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Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the "Postsocialist" Condition
Abstract
Refuting the argument to choose between "the politics of recognition" and the "politics of redistribution," Justice Interruptus integrates the best aspects of both. ********************************************************* ** What does it mean to think critically about politics at a time when inequality is increasing worldwide, when struggles for the recognition of difference are eclipsing struggles for social equality, and when we lack any credible vision of an alternative to the present order? Philosopher Nancy Fraser claims that the key is to overcome the false oppositions of "postsocialist" commonsense. Refuting the view that we must choose between "the politics of recognition" and the "politics of redistribution," Fraser argues for an integrative approach that encompasses the best aspects of both.
... Focusing on pre-service teachers' experiences, I explore how Fraser's (1997; "perspectival dualism" of justice and Honneth's (1995; "normative monism" framework help elucidates that a resignification of the cultural and moral value of rural education is essential to understand the root of the problem of rural school staffing. While both approaches are developed later in the article, it is important to establish here that Fraser believes that remedies to injustices and inequalities might often require both distribution (economic justice) and recognition (cultural justice)for example, better allocation of school resources (including staffing) and the adequate institutional cultural value given to social groups (such as rural communities). ...
... In the last three decades, political philosophers have expanded the idea of justice from distribution to recognition (see Fraser, 1997;Honneth, 1995;Young, 1990). The goal in this case is to shift the analysis of inequality from solely redistribution of financial and material resources to a focus on the recognition, respect and legitimization of the cultures and ways of being of all individuals and social groups. ...
... The goal in this case is to shift the analysis of inequality from solely redistribution of financial and material resources to a focus on the recognition, respect and legitimization of the cultures and ways of being of all individuals and social groups. To put it simply, a theory of recognition proposes that, to redress injustices, it is critical to pull apart entrenched institutionalized hierarchies that allocate different cultural value to different individuals according to their social background and identity, their values and ways of being (Fraser, 1997). While it is beyond the scope of this paper to distill the different approaches to recognition by political philosophers like Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth, a politics of recognition fundamentally proposes a reciprocal relation between different individuals and social groups. ...
... Distributive justice drew largely from two principles of Rawls (1972) justice as fairness theory arguing for (1) basic equal liberties for all (e.g., liberty to the person and freedom of speech), and (2) fair equality of opportunity for all to be attached to positions and resources, while any inequalities can be allowed if they are to the greatest benefit of the least-advantaged members of society. Gewirtz (1998) and North (2006) drew on the works of Young (1990) and Fraser (1997) to argue for broadening the distributive conception of justice in education to include "relational justice" (Gewirtz, 1998). Relational justice is also referred to as "cultural justice" or "recognition" (Fraser, 1997). ...
... Gewirtz (1998) and North (2006) drew on the works of Young (1990) and Fraser (1997) to argue for broadening the distributive conception of justice in education to include "relational justice" (Gewirtz, 1998). Relational justice is also referred to as "cultural justice" or "recognition" (Fraser, 1997). Relational justice includes, "all aspects of institutional rules and relations insofar as they are subject to potential collective action" (Young, 1990, p. 16). ...
... In a similar vein, Fraser (1997) argues that there is a movement from economic justice (or distributive justice), where individuals and groups identified as disadvantaged strive to defend their "interests," put an end to "exploitation," and triumph "redistribution," to cultural justice, where individuals and groups identified as disadvantaged strive to defend their "identities," put an end to "cultural domination," and triumph "recognition" (pp. 2-3). ...
... De este modo, la desigual distribución de los recursos materiales y simbólicos de género es consecuencia de una estructura que se asienta en una división sexual del trabajo -productivo y (re) productivo (Federici, 2013;Pérez Orozco, 2019)-que establece una posición diferenciada y jerárquica donde los hombres se posicionan en el privilegio (Fraser, 1997;Sassen, 2003). En este ISSN: 2310-340X | RNPS: 2349 Garrido Ortolá, A. "La Agenda 2030: un balance de la equidad de género en Latinoamérica y el Caribe" Disponible en: https://coodes.upr.edu.cu/index.php/coodes/article/view/561 ...
... La falta de autonomía económica de las mujeres, así como las cuestiones socioculturales derivada de las dinámicas patriarcales, el mantenimiento del privilegio y el poder en torno a unas jerarquías sociales evidencian una injusticia socioeconómica, pero también de reconocimiento, donde lo feminizado está devaluado y carente de reconocimiento (Fraser, 1997). Aunque los distintos puntos están relacionados entre ellos y se retroalimentan entre sí, para el presente trabajo es especialmente relevante el tercer punto, que indica "la división sexual del trabajo y la injusta organización social del cuidado". ...
... Trinidad y Tobago (2000) Por consiguiente, la falta de autonomía económica y los obstáculos que impiden avances de igualdad están enraizados en la injusta organización social del cuidado que se mantienen mediante una suerte división sexual del trabajo donde posiciona a las mujeres en un trabajo, no solo no remunerado sino devaluado, (Fraser, 1997). Es por ello, por lo que se han señalado diversos indicadores que instan a la creación de marcos normativos integrales que puedan dar cobertura jurídica. ...
In September 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals were approved, giving way to the previous agenda: The Millennium Development Goals. At the halfway point of the date for their achievement in 2030, it is necessary to reflect on the setbacks and advances of the Agenda. Specifically, the objective of this article is to analyze the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals in the achievement of gender equity in the Latin American and Caribbean region. Specifically, it will address the situation of women's economic autonomy, addressing Goals 1, 5 and 8. The methodology used is through qualitative review, applying theoretical methods of a socio-legal nature and through the analysis-synthesis of the data obtained. To this end, this will be studied through two axes, on the one hand, the data collected from the region around the selected goals and indicators; and, on the other, the development of innovative legal norms. In this sense, although there have been some advances that allow the 2030 Agenda on a path of progress, the pandemic crisis has revealed the structural conditions of gender inequality, making it necessary to reflect on the crisis of care in the region. The pandemic crisis has shown several setbacks, but a positive trend can be indicated in the approval of comprehensive regulatory frameworks in the region, which shows the interest in making feminized and unpaid work visible, but these must be accompanied by a real political commitment.
... The sociological and psychological literature referred to has produced some important ideas around gender, and these schools of thought continue to inform thinking and practice today. In particular, the aim to address inequality in the sociological literature remains a necessary and significant objective (Fraser, 1996(Fraser, /2014. In recent years, however, the approach to gender research has begun to change, evolving from a focus on masculinity and femininity, as well as 'correct' ways of engaging in gender roles, to a more expansive understanding of gender and a more expansive series of aims (Osgood & Robinson, 2017). ...
... The sociological and psychological literature referred to has produced some important ideas around gender, and these schools of thought continue to inform thinking and practice today. In particular, the aim to address inequality in the sociological literature remains a necessary and significant objective (Fraser, 1996(Fraser, /2014. In recent years, however, the approach to gender research has begun to change, evolving from a focus on masculinity and femininity, as well as 'correct' ways of engaging in gender roles, to a more expansive understanding of gender and a more expansive series of aims (Osgood & Robinson, 2017). ...
