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The Story of Indonesia
... See Leclerc (1993) for a discussion of the politics of Sukarno's production of urban space. events including Japanese invasion, the return of Dutch colonial government, and the subsequent War for Independence -the city's spring water supply system was all but destroyed (Fischer 1959;Van der Kroef 1954). With a rapid increase in urban population,13 and the capital city of Jakarta emerging as the centrepiece of the new nation of Indonesia, the postcolonial development of Jakarta's urban water supply system was quick to follow formal independence. ...
... With the location of the water treatment plants within the centre of the representative modern spaces of Sukarno's Jakarta (Figure 3.3) the piped network mirrors the above ground highways and flyovers built to connect the modern elements of the city, and was neatly positioned by the government to channel the increased flows of water to follow the new flows of international traffic into modern areas of the city, simultaneously excluding the vast majority of un-modern spaces and populations from both spatial proximity to, and services from, the network.16 The significance of the Map drawn by Eric Leinburger of Pejompongan I piped water was reported to be available to only 12% of Jakarta's population (Fischer 1959). 17 ...
... As with the rest of the city's monuments that were planned to 'subsume the sober realities of life in Jakarta' (Kusno 1997), the investments of the first postcolonial government into Jakarta's urban water supply were intended to remind the nation (and Jakarta's residents) not of what they currently were, but what they (and the kinds of modern identities) they should aspire to. In the light of this nationalist discourse circulating through urban water supply, the fact that the majority of the urban population could not afford to connect to the network, or could not afford to use the water even if they were connected to the network (Fischer 1959) was not a failure of government to achieve the modern infrastructural ideal. Rather, postcolonial rule in the first decades after independence maintained the splintered nature of urban water supply through its rationality for the modernization of Jakarta. ...
... 13 The construction of the Asian Games complex and adjacent inner-city thorough fare involved the removal of 47,000 kampong residents, moving them out of the central areas of the city needed for these modernist monuments and relegating them to the periphery (Abeyasekere, 1989), where, as seen on the map, the water network did not yet extend. After the construction of Pejompongan I piped water is reported to be available to only 12% of Jakarta's population (Fischer, 1959). 14 The central government later provided 50% of the costs of Pejompongan II, with the government of Jakarta responsible for the other half of the US $7 million investment (PAM Jaya, 1992b). ...
... 14 The central government later provided 50% of the costs of Pejompongan II, with the government of Jakarta responsible for the other half of the US $7 million investment (PAM Jaya, 1992b). (Fischer, 1959) must be understood not as a failure of government, but as an embodiment of its rationality of rule. ...
This paper queries the relevance of the ‘splintering urbanism’ thesis to postcolonial cities of the South, and responds to calls for the production of a decentered theory of urbanization through a case study of Jakarta. Drawing on archival and interview data, the paper demonstrates that Jakarta has, since its inception, been characterized by a high degree of differentiation of access to water supply, and of fragmentation of water supply networks. We document the origins of this fragmentation in the colonial era, and trace the legacy of the colonial constructions within the postcolonial city. Moreover, we demonstrate that the introduction of private sector management (in 1988) has not significantly disrupted, and certainly not caused, this pattern. In short, we provide evidence to support our claim that Jakarta’s water supply system is ‘splintered’ rather than ‘splintering’, and demonstrate that this phenomenon was not caused by the rise (or fall) of the ‘modern infrastructural ideal’. In order to explain this sustained fragmentation of infrastructure and access, the paper develops a conceptual framework of postcolonial governmentality that emphasizes the interrelationship between materiality, governmentality, identity, and urbanization, in particular through demonstrating how contested and evolving process of social differentiation are linked to the differentiation of water supply infrastructures and of urban spaces. Although we are wary of any simplistic comparisons between the colonial past and present, we argue that the optic of postcolonial governmentality provides a powerful lens for dissecting the power relations that continue to structure access to water supply and urban space in cities in the South.
... Water treatment and distribution, as 'invisible' infrastructure, was a relatively low priority for the newly independent government dedicated to modernizing services for the elite, rather than universalizing services for the masses (Kusno 1997;Leclerc 1993). This provides a partial explanation for the reported lack of official concern about the fact that the majority of the urban population could not afford to connect to the network (Fischer, 1959;Kusno 2000). Subsequently, low priority was placed on the provision of piped water, which was partially rationalized as a policy to discourage rural migrants, who were blamed for over-taxing the city's public services (KIP, 1976). ...
Summary This paper applies a conceptual framework of "governance failure" to an analysis of the institutional dimensions of urban water supply provision to poor households, focusing on the case of Jakarta. Data from a household survey, archives, GIS-based mapping, and interviews are used to document governance failures that create disincentives for utilities to connect poor households and for poor households to connect. The paper concludes by suggesting that the debate over the relative merits of public and private provision has diverted attention from the pressing issue of governance reform, and by raising the question of whether household provision of networked water supply by monopolistic providers (whether public or private) is universally feasible given the current water supply policy norms.
