle. This research is a field research. A sociological approach is used to analyze what Sufism looks like in the Betawi community in Indonesia. The theory used is the sociology of knowledge. This research focuses on da'wah as a center of study, and Sufism as an indicator in the formation of Betawi community morals. The results showed that forging life through Sufism da'wah produced good results in the Betawi community. Sufism da'wah in Indonesia as a medium of da'wah in Islamic Education aims to sharpen the heart and be forged with the application of Sufism teachings. So that problems are realized because of the preservation of reason.
The relocation of the capital city is nothing new. There have been many countries doing it in the past for various reasons that differ from one country to another. Indonesia is planning to relocate its capital city from Jakarta to Nusantara. This new capital city will be built with the city's best concepts. From the aspect of space and structure, Nusantara has shown clear goals regarding how it will be built. However, there is still an issue regarding the new capital city's identity. The slogan “A World City for All” echoes without explanation. In this globalization era, world cities look similar with no distinctive features. This paper tries to answer this identity problem related to spatial and structural aspects. The results show that Nusantara does not yet have a clear national or global identity which forms the basis of the physical development of the city. In this case, I suggest that cosmopolitanism is an ideal identity for Nusantara. While this identity is still in line with global developments, it maintains the characteristics of a city which lately tends to have something in common because of its desire to remain connected with the global world.KeywordsCosmopolitanismGlobal identityCapital cityEthosCivicism
In late New Order Indonesia, industrialization generated among Jakarta’s intellectuals a sense of entrapment in an ‘onrushing century’ where the storm of progress had thrown their life into turmoil. What did it mean for them to find their urban experiences structured by this turmoil, which poet Afrizal Malna called an ‘architecture of rain’? Sensing that corporeal and material history may hold the key to this question, I look into why a section of New Order Jakarta’s intellectual class felt they were leading a hyper-fast, overheated life, and how they tried to come to terms with it. Focusing on thing-centred and embodied experiences, I use the tension between Jakarta’s social history and Afrizal Malna’s biography and literary work to spark a different understanding of contemporary Indonesian urbanism.
Compared to other social science research, the study of migration is relatively new in Indonesia. Probably, the various types of migration and the wide area over which those various types of migration occur are constraints to the study of migration in Indonesia. However, the since early 1950s, there has a growing interest among researchers to study the migration behavior of some ethnic groups. Attention was drawn to migration studies in the 1970s when there was a need among the policymakers to understand the migration process of the Indonesian people. For example, there was a need to understand how to attract people from the overcrowded islands (Java, Bali, and Lombok) to the sparsely populated islands (Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Irian Jaya). The problems that increased as a result of rural–urban migration such as urban unemployment, housing problems, and rural unbalanced age composition also encouraged policymakers and researchers to investigate the determinants and consequences of population mobility.
This chapter explores the songs and B-movies of a remarkable figure who emerged in Indonesian popular culture in the early 1970s, the Betawi singer and film comedian, Benyamin S. The Betawi (the term is derived from ‘Batavia’, the name of the Dutch colonial capital), with their distinctive, earthy, humorous Betawi dialect, is an ethnic group seen as the descendants of servants of the Dutch in Jakarta from its earliest times. Under Dutch colonialism the Betawi remained a marginalized group within the society, but developed their own camaraderie and subversive, ironic sense of humour. Ben’s songs and films embody this subversive worldview, mocking absurdities in modern Indonesian society and often spoofing first world popular culture genres as he does so. Through Ben’s songs and films in the 1970s, a city-based, marginalized—but ebullient and egalitarian—local culture in Indonesian society became central to the popular imagination of the nation as a whole.
The chapter focus on how “Indonesia” is imagined by young people living in Jakarta. Nationalism is most palpable in Jakarta. For the youth at the center, Indonesia is a natural and solid entity. The strength of this imagined Indonesia is possible because of the erasure of the complexity of Indonesia. In general, there is very little knowledge of, or interest in other regions outside of the capital. The youth in Jakarta assign a single role to these other regions, i.e., as bearers of exotic traditional cultures on which Indonesia’s identity as a country of cultural diversity could be justified. Looking outwardly, there are two Others that constitute the youth’s conceptualization of Indonesia. The first is Malaysia as the antagonistic Other, and the second is the affluent and developed countries as the desirable Other. The youth in Jakarta tend to constantly compare Indonesia to this desirable Other, leading to a tendency to imagine Indonesia and Indonesians in an inferior position.