... In recent years, however, the approach to gender research has begun to change, evolving from a focus on masculinity and femininity, as well as 'correct' ways of engaging in gender roles, to a more expansive understanding of gender and a more expansive series of aims (Osgood & Robinson, 2017). Some of these newer theoretical approaches have been influenced by various feminist movements that not only seek to address inequality but also seek a more radical proliferation of difference and interrogation of the normative mainstream (Fraser, 1996(Fraser, /2014. ...
In this chapter, a range of theoretical views on gender development in children are explored, from developmental and socialisation theory to feminist post-structuralism and new materialist approaches. It considers how these theories have been implemented in early childhood education settings, documents and approaches over time. It introduces the theoretical approaches of feminist post-structuralism, queer theory and performativity used in the study to explore educators’ understandings, thoughts and beliefs about gender identity in the context of their own lives, the social environment and through the lens of gender as a performative activity. It also considered the lenses of post-humanism and new materialism, which can provide rich additional insights into early childhood settings, documents and approaches. It argues for the construction of contexts that challenge normativities and support an expansion of gendered practices in early childhood.
... Ou seja, partilham conosco a crítica à aplicação de conceitos prontos, como populismo e fascismo, ao entendimento do bolsonarismo, assunto que tratamos mais detalhadamente em outra contribuição (Feres Júnior et al., 2022). Segundo Rocha et alli, o processo de redemocratização, tendo como marco a Constituição de 1988, levou à formação no Brasil de uma esfera pública pós-burguesa, termo que emprestam de Nancy Fraser (1997). De acordo com a autora estadunidense, o conceito de esfera pública burguesa de Habermas não é mais adequado para a teoria crítica contemporânea pois é baseado na ideia de um público homogêneo dominado pelas perspectivas e interesses dos homens brancos. ...
... De acordo com a autora estadunidense, o conceito de esfera pública burguesa de Habermas não é mais adequado para a teoria crítica contemporânea pois é baseado na ideia de um público homogêneo dominado pelas perspectivas e interesses dos homens brancos. A esfera pública nas democracias contemporâneas, a pós-burguesa, deve incluir outros grupos marginalizados, que ela chama de públicos subalternos (Fraser, 1997). ...
A partir de uma revisão sistemática da literatura sobre o bolsonarismo no Brasil, o artigo foca nos trabalhos de abordagem sociológica que concebem o objeto como produto de uma nova subjetividade conservador, como uma coleção de identidades sociais ou como um movimento social. A partir de uma pesquisa qualitativa nacional conduzida pelos autores e destinada a explorar as percepções e comportamentos relacionados de bolsonaristas renitentes e arrependidos, o artigo revela vários aspectos relevantes que condicionam a preferência por Bolsonaro, como as posições de seus eleitores em relação a temas como corrupção, segurança pública, família, gênero e valores tradicionais. A pesquisa nacional também explora as preferências políticas dos participantes assim como seus hábitos de consumo de informação. O artigo argumenta, contudo, que é necessário ir além da constatação das adesões substantivas dos bolsonaristas a posições e valores, e olhar para a maneira como eles obtém informação. A hipótese principal é que o nexo maior do bolsonarismo é sua esfera comunicacional, que permite a seus aderentes fácil acesso a versões alternativas de fatos e narrativas. O artigo conclui refletindo sobre as limitações das teses sociológicas para o entendimento do bolsonarismo e apontando para deficiências metodológicas dos trabalhos qualitativos desse campo.
... Au coeur même de ce travail se trouve la convic tion qu'inter roger ce qui compte comme culture « légi time » ou « de haut statut » et rendre visibles les luttes pour la trans former est essen tiel pour construire des insti tu tions éduca tives démo cra tiques remar quables ; à la fois dans le contenu de ce qui est enseigné et dans la manière dont il est enseigné, ainsi qu'en ce qui concerne la consis tance des personnes qui prennent les déci sions sur ces ques tions. À bien des égards, cela rejoint direc te ment l'argu ment d'Antonio Gramsci selon lequel, dans une « guerre de posi tion », les luttes pour la culture ont une impor tance cruciale (Gramsci, 1971 ;voir aussi Apple, 2013 ;Apple, 1996) et les argu ments de Nancy Fraser sur la néces sité d'une poli tique de recon nais sance et d'une poli tique de redis tri bu tion (Fraser, 1997) dans les mouve ments signi fi ca tifs en faveur du chan ge ment social. ...
... Cela a des impli ca tions impor tantes sur la manière dont nous réflé chis sons aux types de luttes qui peuvent générer des trans for ma tions progres sives. Comme je l'ai noté précé dem ment, et comme Nancy Fraser nous le rappelle, une poli tique de recon nais sance ainsi qu'une poli tique de redis tri bu tion sont cruciales(Fraser, 1997 ; voir égale mentApple, 2013). Enfin, les parti sans de l'éduca tion publique à Jeffco ont pu déve lopper une coali tion qui a eu suffi sam ment de soutien popu laire et de pouvoir pour renvoyer avec succès les candi dats conser va teurs. ...
Ce ne sont pas seulement le néo-libéralisme et les politiques qui l’accompagnent qui changent notre conception de l’éducation. C’est en élargissant notre champ d’action. En effet, c’est une erreur majeure de réduire nos analyses critiques de l’éducation à un simple reflet d’un ensemble de tendances au sein d’un bloc hégémonique dominant. Je propose ici des exemples du rôle significatif des conflits liés aux curricula, de la création d’identités et d’alliances militantes qu’ils entraînent. J’attire notre attention sur les luttes autour de la « culture », sur ce qui compte comme « savoir officiel » dans les écoles et sur l’importance de ces luttes non seulement à l’intérieur de l’école, mais aussi pour aider et générer des mobilisations qui peuvent avoir des implications majeures contre les politiques et les pratiques dominantes dans la société en général. Ce faisant, j’élargis nos réponses à un certain nombre de questions cruciales : qui sont les agents, quels sont les structures, les mouvements et les identités, qui peuvent conduire à des actions de résistance aux politiques et aux pratiques éducatives dominantes ? Quelles sont les contradictions qui peuvent être générées ?
... No filme, a injustiça é representada por diferentes facetas, contemplando as dimensões indicadas por Fraser (1997): econômica, quando os personagens têm negado o auxílio material adequado para manutenção da qualidade de vida; e simbólica, quando não são reconhecidos como cidadãos, transformando-os em seres praticamente invisíveis para as autoridades. ...
