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Intelligence Analysis within U.S. Law Enforcement Agencies:
Empirical Insights from a National Sample1
Jeremy G. Carter, Ph.D.2
School of Public and Environmental Affairs
Indiana University – Purdue University Indianapolis
Abstract
There is currently a lack of empirical insights which explore the activities related to state and
local law enforcement’s analytic function. This research is intended to remedy this shortcoming.
Drawing on a national sample of 345 state and local law enforcement agencies, this research
provides an empirical description of the types of analytic activities, sources of information, and
analyst performance evaluation within police agencies in the United States. Results indicate that
agencies are primarily engaged in crime analysis activities, access more information via
databases than is received from outside agencies, and that few responding agencies have
identified factors critical to the evaluation of intelligence analysts. Context for these findings
and implications for practice are discussed.
Citation:
Carter, J. G. (Forthcoming). Intelligence analysis within U.S. law enforcement agencies:
Empirical insights from a national sample. Journal of Intelligence Analysis.
1 This research was sponsored by grant award number 2008-IJ-CX-0007 from the National Institute of Justice, US
Department of Justice. Points of view or opinions expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent
the official position of the National Institute of Justice or the US Department of Justice.
2 Author correspondence: carterjg@iupui.edu, 801 W. Michigan St, Indianapolis, IN 46202, P: (317) 274-4170
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Intelligence Analysis within U.S. Law Enforcement Agencies:
Empirical Insights from a National Sample
Purpose of the Research
There is currently a lack of empirical insight with regard to the function of intelligence
analysis within state and local law enforcement organizations. The majority of research to date
is either conceptual or qualitative and is usually a small focus of a broader reach focus – such as
intelligence-led policing, counter-terrorism, or homeland security. This is not to infer that these
conceptual or qualitative research contributions are of limited value as they are necessary to
begin the process of building a knowledgebase related to intelligence analysis. Without efforts
to develop a conceptual understanding of how intelligence analysis fits within law enforcement
organizations (post-September 11th, 2001 especially) as well as qualitative insights of analytic
practices, carrying out an empirical exploration would be, at the very least, difficult and likely
misguided. Further guiding research efforts – as well as practitioners – on the evolving function
of intelligence analysis are the reports and recommendations from government entities and
professional associations. The research presented here is not intended to make the leap from
concept to causation with empirical analysis. The present research is intended to provide a
empirically-informed description of the type of analytic methods, sources of information, and
performance evaluation activities engaged in by state and local law enforcement agencies in the
United States. The present research utilizes data from a national sample of state and local law
enforcement agencies. Policy implications and recommendations for enhanced practices are
provided.
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Literature Review
Intelligence Analysis and a Limited Knowledgebase
Research related to intelligence analysis in the context of state and local law enforcement
has largely been relegated to a sub-area of a broader research focus – such as homeland security
(Giblin, Schafer & Burress, 2009; Oliver, 2006, 2009; Pelfrey, 2009), intelligence-led policing
(Carter & Carter, 2009a; Darroch & Mazerolle, 2013; Ratcliffe, 2008; Schaible & Sheffield,
2013), fusion centers (Carter & Carter, 2009b; Carter & Chermak, 2012; Cooney, Roejk &
Kaminski, 2011; Graphi-Joyal, 2010), and counter-terrorism (Innes, 2006; McGarrell, Freilich &
Chermak, 2007, White, 2004). Of the sparse research available on intelligence analysis, the bulk
of this information comes from assessments of analysis at the federal level as part of examining
counter-terrorism strategies. Unfortunately, just as McGarrell et al., (2007) point out, there is
little empirical research that assesses the effectiveness of counterterrorism strategies involving
local law enforcement organizations. Though his research was conducted prior to 9/11, Silke’s
(2001) review of counter-terrorism literature indicated that only three percent of articles in
refereed terrorism journals used inferential analysis, compared to 86% in forensic psychology
and 60% in criminology. Moreover, Lum, Kennedy and Shrley’s (2006) Campbell systematic
review of terrorism articles published between 1971 and 2003 similarly found the same
percentage (3%) were empirical. Specific empirical research to law enforcement intelligence
and counter-terrorism are even scarcer and were typically conducted prior to 9/11 (see Riley &
Hoffman, 1995; Riley, Treverton, Wilson, & Davis, 2005) and are thus not considered in the
current review of literature.
Though intelligence analysis is appropriate for consideration, and critical to, under these
broader areas of research, the knowledgebase lacks a specific exploration of the types of analytic
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activities and sources of information utilized among state and local law enforcement in the
United States. This lack of research is not indicative of a lack of importance or commitment to
the analytic function within state and local policing, rather a lack of specific focus on the
organizational capability on its own. Furthermore, an analytic function should not be viewed as
a capability of only larger agencies, but a necessary function of all public safety organizations.
The National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan (Global Intelligence Working Group, 2003)
stated that all agencies regardless of size must have a minimum intelligence capability – and thus
an analytic component. Despite an emphasis on ubiquitous intelligence activity across state and
local agencies, the limited research to date is mixed with regards to the impact of agency size and
intelligence practices. Giblin et al. (2009) found that receiving information to integrate into the
intelligence process was much more likely among large agencies (94.4%) versus small agencies
(37.5%) while Carter (In Press) found size to have no influence on intelligence practices.
Analytic Activities
Put simply, crime analysis and intelligence analysis are different disciplines. Crime
analysis “assesses the interactive effects and covariance of explicit variables of crimes that have
occurred in order to determine a perpetrator’s methodologies with the intent to clear the crimes
and prevent future incidents by apprehending the perpetrator” (Carter, 2009, p. 83). Such a
technique is most effective when focusing on habitual offenders (Croisdale, 2007; Lemieux,
2008). Conversely, intelligence analysis “deals with threats, whether from terrorism, criminal
extremism, or organized crime, through the analysis of information that suggests a threat, the
identification of intelligence requirements, and the use of both target and vulnerability
assessments, with the intent of preventing the threat from reaching fruition” (Carter, 2009, p. 83).
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Though there are distinct differences between crime and intelligence analysis, the application of
an analytic process to best fit the needs of individual agencies on a daily basis for most effective
outcomes relies upon an integration of analytic methods across each of these disciplines. In
reality, state and local law enforcement agencies are tasked with combatting crime the vast
majority of the time and by utilizing methods and sources of information from both analytic
disciplines, agencies can best position their resources to have the most direct impact on crime.