Roti buaya merupakan roti khas Betawi yang selalu muncul di upacara pernikahan masyarakat Betawi. Penggunaan roti buaya dalam upacara pernikahan masyarakat Betawi merupakan pengetahuan lokal yang sudah dilakukan secara turun-temurun. Simbol kesetiaan merupakan makna yang muncul dari roti buaya. Artikel inibertujuan untuk melihat integrasi pengetahuan lokal dan ilmu pengetahuan yang terlihat dalam penggunaan roti buaya dalam pernikahan Betawi. Karakter buaya dalam roti buaya dikaitkan dengan karakter buaya di alam. Penelitian ini dilakukan melalui dua metode, yaitu wawancara dan studi literatur. Dari data yang terkumpul diketahui bahwa jenis buaya yang digambarkan dalam roti buaya adalah buaya muara (Crocodylus porosus). Karakter buaya yang dapat hidup di darat dan di air, ukuran buaya betina lebih kecil dari buaya jantan, merupakan karakter buaya yang digambarkan dalam roti buaya, dan sesuai dengan karakter buaya di alam. Simbol buaya sebagai simbol kesetiaan hanya sesuai ketika buaya ditempatkan dalam sistem kandang pasangan. Meskipun begitu, pemahaman buaya sebagai simbol kesetiaan tetap dipegang oleh masyarakat Betawi. Hal ini ditandai dengan penggunaan roti buaya dalam pernikahan yang bertahan hingga sekarang
This study is about the urbanism and society of otherness in confrontation with critical past and present. The focus of this study is to unveil and dismantle aspects of subjectivity and otherness concerning the history of social and cultural geography. The case study is the Dutch V.O.C urbanism in Indonesia between 1602 and 1800. This study argues the sense of subjectivity and otherness is not the reason for revulsion and resentment but an opportunity for acculturation within the framework of global fraternity, because the present urbanism, architecture, and society are the amalgamations of diverse sources, roots and circumstances of the past. The purpose of the study is to recognize and rethink imagery subjectivity and otherness in society, architecture and urbanism as a challenge of a historical necessity for openness toward multiculturalism.
Abstrak
Komunitas Arab-Hadhrami di Betawi peranannya dirasa amat besar bagi masyarakat Betawi, tidak hanya terkenal sejak dahulu keahliannya dalam bidang politik dan perdagangan, namun juga dalam bidang sosial-keagamaan. Wujud nyata dari peranan yang dimainkan oleh orang-orang Arab tersebut terlihat sekali ketika memasuki awal abad XX, yakni dengan didirikannya sebuah organisasi modern yang bergerak di bidang sosial-keagamaan yang bernama Jamiat Kheir. Organisasi ini terkenal bukan saja karena keberhasilannya mendirikan sekolah-sekolah modern dan melahirkan tokoh-tokoh Islam penting, tetapi juga karena kegiatan sosial-keagamaannya yang diwujudkan dalam bentuk pendirian beberapa panti asuhan, Islamic center, majelis taklim, percetakan dan juga fasilitas umum seperti; perpustakaan, masjid, dan rumah sakit. Kegiatan itu pun masih tetap berlangsung hingga kini dalam program kegiatan-kegiatan yang dilaksanakan oleh ar-Rabithah al-Alawiyyah. Fakta ini cukup menjadi suatu bantahan atas pernyataan seorang tokoh Orientalis Barat yakni, L.W.C Van den Berg yang kemudian diikuti oleh kalangan orientalis lainnya seperti K.A Steenbrink dan C. Snouck Hurgronje, yang menyatakan bahwa motivasi utama orang-orang Arab datang ke Nusantara hanyalah untuk berdagang dan mencari keuntungan materi semata. Oleh karena itu, tujuan penilitian ini adalah untuk membuktikan bahwa tidak semua orang-orang Arab yang datang ke Nusantara khususnya di Betawi, bertujuan hanya untuk berdagang dan mencari keuntungan materi semata.