Esta resenha crítica analisa o longa-metragem “Eu, Daniel Blake”, lançado no ano de 2016 e estreado em janeiro de 2017 no Brasil. Sob direção de Ken Loach, o drama conta a história de um carpinteiro de Newcastle-Inglaterra, que após sofrer um problema cardíaco é desaconselhado pelos médicos a retornar ao trabalho. Ao retratar a degradação da saúde de Blake, a obra ilustra alguns aspectos dos determinantes sociais sobre a saúde, tais como a idade, estilo de vida, organizações sociais de apoio, assim como questões a respeito do desemprego e falta de assistência. Paralelamente a narrativa, o filme aborda a trajetória decadente de Katie que, sendo responsável pelo sustento de dois filhos e sem oportunidades de emprego, se vê forçada a prostituir-se. A obra retrata a marcha do trabalhador rumo à pobreza e o desespero enquanto aguarda e luta pela garantia de seus direitos em um momento de incapacidade, demonstrando assim, como a fragilidade dos serviços estabelecidos para prover o trabalhador pode levá-lo a uma condição de miséria. A história constitui boa referência aos profissionais das áreas de saúde e assistência social, assim como aos interessados em questões laborais e coletivas contemporâneas.
... As with each of these principles, it is important, that recognitional Justice is not taken as sufficient without consideration of other forms of justice. Nancy Fraser has made important criticisms of the comparative refocusing on recognitional justice in comparison to distributional justice and has argued that equal recognitional dignity can only be achieved with a redistribution of material goods too (Fraser 1997). ...
The consideration of justice has become a critical area of focus for researchers, as awareness is increasing that (perceived) injustices are a main barrier for effectively tackling the interconnected global grand challenges, such as the climate and the biodiversity crises. Insufficient attention to perceptions of justice is a major issue slowing progress on climate change and other major policy issues. Justice, however, is difficult to grasp as it is a multi-dimensional and culturally diverse term and is in many instances of global socio-environmental issues not formally institutionalized.
This working paper introduces the first version of the IIASA/EQU justice framework, which comprehensively outlines justice in its multiple aspects with the aim to facilitate justice assessment across diverse research and policy contexts. It is thus a descriptive framework with no normative objectives. The framework is grounded in philosophy and is applied and tested in a variety of applications, to be useful for research and decision-making. It is meant to be accessible across disciplines, powerful in terms of capacity to express a variety of justice ideas, and modular so researchers can select and deploy the aspects that are most appropriate or useful.
The framework as presented here serves as a baseline for further refinement, expansion, applications, and evaluation across disciplines, subject areas, and cultural backgrounds.
... This has significant implications as failure to properly comprehend the construction of a problem is likely to severely hinder attempts to combat it. This is key as recognition of the diverse rights of different groups is fundamental to environmental justice (Fraser 1997;Honneth 2001;Schlosberg, 2007;Walker, 2009) along with understanding of distributional impacts and the right to participation (Hunold and Young 1998). ...
In pre-Covid times, the British government made the elimination of fuel poverty a central tenet of its energy policy. Yet, fuel poverty remains a crucial area of concern for both policymakers and the British public especially given the hardships experienced by those in relative poverty over the Covid lockdowns and the current post-Covid 'cost of living' crisis (Rawlinson, 2022). In an effort to explore why these past practices aimed at ending fuel poverty fell short and might provide some lessons for a post-Covid UK, this paper seeks to examine how an increasingly technocentric view of fuel poverty and its drivers may be seen as limiting the effectiveness of policy. Building on an increasing body of work focusing increasingly on the importance of the "lived experience" of fuel poverty and energy vulnerability, this paper examines how traditional indicators fail to adequately address what Middlemiss and Gillard (2015) term the complex and dynamic nature of people's relationship with energy. Using an ethnographic approach, this paper seeks to highlight real world examples of how a technocentric definition of fuel poverty is falling short and not having the desired impact. We examine how methodologies aimed at quantifying diverse measures of well-being discount the lived experience of poverty and ignore the diverse set of factors that produce and reinforce it. We examine issues regarding the compatibility of the responsibilisation and subjectification of the fuel poor with their relative position of vulnerability and disconnection, and how their lack of mobility, both real and perceived, may limit their ability to act as rational agents as intended by neoliberal forms of policy. Here we show how this neoliberalisation and technocentrism of 'solving' the fuel poverty crisis works to depoliticise societal care towards some of its most vulnerable members in the UK.
... Some proponents, such as Charles Taylor, equate it to a politics of recognition (see Taylor's (1994) chapter "The Politics of Recognition" in Multiculturalism), where minority cultures are recognized and respected as equal. Others, like Nancy Fraser, argue that it should also encompass economic redistribution (see Fraser's (1997) response in Justice Interruptus). Both arguments for multiculturalism approach from a societal perspective, focusing on the question of justice. ...
This paper interrogates the skepticism surrounding comparative ethics, particularly the question of its relevance in a world where ethical decision-making processes are primarily presumed to be dictated by one universalist culture. The paper argues that all cultures are inherently intercultural, evidenced by the historical coexistence of ideas and practices. Post-comparative ethics, which emphasizes the situational application of intellectual comparison and integration, is inevitable for postcolonial, non-Western societies. Historically, societies have navigated a variety of ethical frameworks, with some, like medieval Chinese society, embracing a plurality of beliefs. This pluralism is exemplified by the harmonious accommodation (yuanrong 圓融) of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Using the example of Song Dynasty Chan master Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲, this article illustrates that intercultural ethics can be both diverse and sincere. Dahui’s pluralistic approach demonstrates that sincere commitment to multiple ethical systems is possible in our multicultural situation. I will discuss common approaches to the multicultural situation, such as expedient synthesis, theoretical synthesis, and crude syncretism, before illustrating the advantage of Dahui’s kanhua 看話禪method as harmonious accommodation through confrontation. This underscores the importance of shifting the debate from “Why compare?” to “How to compare?” in achieving the accommodation of different ethical frameworks.
... . 그리고 도시 공간적 차원에서 이러한 모순을 극복하기 위해서는 도시민들이 누구든지 도시에서 배제되지 않을 '도시에 대한 권리 (right to the city)'를 모색하고 (Lefebvre, 1968), 지배적 공간 규범에 저항하는 대안 적인 '재현의 공간(representational space)'을 생산해야 한다고 주장했다 (Lefebvre, 1974 (George, 1879 (Habermas, 1985 (Sandel, 1982 (윤인진, 2008; 박진경, 2010 (최병두, 1991b (강현수, 1991; 김덕현, 1991; 김왕배, 1991 (최병두, 1998 (강현수, 1998; 김용창, 1998; 신창호·변창흠, 1998), 지역의 사회경제적· 문화적 제도와 기업의 상호작용을 통해 지역발전을 이끄는 혁신을 창출할 수 있다는 '지역혁신체제(regional innovation system)'에 관한 연구들이 대표적이다 (박경 외, 2000; 이철우 외, 2000; 정병순, 2000 (이기수, 1966; 김용래, 1967 (정성훈, 2011; 김동완·신혜란, 2016 (설한, 2003; 최병두, 2003 (오경석·정건화, 2006 문화 행사 추진 등의 활동을 진행했다 (오경석·정건화, 2006; 오경석, 2010a (오경석·정건화, 2006 (박세훈, 2011; 최병두, 2012 (오경석·정건화, 2006; 오경석, 2010a; 허권, 2020; 2021 (오정은, 2012; 최병두, 2014; 김창근, 2015; 정현주, 2018 (Fraser, 1997;Fainstein, 2010 This study aims to examine the evolution of inclusive urban planning discourses in South Korea, analyzing their origins, development, contextual backgrounds, forms, and practical implications. We selected major planning theories based on criteria of urban inclusivity and categorized them into discourses on substantive inclusivity, on procedural inclusivity, and on integrated inclusivity. ...