Ratcliffe (2011, p. 4) refers to this concept as “crime intelligence.” A relatively
contemporary term, crime intelligence represents a mixture of crime analysis and criminal
intelligence, arguing for collaboration between two strands of analysis that – in the US at least –
are often kept separate. Crime analysis can tell a decision‐maker what is going on, and criminal
intelligence, rooted as it is in understanding and explaining patterns of criminal behavior, can tell
a decision‐maker why. Similarly, the International Association of Law Enforcement Intelligence
Analysts (IALEIA, 2012, p. 28) states criminal Intelligence is referred to as information
compiled, analyzed, and disseminated in an effort to anticipate, prevent, or monitor criminal
activity. The primary benefit of integrating the two analytic disciplines is to ensure law
enforcement is utilizing the most wide-ranging and comprehensive methods of identifying
criminal activity and possible threats (whether a threat is considered to be crime or a terrorist
event). These analytic processes rely upon a range of analytic activities that can be combined
together to maximize daily tasks.
Further emphasizing the importance of the integration of these various analytic methods
was the U.S. Department of Justice (2010) which published the Common Competencies for State,
Local, and Tribal Intelligence Analysts to guide analytic capabilities at the state, local, and
fusion center levels. Within this recommendation document it identifies a range of analytic
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techniques, methods, and tools as competencies for analysts that go beyond traditional crime
analysis – such as geospatial and social networking analysis. This guide refers to these
techniques as a fusion between intelligence and law enforcement tradecraft in the homeland
security environment. Although techniques such as GeoSpatial and mapping are often viewed as
crime-centric, when combined with additional techniques (such as social network analysis or
analyzing suspicious activity reports) these methods can yield insightful and actionable products
that can impact both crime and terrorism.
Sources of Information
Though only anecdotal evidence has been available to this point, data quality has been
found to affect the development of informative and actionable analyses (Cope, 2004). Analytic
products that rely on information input to create a desired output are contingent on the quality of
the data input. The analytic process is understood rather simply in the negative context; bad
information in, bad information out. The quality of analytic methods could be superior, but
when dealing with poor or limited information from the beginning, the output is going to suffer.
Unfortunately, this process is not as simple when an analyst has good information, or a wide
range of information readily available. While bad information input will always equate to bad
information output, good information input will not always equate to good information output –
as quality analytic products rely too heavily on the quality of the analytic process. The quality of
the common analytic foundation within state and local law enforcement has been a continual
focus for professionals within the field. Recently, IALEIA has drafted a revision of the Law
Enforcement Analytic Standards to further professionalize and standardize the quality of
intelligence analysis. Uniform quality is of critical importance as information collected from all
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sources must be – at a minimum – “evaluated and designated for source reliability, content
validity, and relevancy. The veracity of information is crucial, not only to the validity of the
intelligence product, but also to officer safety, investigative effectiveness, and solidity of
evidence in prosecutions” (IALEIA, 2012, p. 15).
However, the congruence of analytic quality is challenged as the number of information
sources continues to grow exponentially in the digital era. Moreover, many emerging
information sources are new to most law enforcement personnel and are not discussed during
many traditional training programs. For example, the emergence of social networking websites
has created a potential wealth of useful information for law enforcement while at the same time
presenting its own unique challenges. As the Global Intelligence Working Group (2013)
recently discussed in their publication of the Developing a Policy on the Use of Social Media
in Intelligence and Investigative Activities:
“Social media sites can be valuable sources of information for law enforcement personnel
as they fulfill their public safety mission – agency public information officers may use
social media to interact with the public, detectives may access social media sites to assist
in the identification and apprehension of criminal subjects, intelligence analysts may
utilize social media resources as they develop intelligence products regarding emerging
criminal activity, and fusion center analysts may use social media resources to assist in
the development of analytic assessments. To successfully and lawfully harness the power
and value of social media sites, while ensuring that individuals’ and groups’ privacy, civil
rights, and civil liberties are protected, agency leadership should support the development
of a policy within their agency regarding the use of social media sites in criminal
intelligence and investigative activity (p. 6).”
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Social networks are considered “open sources” of information. These sources of information –
most commonly anything in public view on the Internet or news stories – do not require a
warrant and/or are accessible without requiring user access. Open sources of information are
becoming increasingly more prevalent and useful for law enforcement in gaining information to
build investigations as well as de-conflict and confirm existing information.
While drawing upon emerging sources of information is challenging for U.S. law
enforcement, it is not unprecedented and history suggests successes are likely to occur if
intelligence analysis follows previous policing trends. The implementation of intelligence-led
policing into many American law enforcement organizations has begun to lay the foundation for
enhanced information sharing and analysis (Carter, In Press; Darroch & Mazerolle, 2013). This
emerging policing paradigm has roots in previous philosophies – such as community and
problem-oriented policing (Carter & Carter, 2009a; Schaible & Sheffield, 2013). Recently,
Ratcliffe (2011, p. 5) noted problem‐oriented policing (POP) has a “natural synergy” with
intelligence‐led policing as both seek amore long‐term, strategic, risk focused and
comprehensive solution to crime. Given its focus on more in-depth societal-level issues,
problem‐oriented policing requires law enforcement to delve deeper into the underlying
problems that affect public safety and to do so requires police to be able to scan across a range of
data and information sources to identify problems, analyze these problems and identify the
underlying issue, prior to addressing the problem (Clarke 2004; Eck 2006; Goldstein 2003).
Though insights into intelligence analysts within state and local law enforcement are rare,
same insights can be garnered from examinations of analysts at the federal level (caution must be
taken here as the mission, operational focus, and even laws guiding analysis at the federal level
differ greatly from those at the state and local level). In their qualitative study of intelligence
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analysts working within the Intelligence Community, Gotz, Zhou and Wen (2006) found that all
of the analysts they observed and interviewed expressed the need for more robust information
sources. More specifically, analysts desired low-level event or factual information. During their
study, analysts spent more time looking for low-level information as they gathered evidence to
support or refute the already-developed process model or the crime/event that occurred or the
illustration of a potential threat on the horizon. Moreover, their observations indicated that
analysts tightly coupled their access to a variety of data sources. As analysts discovered
potential evidence, they would immediately access other information sources to confirm or refute
their understanding of what they had found. Though most analysts have been found to utilize
different information sources to confirm or de-conflict information related to a crime incident
(Chin Jr, Kuchar & Wolf, 2009) – which is typically considered crime analysis to aid an
investigation – a variety of information sources is intended to enhance an intelligence analyst’s
ability to depict a “threat picture” for decision makers; a difficult task to say the least. It should
be noted that advanced education and training requirements are likely to enhance analysts’
ability to think analytically and process various sources of information (Cope, 2004) – thus
easing the learning curve and facilitating effectiveness.