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Abstract
Hadrami Arab community in Batavia felt immense role for the Betawi people, not only famous since ancient expertise in the fields of politics and trade, but also in the socio-religious. Concrete manifestation of the role played by the Arabs was seen once when entering the early twentieth century, namely the establishment of a modern organization that is engaged in socio-religious named Jamiat Kheir. This organization is famous not only for its success establishing modern schools and gave birth to Islamic figures is important, but also because of the socio-religious activities are realized in the form of the establishment of several orphanages, Islamic centers, taklim, printing and also public facilities such as; libraries, mosques, and hospitals. The campaign was still going on today in the program activities carried out by al-Rabita al-Alawiyyah. This fact is quite become a rebuttal to the statement of a prominent Western orientalists namely, LWC Van den Berg followed by the orientalists such as KA Steenbrink and C. Snouck, which states that the primary motivation of the Arabs came to the archipelago are for trade and looking for material gains alone. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to prove that not all Arabs who came to the archipelago, especially in Betawi, aiming only to trade and seek material gains alone.
This paper evaluates the dynamics of ethnicity and politics in the 2007 and 2012 gubernatorial elections in Jakarta. Previous research has mostly emphasised the negative impact of ethnicity on politics in the reformasi era, particularly through ethnic polarisation. By closely evaluating the major ethnic groups living in the mega-city, i.e. the Javanese, Betawi and Chinese, the author shows that the relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is an intricate one that is not static, particularly if one evaluates a commonly overlooked but crucial factor – the time frame. The author argues that ethnicity continues to play a role in elections even though it is less significant than education and flood variables. The relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is thus very dynamic, being related to the political context at the time of an election. The findings in this paper open up new questions on ethnicity and politics in a plural society like Indonesia.
This study explores the economic implications of rural-to-urban migration, as experienced by the low-income residents of Jakarta, Indonesia. Data on employment, occupation, and income of 2,435 heads of households from 22 settlements throughout the city are utilized. The objective in this analysis is to identify three dimensions of the migrant adjustment process: 1) the economic changes that resulted from cityward migration; 2) the migrant/nonmigrant economic differences in the population; and 3) the intraurban variation in the relative position of migrants.
There is increasing recognition of the role of culture in influencing community resilience. When acknowledged as cultural aspects, behaviors, beliefs and social structure could shape risk perception and risk behavior. In the context of Indonesia, research on culture has been mainly explored within the context of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, and rarely in the case of floods in coastal areas. This study aims to explore distinctive elements of culture that shape community resilience progressions from coping, self-organizing, recovering and learning to adapt to flood hazards.
We argue that unpacking and knowing how particular elements of culture influence the progression of resilience will lead to better understanding of how vulnerable communities build their resilience. Empirical data is collected through a survey of 170 households, semi-structured interviews with local leaders and group discussions in Muara Baru, North Jakarta.
This study finds that vulnerable communities can build resilience by optimizing their existing culture in daily life. First, household behaviors e.g. helping each other and offering mutual assistance, influences the ability to cope with disasters. Second, social structures e.g. task division amongst family members and the role of local leaders to manage relief programs, mainly determine ability to self-organize. Third, the recovery process is mainly shaped by networking within ethnic groups for social-economic support. Finally, the ability to learn to adapt is mainly influenced by strong beliefs which restrict people to learn from previous experiences and leaves them less prepared for future disasters. These findings are relevant for optimizing formal community resilience building programs.
Fenomena diaspora menarik untuk dikaji karena melihat bagaimana suatu identitas budaya dibentuk oleh
suatu masyarakat tertentu di luar daerah asalnya. Rumah Makan Padang merupakan artifak arsitektural yang
bisa merepresentasikan identitas budaya diaspora masyarakat Minangkabau. Dengan menggunakan
pendekatan semiotika arsitektur pada kasus Rumah Makan Padang di Bandung, penelitian ini mencoba
menginterpretasikan makna-makna identitas budaya diaspora masyarakat Minangkabau. Beberapa tanda yang
ditemukan dalam Rumah Makan Padang tersebut adalah atap bagonjong, logo Rumah Gadang, tulisan
“masakan Padang”, tatanan makanan, warna kebesaran Minangkabau, tisu lambang Rumah Gadang, kobokan
cuci tangan, dan penyajian makanan. Dengan menggunakan model analisis tanda individual dari Piliang,
kedelapan tanda itu diinterpretasi dan ditemukan ada dua macam tanda dalam Rumah Makan Padang yaitu
tanda yang bersifat denotatif yang didorong oleh motif ekonomi dan konotatif yang digerakkan motif budaya.