This study aims to examine the evolution of inclusive urban planning discourses in South Korea, analyzing their origins, development, contextual backgrounds, forms, and practical implications. We selected major planning theories based on criteria of urban inclusivity and categorized them into discourses on substantive inclusivity, on procedural inclusivity, and on integrated inclusivity. The analysis of these discourses on inclusive planning reveals the following: In Korean urban planning history, the discourses on substantive inclusivity dealing with material inequality such as advocacy planning, Marxism, and geoism developed first. Then, the discourses on procedural inclusivity, such as participatory planning, expanded as political democratization and local autonomy began in earnest. Issues of diversity and recognition, pursed by feminism and multiculturalism, are related to integrated inclusivity that encompasses both substantive inclusivity and procedural inclusivity. As a result, these discourses were raised later and have become strong points of contention in recent years. Civil society has been the main driver of the expansion and development of inclusive urban planning discourses, and the discourses provided the knowledge necessary for the civil society movements, leading to a mutually cooperative and complementary relationship. In terms of practice, inclusive planning discourses, which initially had radical and critical characteristics, has partially become mainstream and institutionalized, serving as a source to overcome the philosophical poverty and narrowness of mainstream planning theories. However, there is also a tendency for them to retreat and become more conservative than their original stance. These findings provide implications that it is important to have a pluralistic and tolerant public sphere where various discourses can be debated, and emphasize the role of civil society in providing critical and liberating perspectives.
... In her theory of social justice, Nancy Fraser emphasizes the significance of acknowledgment and redistribution (Fraser, 2014). "Recognition" within her framework refers to the importance of recognizing and appreciating individuals' diverse identities and experiences within various societal institutions, including the educational system. ...
In navigating an era full of changes and challenges, education plays a key role in opening the door to a brighter future. Education not only gives birth to a knowledgeable generation but also builds character and prepares future leaders who are tough and adaptive. Through this book, I invite readers to trace the journey of educational transformation in Saudi Arabia, a country that persistently strives for free and comprehensive education for all levels of society. With a strong passion for advancing education, Saudi Arabia has made significant progress in overhauling its education system. Free education, accompanied by various support programs for students, marks a new era in the country's educational history. This initiative not only shows the government's commitment to improving the quality of life of its citizens but also provides clear evidence of the country's efforts to respond to the global need for inclusive and equitable education.
... 1. Nancy Fraser's Theory of Social Justice: In her theory of social justice, Fraser emphasizes the significance of acknowledgment and redistribution (Fraser, 2014). Recognizing and appreciating individuals' different identities and experiences within the educational system is referred to as recognition, whereas redistribution addresses the unequal allocation of resources. ...
This study explores the transformative influence of Saudi Arabia's education policy, with a special emphasis on the evolution of stipend allocation and its implications for academic advancement and personal well-being. This study illuminates the profound shifts in Saudi Arabia's educational landscape, propelled by a strategic realignment of financial assistance programs that incorporate distance learning and internet-based learning modalities. Drawing on Bandura's Social Cognitive Theory and Adams' Equity Theory, the study explains how these policies boost student motivation while creating a supportive learning environment advantageous to overall growth and development. The findings highlight Saudi Arabia's dedication to promoting educational diversity, accessibility, and empowerment, establishing the country as a global leader in educational excellence.
... c) Justice as recognition or recognitional justice calls for acknowledging social differences while achieving social equity in procedures and outcomes. The recognition of such differences and entangled injustices related to race, ethnicity, or gender, as well as different needs and capabilities aim to re-value unjustly devalued identities (Fraser 1997(Fraser , 2003. Environmental justice studies already showed that marginalized groups, such as ethnic minorities, traditional communities, disabled, or elderly people tend to face greater vulnerabilities due to cultural and institutional processes of disrespect that devalue some people more than others (Schlosberg 2007;Walker 2012). ...
... Capitalism promotes individual freedoms and the pursuit of self-interest, but this can result in social inequalities and the neglect of marginalized or vulnerable populations (Rawls, 1971). The ethical debate revolves around finding a balance between individual freedoms and the responsibility to address social inequalities and promote a more equitable society (Fraser, 1997). Additionally, there are ongoing debates about the role of corporations in society. ...
... Capitalism promotes individual freedoms and the pursuit of self-interest, but this can result in social inequalities and the neglect of marginalized or vulnerable populations (Rawls, 1971). The ethical debate revolves around finding a balance between individual freedoms and the responsibility to address social inequalities and promote a more equitable society (Fraser, 1997). Additionally, there are ongoing debates about the role of corporations in society. ...
In the modern capitalist society, the balance between promoting the well-being of the majority and respecting individual rights raises significant moral dilemmas. This paper explores two frameworks of morality: the maximization of utility and the categorical imperative. While the maximization of utility focuses on maximizing overall happiness and well-being, it may require sacrificing the well-being of a few individuals for the greater good. On the other hand, the categorical imperative emphasizes universal moral principles and the inherent dignity of individuals, prioritizing individual rights and justice. In the context of a capitalist society, the paper argues that the categorical imperative holds a more promising approach to well-being. It emphasizes the importance of respecting and protecting the inherent rights and dignity of individuals, ensuring fairness and equality. While capitalism can provide opportunities for economic growth and individual freedoms, it requires ethical considerations and regulations to ensure that it operates within a framework that upholds human rights. The tension between these frameworks challenges our perspectives on morality and highlights the complex ethical dilemmas that arise in a capitalist society. Ultimately, finding a balance between promoting well-being and respecting individual rights is crucial for creating a just and inclusive society within the capitalist framework.
... As Walker (2015) has emphasized in her research on historical models of Black pedagogical excellence, justice must consider what has been taken. Fraser (1997) explained how injustices of misrecognition, such as those faced by queer people, require "remedies of recognition," while injustices related to resources, such as those faced by poor people, require "redistributive remedies" (p. 19). ...
This article explores the complexity and challenges of making decisions regarding which theories and social categories (e.g. race, class) should be emphasized in justice-centered research that includes participants’ identities as key variables in the design. Drawing on theories of intersectionality, agential realism, and complexity, the author proposes four intersectional design dimensions to help justice-centered researchers honor complexity: reflection on self and purpose; making agential cuts; complexifying social categories; and intersectional and collaborative re-view. Each dimension is illustrated with theory and empirical examples, mostly drawing from the field of educational research. By attending to and continually revisiting agential cuts related to social categories in conversation with community members, researchers can better represent layered, complex, and changing phenomena.
... Whereby recognitional justice is often absent from climate plans and implementation strategies (Bulkeley, Edwards, and Fuller 2014;Chu and Michael 2019). Recognitional justice goes beyond acknowledging differences to address economic and social structures that perpetuate inequality (Fraser 1997;Young 1990). Without a foundation built by and for those experiencing climate injustice, through recognition, processes struggle to be representative and inclusive and therefore fall short of truly equitable and just outcomes (Chu and Michael 2019;Fricker 2007;Schlosberg 2012;Shi et al. 2016;Young 2012). ...