Training and Analyst Performance Evaluation
The profession of intelligence analysis has been on a progressive trajectory towards
unified standards, minimum analyst capabilities, and appropriate evaluation to ensure quality
products. As Marrin (2008) eloquently surmises:
“Intelligence analysis is viewed as both a craft and a profession. A craft “because it
requires mastery of a skill set that can be acquired only through practical experience and
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a profession because much of the substantive knowledge that practitioners require can be
transferred to new practitioners through a structured personnel process that includes an
educational component” (p.139).
The substantive knowledge Marrin refers to is achieved through training programs delivered by
the appropriate personnel (e.g. senior analysts and subject matter experts). Training impacts
processes within an organizational – such as the ability to perform tasks efficiently and
effectively. Related to this issue, training can also influence the organization’s expectations of
how an individual performs their job and as a result, how their job performance is evaluated.
Relevant to the present research, agencies which require analysts to receive training on
intelligence are likely to differ from those agencies which do not have training requirements.
In their recent study of intelligence training among 345 state and local law enforcement
organizations, Carter, Carter, and Chermak (2013) found the most frequently attended training
programs were the State and Local Anti-Terrorism Training (SLATT) (43%), Foundations of
Intelligence Analysis Training (FIAT) (28%), and Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) 28 CFR
Part 23 (28%) programs. The least commonly attended training programs among the sample
studied were the Center for Intelligence Training (CIT) (6%), Regional Counter-Drug Training
Academy (RCTA) (11%) and the Federal Law Enforcement Analyst Training (FLEAT) (10%)
programs. This study also found that among the sampled law enforcement agencies there was an
overall lack of participation in federally-funded intelligence training programs – the overall
average attendance of these training programs was just 20 percent (Carter et al., 2013).
Moreover, the sampled agencies indicated an overall lack of training requirements with regard to
critical components of the contemporary intelligence environment. Only 20 percent of state and
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local agencies required training specifically on intelligence-led policing followed by limited
improvements with respect to privacy policies (37%) and precursors to terrorism (40%).
Clearly tied to the effects of training is how well employees perform their tasks after the
training. There is limited research on law enforcement intelligence and performance. That
which does exist has been limited to intelligence analysts. Performance measurement has been
cited as a central tenet to determine the effectiveness of law enforcement intelligence (Her
Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, 1997). Being able to accurately evaluate and measure
performance within an organization plays a critical role in the organization’s ability to assess
efficiency, effectiveness and progress of outcomes and outputs. At the organizational-level,
measurement allows administrators to make accurate decisions for resource allocation, daily
operations, and the performance of individuals and the organization as a whole (de Lancer Julnes
& Holzer, 2001; Radin, 2000). Fundamental to any organization is that what gets measured gets
done (Osborne & Gaebler, 1992). At the tactical- and operational-levels, analytic products guide
law enforcement’s response to short- and long-term crimes and threats (Carter & Carter, 2009a;
Ratcliffe, 2008).
Utilizing intelligence for law enforcement purposes is commonly referred to as the
“business model” of policing (Ratcliffe, 2008) and as such relies on a quality analytic component
to achieve optimal results. Intelligence analysts are the source of this analytic component so it is
logical to assume that the quality of analysts’ products will have an impact on the intelligence
process. To put it simply, intelligence analysts should be evaluated based upon the quality of
their products, not quantity. Quality intelligence products are reports and/or recommendations
provided by analysts that influence the decision-making of persons within the organizations for
purposes of resource allocation, investigations, and operations. The ability of analysts to achieve
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this level of performance relies significantly on the evolving professionalism of the analyst
position as well as the culture of police organizations (IALEIA, 2012). A lack of available
training for analysts and coupled with a reluctance to recognize analysts as professionals within
the law enforcement arena has inhibited the progress of analysts’ ability to provide influential
products (Osborne, 2006).
Training is provides a critical opportunity to communicate understanding of new policy
and procedural changes. Chief executives often have a more comprehensive understanding of
intelligence capacities as compared to line level officers (Cope, 2004; Carter, 2009). This lack of
understanding among line level officers can be attributed to resistance to “new” policing
methods (Ratcliffe, 2008) or poor perceptions of outputs on behalf of sworn officers and civilian
analysts (Cope, 2004). Morabito (2010) found a positive relationship between training and
community policing adoption while Schafer et al. (2009) found a positive relationship between
training and local law enforcement agencies in Illinois that are adopting homeland security
preparedness. Despite a recognized demand for training on intelligence issues (Bureau of Justice
Assistance, 2009), there is little supply. While training focused on community policing is widely
accepted, 99% of state and local police academies have courses designed for community policing
operations, only 11% have courses designed to encompass issues most commonly associated
with intelligence, such as terrorism and homeland security (Rojek, Kaminski, Smith & Scheer,
2007).
Organizational Commitment
Just as training has been found to facilitate the integration of new organizational
functions (Yates & Pillai, 1996), institutionalization of the new concept – in the form of
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organizational commitment – has also been found to facilitate adoption (Morabito, 2010).
Organizational commitment can manifest itself in a variety of forms. Perhaps the most common
measure of commitment is support from the executive of the organization (Bulut & Culha, 2010).
A rather straightforward concept, if a new organizational function has the formal endorsement
from the highest level of management, it is more likely to succeed and be effective. As this
measurement of commitment can, at times, be vague and perhaps viewed as politically motivated
or “window dressing” (Buchanan, 1981), another common assessment of organizational
commitment is the extent to which an organization integrates a new function into its formal
evaluation of personnel (Eaton, 2003). This approach is summarized by the old adage of “what
gets measured gets done.” If an organization integrates a new function into employee
evaluations, it increases the likelihood this function will be tangible at the operational level as
well as an expected performance by upper management – thus committing to the new function.