Tanda-tanda yang bersifat konotatif ternyata lebih banyak ditemukan dalam Rumah Makan Padang diaspora
daripada Rumah Makan yang berada di Padang. Dari interpretasi makna tersebut, terlihat bahwa identitas
Rumah Makan Padang lebih didorong oleh budaya berdagang masyarakat diaspora Minangkabau, sebagai
strategi adaptif di perantauan. Kajian ini diharapkan bisa memberi perspektif baru pada kajian arsitektur
nusantara, dengan melihat desain arsitektur sebagai fenomena keseharian yang terkait dengan motif ekonomi
dan budaya.
The vista that awaited the early nineteenth century visitor to Batavia as he disembarked from the launch that had brought him over the shoals of the Batavian roadstead was not a cheerful one.
The Jakarta Mega Urban Region (MUR) has expanded to become one of the largest mega-urban regions in the world. In this paper, we revisit Castle's seminal study on the education and ethnic composition of Jakarta using the 1961 Population Census. Using data from the full count 2010 Population Census, we examine the spatial patterns in the educational gradients of the population across the Jakarta MUR, and how such patterns may be explained by internal migration and the ethnic composition at the sub-district (kecamatan) level. We found that population movement from the core to the outer areas has softened the historically extremely sharp gradation in educational attainment across the MUR. We show the dominance of the Sundanese and Bantenese ethnic groups in rural hinterlands of the MUR where the average educational attainment is relatively low, and note this question of rurality versus ethnicity when interpreting our results.
Jakarta is a mega-city which stands astride the economic, political, and (arguably) cultural landscape of Indonesia. As a center of finance and administration it is Indonesia's gateway to the global economy. However, its rapid and chaotic growth has created an urban fabric of complexity and contrast which has been impossible to service or manage in a comprehensive or effective way. Yet the city remains a key symbol in Indonesia, is regarded with genuine affection by many of its inhabitants, and is still a magnet for migrants from across the archipelago. It is sometimes represented as a city of villages that retain much of their rurality. Like a number of other cities, Jakarta embodies, in an exaggerated way, many of the core contradictions of modernity. Since 1997 Indonesia, and with it Jakarta, has experienced economic and political crisis and profound change. Few are able confidently to predict the outcome, but it has seriously slowed Jakarta's progression towards steadily acquiring a greater array of world city functions. This chapter consists of three parts. In the first I make transparent the theoretical architecture which has guided construction of the chapter, then briefly outline Jakarta's history, establishing the foundations of its contemporary characteristics. The second part examines salient characteristics of Jakarta under the New Order (Order Baru) from 1965 until 1998, when the current infrastructure and modernist identity of the city was fashioned in its engagement with the global economy. © Cambridge University Press 2004 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Indonesia currently has one of the largest groups of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) of any nation in the world. This paper assesses the scale and patterns of such movement in Indonesia as at the beginning of 2002. It begins by assessing conflict as a cause of internal migration and shows how such movement was significant during the first two decades of independence in Indonesia. The current patterns of movement of IDPs in Indonesia are then outlined with the main origins being in the Outer Island provinces of Maluku, East Timor, Aceh, Central Sulawesi, Central Kalimantan, Papua and West Kalimantan. Around half of the current 1.3 million IDPs are housed in “refugee camps,” often in crowded and unhygienic conditions. Several of the expulsions of IDPs have come from areas where there have been earlier influxes of migrants, especially transmigrants of Java-Bali origins and the so-called BBM (Bugis, Butonese and Makassarese from South Sulawesi), with different ethnoreligious backgrounds than the native residents. The release of central control following the fall of the Suharto regime and the onset of the financial crisis have seen simmering newcomer/native, ethnic, religious and economic tensions rise to the surface to create the large scale expulsions. The Indonesian government has put forward a strategy to “solve” the IDP problem by the end of 2002. This is assessed and some of the medium and long-term implications of the movement discussed.