... At the end of the first decade of independence a piped water supply was only available to 12% of Jakarta's population (Fischer, 1959) -and this was considered an achievement given previous years of even lower coverage (Hanna, 1959), and the city's exponential population growth after independence. 15 In the 1960s, it was estimated that only 15% of the city's residents were served with a household connection (Pam Jaya, 1992), and as the city continued to grow in both area and population, the majority of the city's residents remained excluded from service. ...
This article seeks to extend recent debates on urban infrastructure access by exploring the interrelationship between subjectivity, urban space and infrastructure. Specifically, it presents a case study of the development and differentiation of the urban water supply in Jakarta, Indonesia. Drawing on concepts of governmentality and materiality, it argues that the construction of difference through processes of segregation and exclusion enacted via colonial and contemporary ‘technologies of government’ has spatial, discursive and material dimensions. In particular, it seeks to ‘rematerialize’ discussions of (post‐)colonial urban governmentality through insisting upon the importance of the contested and iterative interrelationship between discursive strategies, socio‐economic agendas, identity formation and infrastructure creation. In exploring these claims with respect to Jakarta, the article draws on data derived from archival, interview and participant observation research to present a genealogy of the city's urban water supply system from its colonial origins to the present. We illustrate how discourses of modernity, hygiene and development are enrolled in the construction of urban subjects and the disposition of water supply infrastructure (and are also resisted), and document the relationship between the classification of urban residents, the differentiation of urban spaces and lack of access to services. The article closes with a discussion of the implications for analyses of the differentiation of urban services and urban space in cities in the global South.
Résumé
Cet article tente d’élargir les récents débats sur l’accès aux infrastructures urbaines en explorant l’interrelation entre subjectivité, espace urbain et infrastructure. Plus précisément, il présente une étude de cas sur l’aménagement et la différenciation de l’approvisionnement en eau de Jakarta, en Indonésie. À partir des concepts de gouvernementalité et de matérialité, il fait valoir que la construction d’une différence par des processus de ségrégation et d’exclusion, mis en œuvre par des « technologies de gouvernement » coloniales et contemporaines, a des dimensions spatiales, discursives et physiques. Ce travail vise notamment à« rematérialiser » les discussions sur la gouvernementalité urbaine (post‐)coloniale en insistant sur l’importance de l’interrelation contestée et itérative entre stratégies discursives, programmes socio‐économiques, formation d’identité et création d’infrastructures. Tout en explorant ces idées dans le cadre de Jakarta, l’article exploite des données issues d’archives, d’entretiens et d’observations participantes afin de présenter une généalogie du réseau urbain de distribution d’eau, de ses origines coloniales jusqu’à nos jours. Il montre comment les discours sur la modernité, l’hygiène et l’aménagement s’inscrivent dans la représentation des sujets urbains et dans la disposition de l’infrastructure d’approvisionnement en eau (et comment s’exprime la résistance) ; de plus, il expose la relation entre la classification des résidents, la différenciation des espaces urbains et le manque d’accès aux services de la ville. La conclusion termine par les conséquences pour les analyses sur la différenciation des services urbains et de l’espace urbain dans les grandes villes des pays du Sud.
Victorious ending of the World War 2 on May, 9, 1945, stroke a crushing blow on the military axis Berlin - Rome - Tokyo. The USSR played a decisive role both on European and Asian fronts. Fulfilling its allied duty the Soviet Union entered the war in the Far East on 9 August, 1945 and defeated the Japanese army in Manchuria. This act became a great contribution to liberation of Asian peoples from the Japanese occupation. On the 17 August 1945 the Republic of Indonesia declared its independence. The recognition on the side of international community as well as diplomatic support became\e vital for the survival of the newly emerged Republic.The Soviet victory together with the allied nations in the Second World War, the new status of the USSR as a superpower, its constant anticolonial stance stimulated former colonies to appeal to the Soviet Union for backing and support. One of the first was the Republic of Indonesia, to which the USSR rendered all kind of help and encourages. The present article which is a result of the study of newly available documents from several recently opened Soviet archives shows the Soviet backing of Indonesia in the UN, its diplomatic recognition, in strengthening of Indonesian status as a sovereign state on the international arena as a whole.
This book examines the impact of the Japanese occupation on the agricultural economy of a Javanese frontier region during the period 1942-1945. It tries to answer whether the occupation destroyed the food production in the region known as the rice bowl of Java and its export agriculture capacity. [Buku ini membahas dampak pendudukan Jepang pada ekonomi agrikultural kawasan Besuki yang dikenal sebagai kawasan frontier Jawa. Berusaha menjawab apakah pendudukan membawa kehancuran pada produksi pangan di kawasan yang dikenal sebagai lumbung padi Jawa dan kemampuan eksport produk perkebunannya.
ABSTRACTS
Indonesia, among the world's most culturally diverse countries, has long grappled with the issues of national unity. This paper explores the meanings of Medan Merdeka [Independence Square] in central Jakarta, Indonesia ‐ a particular site in which symbols for the abstract ideals of political unity and national identity were constructed in an urban space honoring the struggle for national independence. These symbols, however, also expose the struggle to define “Indonesianness” within the international geopolitical milieu of the post‐independence years. As such they offer a glimpse into competing interpretations of identity and the real world struggle to impose meaning on the built environment.
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