Recent examples of such successes have been demonstrated in the process of
implementing community policing and intelligence-led policing. Ford, Weissbein and
Plamondon (2003) found commitment to be positively associated with community-policing
operations, a tenet outlined as a philosophical “must have” for successful community policing
implementation (Trojanowicz & Bucqueroux, 1994). Moore and Stephens (1991) refer to chiefs
of policing agencies as “executives” in that they are aware of strategic management that will
allow for the successful integration of necessary philosophies to meet the needs of their
environment. The necessity of commitment from the chief executive for a successful
intelligence function to be implemented has been acknowledged in research (Carter & Carter,
2009a; Carter & Phillips, 2014; Ratcliffe, 2008) and professional publications (Bureau of Justice
Assistance, 2009; Global Intelligence Working Group, 2003).
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Methodology
Data were gleaned from a larger project funded by the National Institute of Justice3
which conducted a national survey of law enforcement intelligence practices of different key
personnel. The survey sample consisted of state and local law enforcement officers tasked with
building an intelligence capacity for individual agencies. Given the evolving nature of the
intelligence concept, it is critical to target key personnel working within the intelligence
capability of a police department to increase the likelihood of valid responses. This approach has
been utilized in police research focused on specialty personnel when examining issues such as
informal policing the mentally ill (Borum et al., 1998) and policing sex workers (Simic et al.,
2006).
Survey of Key Personnel
In order to obtain insights into intelligence practice of local law enforcement agencies, a
web-designed survey was distributed to law enforcement personnel across the United States.
More specifically, these persons were individuals who had attended a national law enforcement
intelligence training program funded by the Department of Homeland Security. Individuals
selected to attend this training program were typically selected by their agency to lead the efforts
to develop or re-engineer their agency’s intelligence capacity. Most had little previous
experience in law enforcement intelligence and were seeking guidance, through the training, on
how to develop their agency’s intelligence capacity. This sampling strategy, which includes
personnel from significantly different sized police agencies in all geographic regions of the
3 This research was sponsored by grant award number 2008-IJ-CX-0007 from the National Institute of Justice, US
Department of Justice. Points of view or opinions expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent
the official position of the National Institute of Justice or the US Department of Justice.
15
country, was chosen for three reasons. First, in attending this training, these officers were
identified by their respective agency as a representative of the intelligence function within the
agency. Second, as a result of their selection on behalf of their agency, this sample includes law
enforcement personnel who have a working understanding of key issues related to intelligence,
and thus will be able to address specifically the factors associated with the implementation
process. Third, their awareness of the contemporary intelligence structures, requirements, and
formal communication networks increases the likelihood that they will have direct knowledge
about the extent to which their agency has adopted this new philosophy.
Data collection occurred from June 2009 – April 2010. After bad e-mail addresses were
removed from the sampling frame, 2,025 email invitations were sent to the law enforcement
sample and 414 replies were received (20.4% response rate). A portion of these responses were
not included in the current analysis that follows because a respondent either left all survey cells
blank or responded with not applicable. Moreover, certain organizations – such as fusion
centers, regional information sharing system centers, and federal agencies – were removed from
the current analysis as their roles in intelligence analysis clearly differ from those of state and
local law enforcement. In order to learn why the response rates were not higher, the research
team conducted follow-up telephone interviews with 100 randomly selected participants from the
law enforcement sample. Among the key reasons that were consistently reported for not
responding, job responsibility, survey length, and security appeared to be major obstacles for
survey completion.
A number of individuals stated that they had been reassigned or promoted and no longer
worked in the intelligence function. As a result they either felt the survey no longer applied to
them or they were not familiar with current activities in the intelligence function. With respect
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to survey length, in order to fully explore the nature of and challenges to law enforcement
intelligence work, the survey asked respondents more than 100 questions. Feedback suggests
individuals were uncomfortable committing to this task, especially when they were at work.
Lastly, a number of individuals expressed concern regarding the security implications of sharing
information about intelligence activities outside of the law enforcement community. Despite the
low response rate, the present study provides unique value because there has been so little
empirical research specifically on intelligence analysts, especially at the national-level. The
construction of exact survey items included in this research are provided in Appendix A.
Table 1 displays descriptive information for the state, local, and tribal law enforcement
agencies represented in the current study. The median agency size is 276 total sworn and non-
sworn personnel while the majority of agencies were located in the Midwest region of the United
States, followed closely by the Southeast and Northwest. Respondents are mostly investigators
and administrators who have been employed by their agency for more than 15 years. To provide
context for the type of intelligence capacities within the sample agencies, general descriptives of
key intelligence capacity indicators are also included. As can be seen in Table 1, the majority of
the agencies indicated their intelligence capacities are aligned with the recommendations of the
National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan and have a specific policy guiding their intelligence
function. Most agencies indicated having aligned their capacity with the Department of
Homeland Security’s Targeted Capabilities List. Though a little less than half of the agencies
indicate they have adopted intelligence-led policing, this is not surprising as many agencies and
intelligence personnel are unsure as to what constitutes an intelligence-led policing function.
[ Table 1 approximately here ]
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Relationship Variable: Intelligence Training Requirement
As discussed earlier, previous research suggests training on specific aspects of police
operations is likely to facilitate adoption of the desired operational component as well as
improved and sustained effectiveness of the operations. Moreover, training specific to a more
complex policing philosophy has been found to enhance the effectiveness of the desired
operational outcome (Chappell, 2008). As such, it is believed that agencies which require their
intelligence analysts to be trained specifically on intelligence-led policing (the driving concept
behind the utilization of intelligence and information sharing), will differ from agencies that lack
such a requirement. In short, agencies that require intelligence training are more likely to exhibit
characteristics of active information sharing and analytic processes – likely resulting from
exposure to analytic concepts and methods as well as gaining connectivity to information sharing
resources such as secure portals and subscriptions to databases (not to mention informal
networking with other analysts). The current study explores relationship differences across
independent groups of agencies that require intelligence training and those that do not. To
control for this difference, respondents were asked to indicate if their agency required analyst to
receive training specifically on intelligence-led policing. Agencies responding in the affirmative
are the reference group. The sample included 70 agencies (20.3%) responding they required
analyst to receive intelligence training.