This paper argues that a historical perspective is important in the understanding of contemporary forced migration in Indonesia. It demonstrates this through an analysis of the major pre-1965 forced migrations in the country. It shows that many contemporary population flows, both forced and unforced, have their origins in historical forced migration. For example, urbanization in Indonesia in the immediate post-independence decades was in a major way a function of forced migration. Forced migration also has created chain migration linkages between origin and destination along which later non-forced movements occur. It is also shown that historical forces are often responsible for the political, economic and social inequalities which are an important influence on contemporary patterns of migration.
A study of the Malays of Sri Lanka, Their origins; history and their role as colonial soldiers in the British Ceylon Rifle Regiment (1800-1873). The book describes the life of the Malay Community in Sri Lanka during the 19th century including their contributions to the development of classical Malay literature.
This article outlines the trajectories of three genres of Indonesian popular music—kroncong, stambul songs, and gambang kromong—from the nineteenth century into the twenty-first century. Each was prominent in commercial recording and radio in the colonial era before World War II but subsequently slid to the margins of media activity; and each underwent great shifts in social context and audience composition over time. The article traces what is known of these genres before the advent of mass media, how they fared in the media embrace, and what happened to them after media attention shifted elsewhere.
Artikel ini menguraikan riwayat tiga jenis musik populer Indonesia—kroncong, lagu stambul, dan gambang kromong—dari abad kesembilan belas sampai dengan abad kedua puluh satu. Ketiga jenis musik tersebut pernah menonjol di media massa (rekaman dan radio) pada zaman kolonial tetapi kemudian terpinggirkan, dan semuanya mengalami perubahan besar dalam hal konteks sosial dan penggemarnya. Artikel ini menelusuri ketiga jenis tersebut sebelum munculnya media massa, perkembangannya dalam pelukan media, dan riwayatnya sesudah sorotan media bergeser ke jenis-jenis lain.
A categorized bibliography of research on the Regional Ethnic Chinese (Overseas Chinese) of East Asia in business.
In these excerpts of interviews, four young cultural activists offer their vision of an inclusive, tolerant, and cross-cultural Jakarta. They discuss the marginalization of the Betawians, who are considered to be the native inhabitants of the city, the escalation of identity politics, and power struggles in the globalized metropolitan
Batavia was founded as the headquarters of the VOC (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) in Asia on 30 May 1619, on the ruins of the Javanese port town of Jayakarta. To support its livelihood as a large trading centre, Batavia required a hinterland which could provide it with food crops, building materials, and human resources. The area which fulfilled this role as a hinterland from which it could draw what it needed was called the Ommelanden or the environs of the city.
The highest authority in the Ommelanden was in the hands of the Company government and was administered through various institutions such as: the College van Heemraden, the Gecommitteerde voor de zaken der Inlanderen, and the landdrost. To supervise landownership and the infrastructure in the Ommelanden, the Company set up the College van Heemraden in 1664, but this institution only became fully functional in 1682. Sugar was indubitably the prime commodity in determining the economic development in the Ommelanden. After several fluctuations, Batavian sugar industry really began to deteriorate in the 1730s. The upshot of the bankruptcy of the sugar industry was large numbers of unemployed people and growing social disorder which culminated with the Chinese massacre of 1740.
The common assertion that the major residential divisions in Southeast Asian cities, as a class, are along ethnic lines is not appropriate for Philippine provincial cities. The various Christian language groups amalgamate without serious difficulty, and Muslims and Chinese, though ethnically distinct, are in most cases too few (and Chinese are too intermixed) to determine the basic residential lineaments of the city.
The Chinese in Indonesia suffered considerable discrimination particularly during Suharto's rule (1967–1998). They were considered a foreign threat that needed to be kept under state control. Since the end of Suharto's regime and as a result of liberalisasi, demokratisasi and desentralisasi a revival of Chinese identity has set in, initiating a public discourse on the compatability of Chinese and Indonesian identity. This discourse refers to different categories of identification which are connected with specific conceptualizations concerning the interrelatedness of indigeneity, ethnicity and nationalism in Indonesia and Jakarta in particular.
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