... The focus of this article is on informal exclusionary mechanisms that take part in the denial of political recognition for drug users. As Fraser (1997) has argued, the public sphere has historically been constituted by several informal exclusions such as norms of rationality that regulate public speech and behavior. Similarly, many commentators have argued that political speech and action are always conditioned (cf. ...
Background: The emergence of the drug user as a political problem in Sweden during the 1960s presented politicians
with the problem of how to fit this new character into the existing democratic order. The aim of this article is to examine how Swedish politics sought to regulate democratic participation by establishing norms that conditioned who is recognized as a political subject as well as what counts as political speech and action.
Methods: The analysis is based on a close reading of parliamentary debates, political motions, and public reports
and covers the period 1966–1979.
Results: During the examined period, Swedish politics constituted the ideal subject of democratic politics, homo politicus, as a subject embedded in a community of active and politically conscious citizens endowed with the capacity to cooperate and engage in the collective formulation of the common good. Drug use therefore posed a threat to the democratic order due to its passivizing effects that inhibited the cooperation needed to uphold the democratic polity.
Conclusion: The perceived individualism, passivity, and inability of the drug user to engage in cooperation within a politically conscious community of citizens positioned the drug user as a threat to the democratic order. The drug user thereby became a useful figure in the political regulation of the democratic sphere and the constitution of homo politicus, the ideal subject of democratic politics.
... A central issue here is whether we should be more concerned with the (equal) distribution of resources, which can include things like employment, credentials and even social status, as well as income and assets (Arneson 1989;Dworkin 2000;Rawls 1971); or with the establishment of equal relations between people, and thus an end to disrespect, exploitation, marginalisation and other unequal social relations (Fourie, Schuppert, and Wallimann-Helmer 2015;Scanlon 2020;Young 1990). But both 'distributive' and 'relational' approaches (sometimes called 'social equality') tend to agree that inequality is multi-dimensional, pertaining to culture, economy, politics and society, and that any ameliorative efforts must seek greater equality for disadvantaged groups across these domains (Fraser 1997). One valuable approach comes from Baker et al. (2009) who advance a pluralistic view of (in)equality in five dimensions -respect and recognition; resources; power; love, care and solidarity; and working and learning -each of which may have relational and distributional aspects (Baker 2015). ...
... No entanto, o foco dado ao aspecto distributivo na teoria da justiça de Rawls tem sido questionado por outros teóricos como insuficiente para uma leitura adequada de justiça. Assim, ancorando-se nos trabalhos de Young (1990Young ( , 2000 e Fraser (1997Fraser ( , 1998Fraser ( , 2000Fraser ( , 2001, o filósofo norte-americano David Schlosberg (2004) propõe uma nova abordagem a respeito da relação entre as teorizações da justiça e a temática ambiental. Isto porque, no entender do teórico, a fragilidade da teoria de Rawls, assim como de outras correntes de viés liberalista, está no protagonismo dado ao aspecto distributivo da justiça, já estas abordagens defendem uma noção de justiça social como divisão meramente equitativa de bens e recursos dentre os indivíduos. ...
Os processos de reprodução das sociedades são marcados pelo confronto entre diferentes projetos de uso e significação de seus recursos ambientais. Sob este aspecto é que os atores sociais comprometidos com a busca de justiça ambiental procuram denunciar a existência de uma lógica política que orienta a distribuição dos danos ambientais em detrimento dos grupos sociais mais vulneráveis, conformando situações de injustiça ambiental. Sendo assim, o presente ensaio tem por objetivo traçar um modelo teórico-epistemológico para a concepção de justiça ambiental e para as causas da injustiça ambiental. Para tanto, foram adotados como bases teóricas a concepção tríplice de justiça ambiental de Schlosberg (2004), assim como o paradigma do marxismo ecológico. Neste sentido, construiu-se um estudo de natureza qualitativa, descritiva, de revisão bibliográfica. Os resultados demonstram a importância da corrente crítica da justiça ambiental como forma de desnaturalizar a relação entre desigualdade social e proteção ambiental, promovendo reflexões acerca das contradições que caracterizam as relações do capital.
... Lejos de constituir un asunto "privado", por una parte, el cuidado supone una cuestión pública y común de suma relevancia al designar los modos en que constituimos prácticas hospitalarias ante la alteridad ,y por otra, abarca los debates en torno a una distribución justa de las tareas de cuidado. El avance hacia el "modelo de cuidador universal" (Fraser, 1997) es una vía necesaria para avanzar hacia una mayor igualdad de género, así como para constituir masculinidades fundadas en otros valores y prácticas. ...
En este artículo reflexionamos sobre las principales coordenadas alrededor de las cuales cada época construyó los modos hegemónicos de ser y hacerse hombre. En un primer momento, nos centramos en la figura del cazador y las diferentes interpretaciones en torno a la evolución humana. En un segundo momento, reparamos en la figura del soldado héroe, a partir de la institución del discurso fúnebre en la Antigua Grecia. En un tercer momento, nosdetenemos en la figura del proveedor del pan en la modernidad. A partir de esta circunscripción, nos preguntamos por el lugar de la vulnerabilidad en la construcción de la masculinidad hegemónica. Proponemos finalmente una ética feminista del cuidado que, haciendo lugar a la vulnerabilidad constitutiva de lo humano, funcione como base de prácticas cotidianas de cuidado de sí, del otro y de la trama de la vida, y como fundamento de propuestas singulares y colectivas que procuren el cultivo de nuevas masculinidades.
... The social movement of people with disabilities in Thailand can be regarded as an emancipatory approach which means working from within existing systems and trying to change them (Pojmann, 2005). It aims to realise the equal distribution of resources, as well as the affirmation of people with disabilities' rights and identity as a minority group in society (Fraser, 1997). However, both intentions are far from being achieved in the current PA service situation. ...
Aim: To consider the critical disability theory perspective and the Independent Living (IL) philosophy to not only identify how personal assistants (PAs) and persons with disabilities in Thailand have worked together during the COVID-19 pandemic, but also analyze the power relationships among stakeholders in the Thai personal assistance service system.
Methods: This research applied a qualitative research methodology with three groups: PAs, persons with disabilities working with PAs, and administrators of PA service delivery agencies in four provinces in Thailand. Fifty-eight respondents participated in in-depth interviews and three focus group discussions. A matrix involving case and coding analyses was used to analyze the data.
Results: PA services under the IL philosophy, which introduced by the Thai IL movement, were incorporated in a law to be implemented. However, this implementation was mostly managed and delivered by governmental offices responsible for charitable modes of care, with an emphasis on a volunteering spirit. The PA services were perceived as caregivers for older persons. During the COVID-19 pandemic PA services provided support to persons with disabilities and filled gaps in family care.