Relationship Variable: Organizational Commitment to Intelligence
Similar to training and as discussed previously, research also indicates commitment from
the organization is likely to facilitate effectiveness of police operations. Additionally, as the
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nature of the police operation becomes more complex and innovative, commitment has been
found to be more salient for success – such as with community policing implementation (Ford et
al., 2003, Morabito, 2010). Commitment can be a somewhat vague concept that is difficult to
capture with a single item. As such, the present study utilizes two items which demonstrates an
agency’s commitment to intelligence. First, respondents were asked to indicate the extent to
which they agreed the agency felt intelligence was a priority within their agency. Second,
respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they agreed the agency rewarded
intelligence through the process of formal evaluations. Responses were re-coded into
dichotomous “Yes/No” with respondents indicating “Strongly Agree” or “Agree” coded as the
affirmative. The two items were then added together to create a commitment index with a range
of zero to two. The extent to which agencies were committed to intelligence varied greatly as the
mean commitment score was 1.04 with a standard deviation of .85.
Findings
Analytic Activities
Table 2 displays the frequencies for types of analytic activities in which agencies indicate
analysts are engaged. Not surprisingly, respondents indicated the most frequent analytic activity
in which their agency engaged was criminal investigation support (49.3% daily/weekly). This
same activity was also the least frequent with regards to never occurring - though it is difficult to
imagine an agency within the sample would never provide criminal investigation support. The
second most frequently occurring analytic activity as indicated by respondents was alerts and
notifications (41.2% daily/weekly), followed by case correlation (35.6 daily/weekly), crime
pattern analysis (31.6% daily/weekly), and analyze suspicious activity reports (30.4%
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daily/weekly). The analytic activities respondents’ indicated their agencies engaged in the least
were public health trend analysis (5.8% daily/weekly, 72.2% never), criminal commodity
vulnerability (6.3% daily/weekly, 73.0% never), statewide or regional risk assessments (7.5%
daily/weekly, 66.1% never), and traffic analysis (11.9% daily/weekly, 62.0% never).
[ Table 2 approximately here ]
Analytic activities extent beyond the tasks agency members engage in to the actual
products and outputs these different analytic tasks yield when combined. Table 3 illustrates the
frequency in which respondents indicated their agency produced varying analytic products.
Respondents indicated risk assessments (51.9% daily/weekly) as the most frequently created
analytic products followed by alerts (42.0% daily/weekly), and warnings (40.9% daily/weekly).
Least common products, as indicated by respondents, were bulletins (29.2% daily/weekly, 21.7%
never), briefings (34.2% daily/weekly, 35.7% never), and executive reports (38.6% daily/weekly,
43.5% never). It is worth noting that it appears briefings and bulletins could be driven by
requests for these products as they are the only products above 10% in this category.
[ Table 3 approximately here ]
Sources of Information
The analytic process, and thus analytic activities and products, is fueled by information.
Agencies and analysts utilize information from a variety of sources. This information reaches
the analytic process within law enforcement organizations through a push or pull information
20
flow (Ratcliffe, 2008). Pushed information is information that is received by an agency without
solicitation and is the result of proactive information sharing – a desired aspect of post-9/11
information sharing. Pulled information is information that is actively sought out by the agency
or analyst and is received via a request for information or a search within a database system. The
majority of information pushed to law enforcement agencies comes from the public via tips and
leads, suspicious activity reports, or through community concerns (Bullock, 2013).
Unfortunately, given the difficulty of measurement and variance associated with informal
information sharing between the police and community, the present study cannot account for this
activity. The present study provides a description of the information pushed to the current
sample of respondents from other agencies outside of their own – perhaps the second most
common type of information push within policing. The present study also captures descriptives
regarding the most common method of information pull – the information which agencies have
access to query.
Table 4 displays the frequency at which agencies indicated receiving various types of
information from outside agencies. The type of information most frequently received by
responding agencies was news reports (57.9% daily/weekly) followed by other open sources
(53.9% daily/weekly). Most common sources of information received from other agencies that
were not open source were suspicious activity reports (48.7% daily/weekly) and crime reports
(50.4% daily/weekly). Respondents indicated the least frequent types of information received
from outside agencies were interrogations from witnesses and suspects (22.3% daily/weekly,
51.3% never) and crime maps (24.2% daily/weekly, 44.1% never). Worth noting is the inability
to draw conclusions regarding outside agency analytic capabilities based on the information they
share with responding agencies. For example, respondents indicated receiving threat
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assessments 28.7 percent of the time on a combined daily/weekly basis. Conclusions cannot be
drawn that agencies sharing this information do not produce threat assessments within their own
agency on a more frequent basis – they may simply share their threat assessment products with
outside agencies on a less frequent basis.
[ Table 4 approximately here ]
Information pulled into the agency is most common through accessing databases and
sharing systems. Table 5 provides descriptive information on the types of information to which
agencies have access. Respondents indicated the most common types of information sources
their agencies had access to were motor vehicle records (83.8%), driver’s license information
(83.8%), sex offender registries (80.9%), and the National Crime Information Center (78.0%).
The least common sources of information agencies had access to were the Open Source
Information System (9.3%) and the Regional and National Data Exchange (9.9%). The general
trend presented in Table 5 is that agencies continue to maintain access to more traditional
sources of information rather than contemporary or emerging sources – such as the Homeland
Security Information Network or the Regional and National Data Exchange.
Performance Evaluation
The potential for intelligence analysts to impact an organization and its decision making
can be directly tied to the quality of their performance evaluations. Though it seems rather
intuitive to assume quality is better than quantity, this common knowledge does not always
translate up and down the chain of command within law enforcement. Moreover, given a lack of
22
training, consistently agreed upon performance standards for analysts, and even a general
understanding of the role of intelligence in many law enforcement organizations, it is
increasingly difficult for agencies to properly evaluate their intelligence analysts. Table 6
presents information on the types of factors believed to be most critical for analyst performance
evaluation as indicated by respondents. The raw numbers are promising, but also disappointing.
Most disappointing of all is that just over a quarter of the agencies in the sample (28.1%)
indicated they do not evaluate the performance of their analysts. Furthermore, the percentages
across the different types of possible performance evaluation factors are all relatively low with
the highest percentage of responding agencies indicating they relied upon the quality of strategic
products as a critical factor for evaluation. The promising information is that it appears of the
agencies that responded in the affirmative across the different factors, that the factors associated
with quality were the most common. Quality analytic products rely upon a process of quality
control – not the production and counting of widgets. Analysts that “copy and paste”
information onto an agency template are not engaging in analysis, and thus are not effective to
information decision makers.