Conclusion and Implications: The group leaders among persons with disabilities are active agents to strive for more participation at all levels in the PA system structure. It is important to train PA service users and have organizations of persons with disabilities to manage and monitor PA services. Hence, developing a PA career path with proper working benefits will be significant in creating sustainable PA services.
... At Bois Caïman, the African nations, through Boukman's prayer, pushed to abandon the white man's religion for their own religiosity, i.e., Vodou; abandon inequality on the island as perpetuated by the capitalist order of the whites and Affranchis; and embrace their language and culture against that of the whites and Affranchis. In essence, they (the Africans) sought, by choosing death, to remain in an antidialectical position against the antidialectical, dialectical, and negative dialectical positions of the whites, mulattoes, and petit-bourgeois blacks, respectively, on the island [2,3,[9][10][11][12][13]. This fight continues today as many of the descendants of the Africans in the mountains and provinces continue their fight against the circularity of the master/slave dialectic as promulgated by the descendants of the Affranchis, which serve as a comprador bourgeoise for the white capitalist elites of the capitalist world-system under American hegemony. ...
This work, using the case study of the Haitian Revolution, positions Paul C. Mocombe’s theory of antidialectic within Hegel’s dialectical reasoning. Mocombe posits that the antidialectical position in Hegel’s dialectic is the position of each selfconsciousness when they initially encounter each other at the onset of the master/slave dialectic. Whereas, the master seeks to move to the dialectical position in order to dominate and eliminate the original (antidialectical) position of the slave, the slave remains in this antidialectical position so long as they accept death and seek to fight against their enslavement for the purpose of maintaining and reproducing their original, antidialectical, position, which is social, political, economic, and ideological. In any other instances, they (the slaves) are either in the dialectical, seeking to maintain the status quo, or negative dialectical, seeking to integrate the status quo on equal footing with the master, positions.
... They assert that contemporary society is much more dynamic, fast-changing, and fluid because we can make different choices where society is less stable and structured. In this view, no collective identities are innocent because they are produced by cultural formations (Fraser, 1997). The aforementioned postmodernist tendencies guide the illustrations of this study. ...
Gender bias has remained a pervasive problem worldwide, till this era. In line with the recent “UNDP Gender Inequality Index” which ranks Cameroon 141st among a total of 162 classified world countries, Cameroon is determined a heavily patriarchal society. Developing gender as a social construction rather than a biological attribute is a powerful achievement that determines roles being awarded accordingly and not based on genetic traits. The foregoing declarations put this paper in perspective. Gender can grow beyond any limit if it is not tied down to sex. Therefore, gender should be redefined as a process of activity and not a static label. However, this paper aims to show that in spite of the position which Cameroon occupies, Cameroonian writers like Alobwed’ Epie in his novel, The Lady with a Beard, redefines male and female stereotypes and roles. With a remarkable representation of his heroine in an evolving Cameroon, Emade surges her femininity through freedom of choice. The qualitative research method has been employed through document analysis, and in re-defining both gender roles, this study has adopted the Postmodern theory to debunk perspectives of a grand narrative, universality and stability in the novel to enhance gender configurations. In all, this paper confirms a radically budding change in stereotypical notions of gender, especially the female, in the Cameroonian and Bakossi setting.
... It (the psychions of the consciousness field) is an endless assimilation of all past, present, and future information (practical activities and memories) of beings of the multiverse cycled and recycled via the absolute vacuum (empty space in which elementary particles, quarks, and constituents of matter and forces of nature have become one), which fluctuates as a probability wave function, to give rise to entangled and superimposed worlds, each with their own Schumann waves and consciousness fields, which produce future beings with consciousness, an individualized resonating channel or station, psychion, on the frequency wavelength of the Schumann wave and the absolute vacuum [2,3]. (See Table 1 for the brain waves associated with the Schumann wave and the Absolute vacuum) [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17]. ...
This article explores the nature of death within Mocombe’s consciousness field theory, which highlights the origins and nature of consciousness in the multiverse. Within the theory, Mocombe posits death to be of three instances, 1) quantum resonance collapse; 2) reincarnation; and 3) absorption into the absolute vacuum of the multiverse.
... The claim that climate change is racist recalls Nancy Fraser's thesis that the politics of redistribution is always imbricated with the politics of recognition. According to Fraser, recognition injustice occurs when cultural or collective patterns of interpretation, perception and communication exclude others from being heard and taken seriously (Fraser, 1997). This includes stereotypical representations that impair the credibility of a certain group or an individual. ...
This essay aims to provide an overview of the guiding principles of an ecosocial approach to social work. It discusses this approach from an ethical-political perspective that considers the climate crisis as a multiplier of inequalities and injustice issues. It discusses the question of how the climate crisis affects our understanding of justice and the role social work should play in promoting justice. Apart from economic fair distribution, justice should also involve the recognition of voices that are not being heard. For that reason, the essay addresses the notions of recognition and epistemic justice more deeply.
... Broader violations of group rights, which may demand an economic response that is potentially more transformative of dominant societal relations, are thereby de ned out of the reparative process. The transitional future is governed toward a justice that is a rmative of the status quo (see Fraser 1997). ...
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... Contudo, há teóricos (FRASER, 1997;HOBSBAWM, 1996;SCHLESINGER, 1998) que assumem as identidades como um problema, entendem que essa categoria de análise favorece o apartheid humano, a guetificação social. Tais pensadores incorrem em grave erro epistemológico ao desconsiderarem a dimensão ontológica das identidades -identidades existem para além de nossa captação teórica, elas estão entretecidas na vida dos sujeitos, na arquitetura de nossas sociedades e são intrínsecas à nossa condição humana (APPIAH, 2016). ...
Este ensaio teórico se debruça sobre os antagonismos identitários vigentes para discutir pessoas que amparam em si elementos antagônicos quanto a suas identidades, como por exemplo, negros com comportamentos racistas, LGBTQIAPN+ homofóbicos e mulheres sexistas, fomentando reflexões e possibilidades. À luz da noção de sujeito genérico, humanidade/inumanidade, desejo por humanidade e colonialidade normativa e “síndrome da jagunçagem”, compreende-se esse fenômeno e sua perpetuação desde a negação de si ou alienação, na condição de sujeito, ao vívido pacto colonial nas ações governamentais vigentes no Brasil.
Los derechos culturales tienen como objetivo proteger los intereses legítimos de las minorías culturales. Este artículo tiene como objetivo describir y analizar los elementos constitutivos de los derechos culturales, sus fundamentos y los modelos constitucionales en los que se insertan. Para cumplir con este objetivo, el texto se divide en tres partes. En la primera, examino el modelo constitucional liberal monocultural. Este modelo no acepta los derechos culturales, pero es el principal adversario teórico y práctico de los modelos constitucionales que si lo hacen. En la segunda parte, analizo el modelo constitucional liberal multicultural. Este es el modelo dentro del cual surgen y se fundamentan los derechos culturales “clásicos”, por ejemplo, el derecho a la integridad de la cultura, el derecho al autogobierno de las minorías culturales y el derecho a la consulta previa. En esta misma sección examino quiénes son los titulares de los derechos culturales, los bienes que pueden ser protegidos mediante estos derechos, sus fundamentos y las críticas que los cuestionan. En la tercera y última parte, exploro el modelo constitucional intercultural radical que reinterpreta el papel que deben desempeñar los derechos culturales dentro de un Estado multicultural, crea nuevos principios y derechos culturales y reimagina la estructura que deben tener este tipo de Estados.
Paid and unpaid care provision underlies gender inequalities in the distribution of employment opportunities, incomes, and access to welfare. Three quarters of all care work in households is provided by women and two thirds of all care workers are women. This chapter draws on the contributions of Latin American feminist scholars to challenge the “care regime” concept proposing instead the “social organization of care” as an alternative (Faur, Organización social del cuidado infantil en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires: el rol de las instituciones públicas y privadas 2005–2008, 2009). It explores how a progressive care agenda has emerged and evolved at national, regional, and international levels, forged by coalitions of caregivers and care recipients and strongly supported by feminist movements (Esquivel, Care policies: Realizing their transformative potential. UNRISD, 2016). The focus is on the Latin American experience of “national care systems”. Following the Uruguayan experience, Latin American National Care Systems have been the preferred way to overcome care policies’ fragmentation and inequalities. By providing intra-state coordination and civil society participation mechanisms, some of these NCS have changed the relationship between state and citizens bringing about a reconfiguration of right holders and duty bearers. This chapter analyses the ways in which the NCS’s objective of contributing to gender equality moulds the design of care policies and ultimately whether they have been successful in supporting women’s social citizenship.
This article, using Mocombeian phenomenological structural theory, phenomenological structuralism, highlights black American community transition from a pathological-pathogenic community to an intersectional one, which dominates the contemporary global order. The work posits that the constitution of black American communities and their identities have been the product of their relations to the means and mode of production within the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism. As such, black Americans have never been agents in the constitution of their own identities. They have always been and remain (reactionary) pawns of capital seeking, dialectically or negative dialectically, to integrate the American social structure. Contemporarily, their integration in post-industrial America is marked by their transition from a pathological-pathogenic community to a neoliberal intersectional one dominated by their youth, women, and queers.
This gender analysis aims to improve understanding of the informal economy in Kosovo from a gender perspective. It seeks to provide gender analysis needed to inform EU and Government efforts to address the informal economy and other economic development strategies in the context of Kosovo’s EU Accession process. The report can inform the forthcoming Government strategy to address the informal economy. This research also contributes updated data for Kosovo related to United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicator 5.4.1: “Proportion of time spent on unpaid domestic and care work, by sex, age and location”. Additionally, the research seeks to pilot improved ways of measuring informality, including indicators contextually specific to the Western Balkan (WB) region.
The informal economy has been referred to as the “shadow economy”. Informal workers often work in the shadows, without contracts, steady employment, predictable working hours, fair and dependable income, and safe work environments. Without clear work agreements and adequate representation through unions or other CSOs, informal workers lack access to information about their labour rights, adequate labour inspections, and the ability to claim their rights. The situation can be worse for women, whose unpaid care work, engagement in family businesses, and agricultural labour are often hidden even deeper in the shadows, insufficiently addressed by the legal framework, contractual rights, and fair pay regulations. Given gender roles and relations, women have less access to information, financial resources, and social support for reporting labour violations and claiming their rights, which can push women further into obscurity in terms of power, financial independence, and decision-making within their families and communities.
This conclusion brings together the various threads of the book in order to set out suggestions for ways forward, arguing for us to continue to reflect openly and rigorously on the partnerships we participate in and to enact values of equality and disenclosure in doing so. I join others who argue for the need to be honest and open about failure, particularly since doing so emphasises the need to continuously seek to learn, reflect and remain aware of the possibility that we may be getting it wrong.
This paper explores how debates on wages for housework in the 1970s contribute to current discourses on redefining, redistributing, and revaluing care. More specifically, this paper asks: How does a rereading of the international Wages for Housework (WfH) campaign contribute to feminist degrowth debates on commoning care and a care income? In trying to answer this question, I revisit original literature and interpretations of WfH and show that, as a Marxist feminist political perspective, the aim of the campaign ventured beyond the monetization of care. Subsequently, I elaborate on the now divergent ideas of Selma James and Silvia Federici, two of the campaign's main founders, of how to re-actualize the transformative aim of the campaign. Their two proposals, namely, a care income and reproductive commons, are introduced, brought into conversation with each other, and critically discussed against the background of Nancy Fraser's distinction between affirmative and transformative strategies of transformation. Exploring the fertile tension between a care income and commoning care, I draw preliminary conclusions on what feminist degrowth can learn from WfH regarding a social-ecological transformation to a more socially just and ecologically sound economic system.
Türkiye, son yirmi yılda, kısmen uluslararası iklim değişikliği rejiminin dayattığı karbonsuzlaştırmanın küresel itici güçlerinin etkisiyle, kısmen uluslararası finans kuruluşlarından finansman sağlamak için bir fırsat olarak değerlendirdiğinden, kısmen de ithal edilen fosil yakıtları (ağırlıklı olarak doğal gaz) “yerli ve milli” enerji ile ikame etmek için yenilenebilir enerji yatırımlarını hızla artırdı. Yenilenebilir enerji yatırımlarındaki bu hızlı artış, iktidarın
ükselen otoriter neoliberalizmiyle birleşince, geçim kaynaklarını ve yaşam alanlarını yok ettiği yerel toplulukların politik haklarını da ihlal ederek, rüzgar, hidroelektrik ve jeotermal enerji santrallerine karşı çok sayıda yerel direnişe yol açtı. Bu bağlamda, bu tez özellikle Büyük Menderes ve Gediz Graben’lerinde artan Jeotermal Enerji Santralleri (JES) nedeniyle oluşan adaletsizliklerin çok boyutluluğunu incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Paydaşları ve önerdikleri alternatifleri belirlemek ve bu JES’ler etrafındaki çatışmaları çevreleyen çevresel adalet konularını anlamak için çok sayıda rapor, haber, basın bülteni ve video incelenerek metinsel bir analiz yapılmıştır. Bu analiz Aydın, Mezeköy’de derinlemesine görüşmeler ve katılımcı gözlem ile gerçekleştirilen saha çalışmasıyla desteklenmiştir. Bu araştırmanın sonuçları, bölgedeki JES’lerin büyük ölçüde ekolojik bozulmaya neden olduğunu, tarımsal üretime zarar vererek ve yerel toplulukların geçim kaynaklarına ve yaşam alanlarına el koyarak ekonomik eşitsizliği derinleştirdiğini ve aynı zamanda özel sermayenin çıkarlarını koruduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Bu eşitsizlik, giderek otoriterleşen iktidarın yerel halkın kültürel, siyasi ve manevi haklarını ihlal etmesiyle daha da şiddetlenmektedir.