Discussion and Conclusions
The present study focused on providing an empirical description of the types of analytic
activities and sources of information utilized within a sample of 345 state and local law
enforcement agencies in the United States. Generally, results indicate that law enforcement
agencies predominantly engage in activities traditionally associated with crime analysis. Such a
finding is not surprising as the vast majority of state and local law enforcement agencies are
primarily tasked with combating street crime (i.e. robbery, burglary, rape, etc.) and not terrorism
23
or complex criminality (i.e. organized crime). As such, their analytic activities are likely to
support this primary crime mission. Moreover, such a finding is reinforced with the sources of
information presented in Table 5. The most common sources of information across the sample
were the same sources of information that law enforcement primarily utilized prior to 9/11 to
facilitate criminal investigations and crime analysis – such as sex offender registries and the
National Crime Information Center.
Caution must be taken when assessing this information as the present research cannot
control for relationships between agencies and their efforts to share information and be more
information-savvy post-9/11. The findings presented here are from a cross-sectional research
survey – thus a snapshot in time that merely paints a picture to help understand more about a
phenomenon. Also worth mentioning is that despite a conceptual and operational difference
between crime analysis and intelligence analysis and noted previously, the two do not operate
independent of one another. Intelligence analysis routinely involves activities that are typically
considered crime analysis – such as crime mapping. Since intelligence analysis is much broader
and undefined as crime analysis, given the focus on an undefined threat, the types of analytic
activities can be wide-ranging. Conversely, crime analysis is unlikely to integrate activities
typically associated with intelligence-analysis as crime analysis is focused on defined events that
happened in the past.
With respect to information flow within agencies, it appears information is pulled more
than it is pushed. Such a finding is to be expected as many agencies conduct analysis for intra-
agency use – such as “be on the lookouts” (BOLOs) and jurisdiction-specific crime trends.
These products rely more on pulling information from local data systems and criminal records
then on information proactively shared by other organizations. Agencies appear to receive open
24
source information most frequently from other agencies. This is not overly surprising as this
type of information requires minimal, if any, analysis and is typically pushed to the sending
agency in the first place from a separate originating source. For example, the Police Executive
Research Forum pushes out their “Daily Clips” to all members on their list serve4 – which has
many state and local police members. These Daily Clips are a collection of the most recent and
law enforcement-relevant news stories. If an agency receives a Daily Clip that contains a news
story related to a crime or issue with local relevance, the agency is likely to push this information
along to other local agencies.
Generally, least common sources of information that analysts had access to were rather
contemporary, intelligence-based sharing systems. With the exception of Law Enforcement
Online (64.9% had access) and the Regional Information Sharing System (55.9% had access),
the sources of information that can be considered “post-9/11 intelligence” systems were rather
uncommon among the sample. Worth noting, and considering as a plausible explanation for less
access being indicated by respondents, is that many agencies – especially at the local level – will
only need to have access to one of these sharing systems, not multiple. It is the author’s
experience that Law Enforcement Online and the Regional Information Sharing System
represent the most common sharing systems among state and local law enforcement. In short, it
is unexpected and unnecessary for the average law enforcement agency in the U.S. to have
access to multiple sharing systems that are primarily counter-terrorism or homeland security
focused. Inter-related to this issue of access to these sharing systems is a lack of certified
intelligence and analytic training programs available to state and local law enforcement. It is
through these training programs that state and local agencies gain knowledge of, and access to,
these systems.
4 For more information visit http://www.policeforum.org/perf-membership/
25
Carter et al. (2013) discuss this lack of available training and the driving forces behind
intelligence training among law enforcement and when determining why SLATT, FIAT and the
BJA 28 CFR Part 23 training programs were the most commonly attended training programs, the
authors noted the primary reason appeared to be availability. All of these training programs are
offered throughout the U.S. - therefore making them easier and cheaper to attend. The FBI,
RCTA and most FLEAT programs require potential attendees to travel to a centralized location
for the training which can significantly increase the cost and inconvenience to the agency. The
findings appeared to indicate that the actual course content is less relevant as compared to these
resource factors. It also appeared there is a desire for intelligence training of any type, as long as
it inexpensive and easily accessible (Carter et al., 2013). Such limited training availability,
especially given current downward financial trends within public safety-related efforts, has direct
implications for the progression of quality and unified standards for intelligence analysis.
This lack of training is likely to be inter-related to the disappointing proportions
associated with analyst performance evaluation. Law enforcement personnel learn what metrics
are appropriate and effective for evaluation through training programs. Without adequate access
to these programs (and the resources to attend them), agencies go without the necessary
knowledge to implement evaluation strategies. Most discouraging is that 28.1 percent of
agencies sampled indicate they do conduct analyst performance evaluations. Without formal
evaluation processes in place, it is difficult for agencies to develop standards for analytic quality
and analyst promotion as well as the importance of integrating intelligence into the organization.
Moreover, the percentages of agencies identifying factors critical for analyst evaluation were
generally low. The highest percentage of respondents identified quality of strategic products as a
26
critical factor for evaluation. Though this is promising, as quality should be the guiding
principal for evaluation, the percentage is nonetheless lower than ideal.
To truly assess the effectiveness of any organizational function, especially innovative
capabilities, an empirical outcome evaluation is needed. However, prior to conducting such an
evaluation, a valid and reliable knowledgebase must exist by which comparisons can be made
and conclusions drawn against; law enforcement intelligence and the integration of intelligence
analysis within agencies are simply not at this juncture. To progress the understanding of what
academics and practitioners know about the use of analysis – both intelligence and criminal – is
to conceptualize and explore these functions within law enforcement organizations. The
research presented here is a step in this direction. The difficulty of identifying persons with
intimate knowledge of intelligence and analytic practices is a legitimate challenge in its own
right. This, when coupled with the challenge of deriving a representative sample of agencies
from the state and local level, makes conducting empirical research on intelligence-related
phenomena all the more difficult. So while the present study may have limitations – such as a
less-than-ideal response rate, lack of comparison agencies (those with no analytic capability),
and an inability to draw statistical conclusions on the strength of relationship between
organizational characteristics and analytic capability, it is nonetheless an empirical exploration of
an arguably representative sample of state and local law enforcement agencies and their analytic
function.