The objective of this research is to analyze how participatory embeddedness through Feminist Subaltern Counterpublics is related to democratic deepening. To this end, two cases have been selected in the towns of Ripollet (Catalonia) and Etxebarri (Basque Country) developing a multi-method design that triangulates interviews, a direct observation and a discussion group. After applying a cross-case analysis, the findings reveal how the practical and spatial dimensions produce temporary rooting oriented towards democratic deepening from a gender perspective. Firstly, the dissolution of the public/private tension leads to inclusive practices and-therefore-to the politicization of subjects and problems previously excluded from the public sphere. Secondly, the institutionalization processes of social movements can favor spaces of hybridization where the concerns of the subalternized are mobilized in order to-thirdly-be transformed into public policies sustained over time. Resumen El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar cómo se relaciona el arraigo participativo a través de los Contrapúblicos Subalternos Feministas con la profundización democrática. Para ello, se han seleccionado dos casos en los municipios I would like to thank Dr Igor Ahedo and Dr Adrian Bua for their support and comments towards this paper as well as the anonymous external reviewers for their valuable suggestions. de Ripollet (Catalunya) y Etxebarri (País Vasco) desarrollando un diseño multimétodo que triangula entrevistas; una observación directa y un grupo de discusión. Tras aplicar un análisis de casos cruzados, los hallazgos revelan cómo las dimensiones prácticas y de espacios producen enraizamiento temporal orientado a la profundización democrática desde una perspectiva de género. En primer lugar, la disolución de la tensión público/privada conduce a prácticas inclusivas y-por tanto-a la politización de sujetos y problemas anteriormente excluidos de la esfera pública. En segundo lugar, los procesos de institucionalización de movimientos sociales pueden favorecer espacios de hibridación en donde las preocupaciones del tejido social subalternizado son movilizadas para-en tercer lugar-ser transformadas en políticas públicas sostenidas en el tiempo.
This article focuses on the supply side of status recognition in the liberal international order (LIO). The order’s liberal milieu breeds hierarchies among states, which in turn generate certain exigencies for recognition. Although states receive ‘thin’ recognition, the order fails to structurally acknowledge their worth, value and uniqueness, or ‘thick’ recognition. This inconsistency lies at the heart of the order’s recognition regime and serves as a source of frustration and revisionism. Since recognition needs are not saturated systemically, an opening emerges for non-systemic grants of recognition, which are mostly conferred by a select core of liberal states. I unpack the said inconsistency in the LIO’s recognition regime and concentrate on the production of non-systemic grants of recognition and their practical implications. I identify the non-systemic grants of recognition as an effective, yet problematic characteristic of the recognition regime because they further exacerbate hierarchies based on a specific understanding of merit. In operationalizing the process of status recognition in the particular milieu of the LIO, the piece introduces a heuristic framework for qualitatively assessing the perceived functional worth of states and provides empirical examples.
This work highlights the origins and nature of the social class language game in Mocombe"s theory of phenomenological structuralism. According to Mocombe, the human being is a product of their mental stance arising from conflict, or not, between four structuring structures: 1) praxis associated with the phenomenal properties, i.e., qualia, of subatomic particles; 2) the anatomy and physiology of the body; 3) structural reproduction and differentiation; and 4) actions driven by the deferment of meaning in ego-centered communicative discourse. It is the mental stance of human beings in relation to these four structuring structures, which determine their being and actions in the material world. The social class language game, associated with structural reproduction and differentiation, in this theory is constituted as five systems under the control of those who own the means and mode of production in a material resource framework, and is ultimately the determining factor of, and for, human actions.
Citation: Bruno Montesano (2023) Un fenomeno con nomi diversi. La cancel culture, tra intersezionalità e mar-xismo, in «Cambio. Rivista sulle tra-sformazioni sociali», Vol. 13, n. 25: 73-88.
Abstract. In the public debate, on the one hand, the so-called cancel culture (CC) is stigmatised as an attack against the Western tradition and the rationality of dialogue , on the other, it is associated with the oblivion of material issues, substituted by identity claims. These two readings can be opposed by a third that frames the events subsumed under CC in a positive way as 'intersectionality' , and a fourth that, while appreciating its purpose, challenges its liberal grammar of rights. CC, identity politics and intersectionality-although they identify both broader and more specific sets of problems-can thus be read as the names that different scholars give to the same dynamics. After briefly reviewing some of the literature on the topic, the paper will focus on the conflict between economic instances and identity, first by recalling some reflections from the Marxist tradition on the subject of 'race' and gender, and then by looking at two contemporary Marxist texts, by Asad Haider and Ashley Bohrer. With a different stance on intersectionality, but criticising eco-nomicist determinism, the two authors reason about ways of composing social het-erogeneity in a political project. This allows for an original reading of some of the issues involved in the discussion about CC.
This chapter introduces research that investigated the social justice leadership understandings and practices of educational leaders in primary schools in marginalised communities in Victoria, Australia. It contextualises this research within educational justice research in Australia, and briefly introduces two frameworks through which the analysis takes place: Pierre Bourdieu’s theorising of habitus and field and Edward Soja’s theorising of spatial justice. The social justice framework is introduced and the methodological and analytical tools are explained, including narrative and life history research design. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the contributions this book makes to educational leadership research and an outline of the following chapters.
El presente artículo examina las contradicciones de la razón ilustrada a través de las lentes de la filosofía hermenéutica y feminista de la igualdad. Las teorías de los filósofos más estudiados de la Ilustración han alimentado la desigualdad de género sobre la que se han sentado las bases de la razón occidental. El argumento arranca de un ejemplo paradigmático: la concepción antropológica kantiana de la mujer analizada en contraposición con las tesis igualitaristas de algunos de sus coetáneos. En segundo lugar, se sostiene que las incoherencias en la aplicación práctica de la razón resultantes de estas deficiencias teóricas se han venido perpetuando intergeneracionalmente. Una igualdad real solo se puede alcanzar revisitando y corrigiendo la miopía teórica del canon filosófico occidental que ha formado la tradición.
Untouchable is a novel written by Mulk Raj Anand, a prominent Indian writer and social activist who skilfully captures the injustices prevalent in Indian society during the 1930s, addressing themes of caste discrimination and the plight of the marginalized. Untouchable is a poignant and compelling novel that vividly portrays the harsh realities of untouchability and caste discrimination in 1930s India, exploring the profound impact on the lives of marginalized individuals and their relentless pursuit of dignity and freedom. In this regard, this article aims to explore the profound impact of untouchability and social inequalities on the marginalization and human dignity of individuals within the context of this seminal novel. Drawing upon a comprehensive analysis of the text and the protagonist's experiences, the article delves into the intricate dynamics of caste discrimination, social hierarchies, and the resulting consequences faced by marginalized communities. The weight of untouchability is critically examined, as are the ways in which societal injustices continue to exclude particular communities and reinforce the untouchability stigma. The article also tries to highlight the challenges people experience as they deal with society’s repressive forces, highlighting the vulnerability and resiliency of human dignity in the face of hardship. Eventually, it emphasizes the urgent need for societal reform to end untouchability, fight social disparities, and preserve the fundamental rights and dignity of all people via an investigation of the topics of untouchability, social inequalities, marginalization, and human dignity.
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