27
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31
Tables
Table 1. Law Enforcement Sample Descriptives (n = 345)
Median (Mean)
Agency Size
276 (1341)
Valid Percent (n)
Agency Region
Northeast
Southeast
Midwest
Southwest
West
22% (77)
23% (80)
27% (91)
11% (37)
17% (60)
Respondent’s Position
Administrator
Supervisor
Investigator
Analyst
29% (100)
23% (81)
32% (110)
16% (54)
Respondent Years at Agency
Less than 1 Year
1-3 Years
4-9 Years
10-15 Years
More than 15 Years
.3% (1)
6% (20)
18% (64)
21% (73)
55% (187)
Agency Intelligence Capacity
Agency has adopted intelligence-led policing
Agency has specific intelligence policy
Intelligence capacity aligns with the National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan
Intelligence capacity aligns with the DHS Targeted Capabilities List
43% (147)
65% (225)
79% (272)
58% (200)
32
Table 2. Frequency of Analytic Activities within Agency (n = 345)
Analytic Activity
Frequency
Valid Percent (n)
Daily
Weekly
Bi-Weekly
Monthly
Less than Monthly
Never
Crime Pattern Analysis
17.4%
(60)
14.2%
(49)
3.2%
(11)
8.1%
(28)
15.1%
(52)
42.0%
(145)
Crime Mapping
14.5%
(50)
14.5%
(51)
2.3%
(8)
7.8%
(27)
14.8%
(51)
45.8%
(158)
Geographic Profiling
8.7%
(30)
10.1%
(35)
2.3%
(8)
6.1%
(21)
16.8%
(58)
55.9%
(153)
Hot Spots Analysis
11.0%
(38)
14.5%
(50)
2.9%
(10)
9.0%
(31)
14.5%
(50)
48.1%
(166)
Traffic Analysis
5.8%
(20)
6.1%
(21)
1.4%
(5)
9.9%
(34)
14.8%
(51)
62.0%
(214)
Analyze Suspicious Activity Reports
20.3%
(70)
10.1%
(35)
2.6%
(9)
7.0%
(24)
11.3%
(39)
48.7%
(168)
Critical Infrastructure Risk Assessment
5.8%
(20)
2.6%
(9)
.3%
(1)
6.7%
(23)
26.7%
(92)
58.0%
(200)
Criminal Commodity Vulnerability
4.6%
(16)
1.7%
(6)
1.7%
(6)
4.1%
(14)
14.8%
(51)
73.0%
(252)
Statewide and/or Regional Risk
4.3%
(15)
3.2%
(11)
2.3%
(8)
6.4%
(22)
17.7%
(61)
66.1%
(228)
Identify Criminal Enterprises
10.7%
(37)
11.3%
(39)
3.5%
(12)
10.7%
(37)
17.1%
(49)
46.7%
(161)
Identify Threats to the Jurisdiction
17.7%
(61)
10.7%
(37)
3.8%
(13)
8.4%
(29)
15.4%
(53)
44.1%
(152)
Criminal Investigation Support
37.7%
(130)
11.6%
(40)
1.2%
(4)
6.7%
(23)
7.0%
(24)
35.9%
(124)
Proactive Strategic Analysis
11.9%
(41)
9.6%
(22)
6.1%
(21)
4.9%
(17)
14.8%
(51)
52.8%
(152)
Visual Investigative Analysis
13.3%
(46)
9.9%
(34)
3.5%
(12)
4.9%
(17)
10.1%
(35)
58.3%
(201)
Alerts and Notifications
23.2%
(80)
18.0%
(62)
5.5%
(19)
3.2%
(11)
5.8%
(20)
44.3%
(153)
De-confliction of Information
13.6%
(47)
8.4%
(29)
3.5%
(12)
5.8%
(20)
10.7%
(37)
58%
(200)
Public Health Trend Analysis
1.7%
(6)
4.1%
(14)
3.2%
(11)
3.8%
(13)
15.1%
(52)
72.2%
(249)
Case Correlation
21.7%
(75)
13.9%
(48)
3.8%
(13)
3.5%
(12)
10.1%
(35)
47.0%
(162)
Link Analysis
15.4%
(53)
12.5%
(43)
6.4%
(22)
7.5%
(26)
11.9%
(41)
46.4%
(160)
Social Network Analysis
11.6%
(40)
8.7%
(30)
4.1%
(14)
6.4%
(22)
12.2%
(42)
57.1%
(197)
Telephone Toll Analysis
9.0%
(31)
5.8%
(20)
5.5%
(19)
5.5%
(19)
18.6%
(64)
55.7%
(192)
Flowcharting
8.4%
(29)
6.4%
(22)
6.4%
(22)
6.1%
(21)
20.9%
(72)
51.9%
(179)
33
Table 3. Types and Frequency of Analytic Products Created within Agencies (n = 345)
Products Produced
Frequency
Valid Percent (n)
Daily
Weekly
Bi-Weekly
Monthly
Upon Request
Never
Bulletins
7.2%
(25)
22.0%
(76)
20.0%
(69)
17.7%
(61)
11.7%
(39)
21.7%
(75)
Risk Assessments
12.5%
(43)
39.4%
(146)
4.3%
(15)
4.3%
(15)
5.5%
(19)
33.9%
(117)
Advisories
7.0%
(24)
33.0%
(114)
11.0%
(38)
11.9%
(41)
6.7%
(23)
30.4%
(105)
Alerts
6.1%
(21)
35.9%
(124)
12.8%
(44)
12.2%
(42)
7.0%
(24)
26.1%
(90)
Warnings
6.1%
(21)
34.8%
(120)
10.7%
(37)
10.4%
(36)
4.1%
(14)
33.9%
(117)
Executive Reports
8.1%
(28)
30.5%
(105)
4.1%
(14)
6.4%
(22)
7.5%
(26)
43.5%
(150)
Briefings
6.1%
(21)
28.1%
(97)
12.5%
(43)
7.0%
(24)
10.7%
(37)
35.7%
(123)
Table 4. Types and Frequency of Information Agencies Receive from Outside Agencies (n =
345)
Type of Information Received
Frequency
Valid Percent (n)
Daily
Weekly
Bi-Weekly
Monthly
Less than Monthly
Never
Suspicious Activity Reports
28.7%
(99)
20.0%
(69)
4.9%
(17)
7.8%
(27)
10.4%
(36)
28.1%
(97)
Crime Reports
34.2%
(118)
16.2%
(56)
4.1%
(14)
8.4%
(29)
10.4%
(36)
26.7%
(92)
Crime Maps
11.9%
(41)
13.3%
(46)
4.1%
(14)
7.5%
(26)
19.1%
(66)
44.1%
(152)
Witness / Suspect Interrogations
11.9%
(41)
10.4%
(36)
3.5%
(12)
9.6%
(33)
13.3%
(46)
51.3%
(177)
Threat Assessments
14.8%
(51)
13.9%
(48)
3.5%
(12)
13.9%
(48)
19.4%
(67)
34.5%
(119)
News Reports
47.2%
(163)
10.7%
(37)
.9%
(3)
3.5%
(12)
6.1%
(21)
31.6%
(109)
Other Open Sources
41.7%
(144)
12.2%
(42)
2.9%
(10)
3.5%
(12)
6.4%
(22)
33.3%
(115)
Human Intelligence
25.8%
(189)
17.1%
(59)
3.8%
(13)
7.5%
(26)
10.1%
(35)
35.7%
(123)
TIPS-Line
21.4%
(74)
11.0%
(38)
2.9%
(10)
7.0%
(24)
13.0%
(45)
44.6%
(154)
9-1-1 Calls
31.3%
(108)
4.9%
(17)
2.0%
(7)
4.6%
(16)
8.4%
(29)
48.7%
(168)
34
Table 5. Agencies Access to Information Sources (n = 345)
Information Source
Yes
Valid Percent (n)
Motor vehicle records
83.8%
(289)
Driver’s license information
83.8%
(289)
Correctional databases
67.0%
(231)
National Law Enforcement Telecommunications System
63.8%
(220)
National Crime Information Center
78.0%
(269)
Intelink
15.7%
(254)
Infragard
15.9%
(55)
Sex offender registries
80.9%
(279)
Health-related information
19.1%
(66)
Law Enforcement Information Network
16.2%
(56)
Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit
15.7%
(54)
Homeland Security Information Network
27.8%
(96)
Regional Information Sharing System
55.9%
(193)
Open Source Information System
9.3%
(32)
Law Enforcement Online
64.9%
(224)
Regional and National Data Exchange
9.9%
(34)
FBI Net
17.7%
(61)
High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas
38.3%
(132)
Homeland Secure Data Network
11.9%
(41)
35
Table 6. Factors Critical for Analyst Performance Evaluation (n = 345)
Factors
Yes
Valid Percent (n)
Agency does not assess intelligence analyst performance
28.1%
(97)
Number of strategic products produced
13.6%
(47)
Number of tactical products produced
11.6%
(40)
Number of risk assessments completed
9.0%
(31)
Quality of strategic products produced
21.2%
(73)
Quality of tactical products produced
20.0%
(69)
Quality of risk assessments completed
13.9%
(48)
Number of actions that led to investigation being opened
14.2%
(49)
Number of actions the led to an arrest
15.4%
(53)
Number of actions that led to a conviction
7.5%
(26)
Number of contacts had with personnel within the agency
15.4%
(53)
Number of contacts with personnel from outside agencies
15.7%
(54)
36
Appendix A. Survey Questions Organized by Table
Table 1. Law Enforcement Sample Descriptives
• Has your agency adopted ILP?
• Do you have a policy designed expressly to guide your intelligence function?
• Does your agency’s intelligence function follow the NCISP recommendations?
• Does your agency’s intelligence function align with the TCL?
Table 2. Frequency of Analytic Activities within Agency
• How frequently do the person(s) responsible for conducting intelligence-related analysis in your agency
perform / are involved in the following tasks?
o Crime Pattern Analysis
o Crime Mapping
o Geographic Profiling
o Hot Spots Analysis
o Traffic Analysis
o Analyze Suspicious Activity Reports
o Critical Infrastructure Risk Assessment
o Criminal Commodity Vulnerability
o Statewide and/or Regional Risk
o Identify Criminal Enterprises
o Identify Threats to the Jurisdiction
o Criminal Investigation Support
o Proactive Strategic Analysis
o Visual Investigative Analysis
o Alerts and Notifications
o De-confliction of Information
o Public Health Trend Analysis
o Case Correlation
o Link Analysis
o Social Network Analysis
o Telephone Toll Analysis
o Flowcharting
Table 3. Types and Frequency of Analytic Products Created within Agencies
• How frequently does your agency create the following intelligence products?
o Bulletins
o Risk Assessments
o Advisories
o Alerts
o Warnings
o Executive Reports
o Briefings
Table 4. Types and Frequency of Information Analysts Receive from Outside Agencies
• How frequently do the intelligence analysts in the agency receive the following information from outside
agencies?
o Suspicious Activity Reports
o Crime Reports
o Crime Maps
o Witness / Suspect Interrogations
o Threat Assessments
o News Reports
o Other Open Sources
o Human Intelligence
37
o TIPS-Line
o 9-1-1 Calls
Table 5. Analyst Access to Information Sources
• Analysts have access to which of the following sources of information ?
o Motor vehicle records
o Driver’s license information
o Correctional databases
o National Law Enforcement Telecommunications System
o National Crime Information Center
o Intelink
o Infragard
o Sex offender registries
o Health-related information
o Law Enforcement Information Network
o Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit
o Homeland Security Information Network
o Regional Information Sharing System
o Open Source Information System
o Law Enforcement Online
o Regional and National Data Exchange
o FBI Net
o High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas
o Homeland Secure Data Network
Table 6. Factors Critical for Analyst Performance Evaluation
• What factors are critical for assessing an analyst's (or personnel responsible for the intelligence function)
performance in your agency?
o Agency does not assess intelligence analyst performance
o Number of strategic products produced
o Number of tactical products produced
o Number of risk assessments completed
o Quality of strategic products produced
o Quality of tactical products produced
o Quality of risk assessments completed
o Number of actions that led to investigation being opened
o Number of actions the led to an arrest
o Number of actions that led to a conviction
o Number of contacts had with personnel within the agency
o Number of contacts with personnel from outside agencies
